Tag Archives: mindanao

Historical Tourism

Introduction

I coined the words, “Historical Tourism” for the purpose of this symposium. Although the overall seminar theme is the Philippine Revolutionary period in its local setting here in Eastern Mindanao, what we are commemorating is not the revolution per se but its significance to us, the Filipino people, and our struggle for nationhood. As such, historical awareness and knowledge of history are two very important and powerful tools for forging our nationhood. A people without history is not a people but a collection of individuals with no common purpose and direction. We have known this in hindsight and now we must learn it again in earnest in order not to repeat the mistakes of the past.

The value of history for instilling pride in one’s own past need not be confined to classroom or academic discussions. In many countries where tourism is a successful industry, history and culture are intensely cultivated as the main thrust of tourism. Since the same is the thrust of Philippine Tourism today, then a very close collaboration between history and culture, on one hand, and tourism, on the other, should be crafted. We need to highlight a fact of our history and culture which is unique in the Philippines. Ours is the only country in Southeast Asia where the Christian and Western traditions have blended with those which are indigenously Asian in origin. Philippine Tourism can showcase both these traditions, the Western and the Southeast Asian, by adapting history and culture as a framework.

Historical Events as the Orientation of

Philippine Tourism in Mindanao

To begin with, let us take into consideration certain features of our history in Mindanao as orientation. Unlike the rest of the Philippines, Mindanao was not fully and effectively colonized by Spain. For this reason, the landscape of Mindanao appears quite different from that of the rest of the westernized and Christianized Philippines. Instead of stone houses and cathedrals, that are legacies of Spanish architectural style of the Medieval Period in Europe, our cultural landscape is devoid of the homogenizing characteristics of a highly pronounced Spanish colonial past or background. All over Mindanao and the Sulu Archipelago are found Muslim and even animist communities who have retained their age-old traditions, little affected by the mainstream or westernized culture. I suggest that we highlight this cultural diversity in Mindanao by celebrating both the mainstream or western tradition as well as the by stream or indigenous cultures.

 A Brief History of Samal Island, 1866-1894

The previous papers read during the Session on Cultural Heritage gave us an idea of what the indigenous peoples of Mindanao were like before many of them changed their cultures.

The following is a brief historical and archaeological background of the island  of Samal.

I wish to to make an example of Samal Island because this is presently the focus of tourism development. The indigenous peoples of the island were the Sama or Samal hence, the name of the island. The Sama are probably related to another indigenous group, the Sama of the Sulu Archipelago. In the past, the Sama were a sea-farming people, as all our Malay Ancestors were, they being skilled boat-builders. A culturally similar group of people are the Badjao, or the sea-gypsies. Some Samal groups, like the Jama Mapun, are in-land dwellers and agriculturists.

Of the various ethnic groups in the Davao area the Samal are the only one known to practice cave burial. Some sources said they maintained a small graveyard in Punta Island, a smaller island nearby. Their coffins were made of hollowed-out logs which were kept in caves. The coffins were shaped like bancas or boats fashioned from hardwood trees. The cover of the coffin, made from one-half of the tree trunk, was bound to the other half by rattan vines. The corpses that they contained were wrapped tightly, like mummies, in several layers of dagmay (native cloth) which in turn were wound by several mats.

When the Spaniards arrived in 1860, Samal Island was inhabited by two other groups of natives, a Muslim (probably Maguindanao) and the Mandaya-Mansaka peoples who were paying tribute to the Muslims. The Samal were not then convened to Islam. This was the reason why they played a significant role in the Spanish conquest of Davao in 1847. Led by their old chieftain, Taupan, the Samal aided Uyanguren (the Spanish conqueror of Davao) against the Muslims of Hijo. However, later on, when the Spanish governor their conversion to Christianity, the governor of Davao y, the Samal replied that they had no wish to become Christians.

Ten years later, another missionary, pr. Mateo Gilbert of the Society of Jesus founded the first Christian town in the island. This was Habongon which was renamed San Jose. A chapel was built but the missionary was disappointed by the very few Samal who came to be baptized. There were rumors being floated around that anyone who submitted himself for baptism would be beheaded. When one woman presented herself to Fr. Gisbert for baptism, a whole delegation of Samal objected. The Samal further expressed their disappointment with the Spanish colonial administration, saying that they expected to be exempted from paying taxes because of their having supported the Spaniards under Uyanguren, who made a promise to the Samal to exempt them from paying the hated tribute and other taxes of the colonial administration. However, the priest stood his ground, threatening the Samal with the words, “Those who did not respect Christians are guilty of offending the priest. the governor of the District and the King of Spain and deserve to be punished severely”.

By the end of the 19th century, Samal already had six resettlements (reducciones) waiting to be founded into towns: San Ramon, Algeciera, Peliaplata, Cervera, Tarifa and Carmona. However, the political situation was far from satisfactory. After the death of Datu Taupan, his son Severo was not recognized by the islanders as the rightful chief of Samal Island. They elected Batuton as their chief and on the day of his proclamation fourteen Muslim datus from all over the Davao Gulf area attended the celebration.

HISTORICAL RECONSTRUCTIONS FOR

THE SAMAL TOURISM ESTATE

1. Markers*

1.1  For the town of San Jose, whose old name was Habongon, as the first Christian town to be founded on Samal Island in 1866.

1.2  Malipano Caves – In the seventies, three (3) cave burials, with assorted porcelain jars, were found at the western tip of Malipano Island.

1.3  Tagbobo cave on the west side of Samal where students of the University of Mindanao had excavated and were said to have found the remains of an ancient man.

1.4 Libud Caves, south of Samal, where remnants of boat coffins burials were found.

1.5  Kamuanan Caves at Talikud Island where a number of used shell fragments or implements were found. A few small stone artifacts, which were flaked like the shells, were also collected. No grinding or polishing of the shells or stones was noted.

2. Historical Pageants for special occasions such as Kadayawan or Araw ng Dabaw.

2.1 The Coronation of Batutun

2.2 Baptism of Taupan

2.3 Uyanguren’s conquest of Davao, with the help of the Samal, under Taupan

3. Revival of Festivals

3.1 The Mandaya Balilig or Talibong, a festive divination ritual

3.2 The Kanduli, an elaborate feast along the shore

3.3 A Samal Wedding

3.4 A Mandaya-Mansaka Wedding

3.5 Kemulu, A B’laan Wedding

3.6 The Pakakaro, a_Bagobo thanksgiving ritual

3.7 Manobo harvest festival

4. For display

4.1 Balanghai (boat)

4.2 Boat coffins

4.3 A Badjao graveyard

4.4 A Mandaya village showing several huts built on poles of 9-15 meters long and connected to each other by hanging bridges 9-15 meters above the ground.

An Overview of Cultural Research on Mindanao

Cultural studies and research properly belong to the social sciences particularly the disciplines of ethnology, anthropology, archeology, and more recently, ethnohistory or culture change. A study of culture removed from its societal and human moorings is no longer acceptable hence, even in archeology where the primary focus is on artifacts, or the remains of man’s material culture as evidence of the past of the community or society, the relative value of the archeological evidence lies in the information or insights that it can provide by way of elucidating  the lifestyle or culture of the people to whom it belongs. Cultural research would then presume an underlying and ultimate interest in understanding man through a study of his culture. Indeed, it would not be an overstatement to say that man is only understandable through his culture.

Scientific cultural research in Mindanao was started by American anthropologists who arrived in the Philippines during the first decades of the present century. Otley Beyer, Fay Cooper Cole and Laura Watson Benedict were some of the earliest scientist who pioneered the study of culture in these parts.  The very proliferation of cultural groups indigenous to the island of Mindanao and Which at the time of Beyer, Cole and Benedict were practically in pristine stages served as the beacon to the first cultural studies undertaken.

We must not forget to mention the non-American and less scientific sources and writers such as the Spanish missionaries who preceded the American anthropologists. The Recollects and the Jesuits may not have been writing in any scientific or anthropological sense but their descriptions of the customs of the various “nations” so called in Mindanao are veritable sources of ethnographic and anthropological material that make up the substance of a baseline study. As every social scientist knows, studies of culture and social change are only as good as the available matrix or baseline data.

Unfortunately, most of the results of these studies have long ago been repatriated to the respective homelands of their foreign authors. A good example of this is the famous “Newberry Collection” at the Regenstein Library in the University of Chicago Illinois. A few researchers were gracious enough to leave copies of their works in Manila libraries and the National Archives.

After the war,and for reasons that can only be inferred or surmised, interest in cultural studies on Mindanao considerably  waned. A small number of trained Filipino anthropologists who were based in Manila universities turned up some exciting volumes on the cultural groups of the Cordilleras and Luzon in general but cultural research on Mindanao was conspicuously lacking. Some of the notable exceptions to this Luzon-centric interest were Espiridon Manuel who produced four book on the Bagobos (actually Guiangans) and Manobos of Davao and Marcelino Maceda and Rudolf Rahmann who studied the Mamanuas of Lake Mainit in the Surigao area. Linda Burton, an archaeologist based in Xavier University in Cagayan de Oro City, likewise performed a highly creditable work in the excavations of the pre-historic balangay in Butuan City the results of which are now contained for posterity in the Butuan City the results of which are now contained for posterity in the Butuan Historical Museum. My own modest contributions to contemporary cultural research on Mindanao is the Bagobos of Davao … the results of a five-year study of the Tagbawa Bagobo of Davao del Sur, and the Tambara, the Ateneo de Davao University Journal which is probably the only journal that publishes cultural studies on Mindanao. It would be remiss not to mention the Gimba, a quarterly magazine that also publishes cultural articles.

In brief, I wish to emphasize by this brief resume’ that cultural research on Mindanao leaves much to be desired. Below is a partial and preliminary bibliographical listing of cultural works on Mindanao. Since it is an annotated bibliography I think it will be very useful to those attempting to break ground in cultural research in Mindanao.

ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHY

BAGOBOS

Benedict, Laura W. “A Study of Bagobo Ceremonial Magic and Myth”. Annals New York Academy. Vol. XIV (May 15, 1916)

The study deals with the mythological concepts of the Bagobos in the first chapter. In the second chapter, it delves into the rituals of human sacrifice, marriage, death and burial. Charms, diseases and healings, taboos, omens and dreams are the foci of the third chapter. The fourth chapter looks into the problems  of sources of  ceremonials and myths.

The author is of the opinion that throughout the continuous and unbroken communication between the mountain Bagobos and the coast Bagobos with other people together with the intermittent flow of whole families from the hills and mountains to the coast and from the sea back to the upland villages, the bagobos were able to preserve their old traditions and the integrity of the whole tribal religion. She attributed this largely to the presence  of the old chieftains  and to the existence of trade centers. Nonetheless, she believed that the death of several old datus and the transfer of entire mountain groups to provide native labor for American plantations were factors that brought about marked changes in Bagobo culture.

Cole, Faye Cooper. “The Bagobos of Davao Gulf”. The Philippine Journal of Sciences. Vol. VI (June 1911).

Cole, in great detail, described the various aspects of the Bagobo culture, namely: physical appearance and clothing; religious rites and practices; social structures; legal structure; birth and healing practices; dances and music; and beliefs.

___________. The Wild Tribes of Davao District, Mindanao. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 1913.

This book represents an extensive study of the various tribes in Davao, among which are the Bagobos. It discusses the various aspects of their cultures.

HIGAONON

Baquiran, Lorettra L. “Bukidnon Designs.” Gimba: The Popular Magazine of Mindanao Culture. Vol. 1 (No. 1). Cagayan de Oro City: Mindanao Ethno-Culture Foundation. 1984.

This article os about the contemporary designs utilized by the Higaonon people. These designs are predominantly found in the group’s clothing and accessories.

Cole, Faye Cooper. The Bukidnons of Mindanao ed. by Paul S Martin and Lilian Ross. Chicago: Chicago Natural History Museum. 1956.

This is a study made at the time the Americans were forming the Higaonons into model villages and supplying them with plows and facilities for farming. The newly established villages were replicas of the more advanced settlements of the Christianized Bisayans. The datus or local headmen were being replaced by “elected” village officials.

Francisco, Juan. Notes on Culture Change Among the Higaonon, Vol. 1 (No. 1). 1990.

In explaining culture change among this people, the author touched on their practice of swidden africulture. He identified the months during which active farm work may be observed.

Lynch, Frank. trans. “The Bukidnon of North-Central Mindanao in 1889 (Letter of Fr. Jose Maria Clotet to the Reverend Father Rector of the Ateneo Mnicipal)” in Readings on the History of Northern Mindanao compiled by Renato Reyes y Bautista. Cagayan de Oro City: Xavier University. 1978.

The letter gives the reader a view of the various aspects of the culture of the Higaonon people : clothing and adornment, religious practices, marriage customs, weaponry and other artifacts, agricultural practices, tribal concept of justice and law, tribal etiquette, superstitios beliefs, dwelling places and burial rites.

MAMANUA

Rahmann, Rudolf, S.V.D. “Mamanuas of Northeastern Mindanao”. CMU Journal of Sciences, Education and Humanities, Vol. 1 (No. 2). 1990.

The author devotes a few pages of his work to a description of the crude kind of horticulture practiced by the Mamanuas. The kind of tools used depends on the type of crop. In addition, the Mamanuas gather all kinds of forest products.

MANDAYA

Valderrama, Ursula C. The Colorful Mandaya: Ethnic Tribe of Davao Oriental. Davao City: Tesoro’s Printing Press, 1989.

The book contains a discussion of the subsistence patterns of the Mandaya.

Cole, Faye Cooper. The Wild Tribes of Davao District, Mindanao. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1913.

This is a study of the various tribes in Davao, among which are the Mandayas. In this book the various aspects of the Mandaya culture are discussed.

MANOBOS

Arcilla, Jose S.J., ed./trans./annot. Jesuit Missionary Letters from Mindanao, Vol.1 (The Rio Grande Mission) Quezon City: Philippine Province Archives, 1990.

This book is a compilation of letters written by Jesuit missionaries doing work in Mindanao in the 19th century. Most of these letters treat of the ethnic groups found mostly in the mountains of Mindanao. The letters give the reader glimpses of the culture of the Manobos, among other tribes. Descriptions of their general appearance, clothing, farming practices, economic ventures, as well as dealings with neighboring tribal groups are also found. At the beginning, the Pulangi Basin was settled by the Manobos. The settlements were separated by natural barriers. Access to some of these settlements was made difficult by the hostile activities of the Moros.

Burton, Erlinda. “Gudgud: A Manobo Curing Ritual”.Gimba,Vol. 1 No. 1(November 1984).Cagayan de Oro: Mindanao Ethno-Culture Foundation. 1984.

This article discusses the procedure for carrying out the Gudgud ritual by describing in great detail one such event which the author herself had witnessed. The essence of the ritual lies in the umagad (soul) of a sick person being searched for and finally retrieved by the bybaylan (shaman) from the diwata or diwatas (spiritual beings) who may have snached or captured it to be devoured. The ritual is said to be performed because of the belief that unless the patient’s umagad is recaptured, he will never recover from his illness.

Cole, Faye Cooper. The Wild Tribes of Davao District, Mindanao.Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1913.

The book represents an extensive study of the various tribes in Davao, among them the Manobo. It contains an account of the history of these people.

Manual, Esperidion A. Manuvu Social Organization. Quezon City: The Community Development Research Council. 1973.

In discussing the social organization of the Manuvu, the author mentions in scattered portions of the book aspects of the “slash and burn” method of dry agriculturing engaged in by these people.

Garvan, John. The Manobos of Mindanao. Washington: United States Governmenr Printing Office. 1931.

The book treats of the great religious revival of the period between 1908 and 1910 among the Manobos of Libuganon River. It started with the “miraculous recovery” of a certain Manobo who had already been abandoned by his relatives because of his malignant sickness/disease. He attributed his recovery to the works of beneficient spirits. His people believed that he had been transformed into a deity who has such could impart himself to all whom he designed to honor.

He was later believed to have prophesied the destruction of the world after one moon and that the old tribal dieties would cease to lend assistance to all who garbed themselves in black (non-Christians), with instructions to his relatives as to how they could save themselves.

Dubois, Carl D. “Death and Burial Customs of the Sarangani Manobo”. Kinaadman: A Journal of the Southern Philippines, Vol. XII (No. 1). 1990.

The article deals with the various stages of the rites performed by the Sarangani Manobo for the sick, dying or dead person.

MORO

Gowing, Peter G. Mandate from Moroland.Quezon City. PCAS. 1977.

Gowing described the hostile activities of the Moros directed against the American colonial government in Mindanao in the 1900s and the corresponding reactions of the latter to such activities.

TIRURAY

Arcilla, Jose S.J., ed./trans./annot. Jesuit Missionary Letters from Mindanao, Vol. 1 (The Rio grande Mission) Quezon City: Philippine Province Archives. 1990.

The book is a compilation of letters written by Jesuir missionaries doing work in Mindanao in the 19th century. Most of these letters speak of the ethnic groups found mostly in mountains of Mindanao.

The letters give the reader glimpses of the culture of the Tiruray, among other tribes. Descriptions of their general appearance, clothing, farming practices, economic ventures, as well as dealings with neighboring tribal groups were the topics of many of the letters.

Schlegel, Stuart A. “The Traditional Tiruray Zodiac: The Celestial Calendar of the Philippine Swidden and Foraging People.” Philippine Quarterly of Culture and Society. Vol. 15 (Nos. 1 & 23), 1987.

The articl contains a description of the subsistence economy, of the traditional Tiruray. (The acculturated Tiruray, on the other hand, plow their own, or, more commonly, their landlord’s established fields, repeatedly preparing, planting and harvesting the same plots of land.)

Schlegel, Stuart A. Tiruray Subsistence: From Shifting Cultivation to Plow Agriculture. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press. 1979.

The book offers a contemporary case study of the transformation of a traditional economic system, as well as a glimpse into the day-to-day activities of the Tiruray, who have been compelled to change over from their traditional subsistence system (i.e. swidden agriculture) to sedentary farming.

Schlegel, Stuart A. Tiruray Justice. California: University of California Press, 1970.

The author liks the Tiruray sense of justice to their subsistence economy which is dependent on swidden agriculture, hunting, fishing and cathering of wild foods.

The Philippine Revolution in Mindanao 1896-1900

Many are just wondering why Mindanao is not given so much mileage in the history of our country during the revolution. Is it due to the complacency of the people in the region or because of their loyalty to the mother country, Spain?

This paper aims to bring into the limelight the status of Mindanao when the flame of the revolution engulfed the whole Archipelago. Based on the reports of the Jesuit and Benedictine Missions in Mindanao, there were some symptomatic signs of turbulence in Eastern, Southern and Northern Mindanao during this period.

In Eastern Mindanao, Surigao and Davao, in particular, were mentioned to be among those on the watchlist.

In Surigao, the Gonzales brothers, Simon and Wenceslao were active in the revolutionary movement. They were present in the Malolos Congress and participated in the drafting of the Malolos Constitution. President Aguinaldo commissioned Simon as Commanding General, with the rank of Lieutenant General, of Mindanao and Wenceslao as Governor of Surigao, with the rank of Colonel.

Their government in Surigao was short lived, as they alienated the feelings of the people when they acted with impunity against the Catholic church. They arrested and imprisoned all the priests and brothers and impounded the properties of the church. For this act of abuse of authority, the people of Surigao sought the help of Don Prudencio Garcia, the strong man of Baganga, who caused their downfall from power.

In Davao, the uprising in Baganga on September 23,1898 had no connection with the national upheaval in Luzon. It was a protest against the government but not against Spain. Don Prudencio Garcia, Captain of the Civil Infantry, was outspoken in condemning the manner of collecting taxes and forced labor. He deposed all the Spanish officers and installed himself as head of the local government. In the midst of this uprising, the national government ordered the Commander of the Civil Infantry in Mati, Teniente Manuel Garcia y Neilla to suppress the revolt. Fr. Gisbert, of Baganga, mediated and prevailed on Don Prudencio to lay down his arms. The latter agreed on condition that the superior government would grant him and his men general amnesty. His request was granted. Once again peace and order reigned in Baganga.

In Northern Mindanao, on September 27,1896, more than a month after Andres Bonifacio raised his battle cry, “Long live Philippine Independence”, about 350 deportees in the Military Fort of Marawi rose in mutiny against the Spanish officers. All the Spanish officers were killed, except one medical officer who managed to escape.

From Marawi, the mutineers proceeded to Ca an de gay Oro but, on the way, they were ambushed and routed by government troops that were dispatched from Iligan. They new members retreated and fled to the nearby forest. There they recruited , mostly from the unbaptized tribesmen. Armed with rifles, they were frighteningly strong. This time they had a new leader, a native datu named Suba. The band was seen pillaging Odiungan, a coastal settlement near  Gingoog,Medina. Upper Agusan and vangoog, Medina, various   points   in Surigao. They had proven their   worth as cattle and   horse rustlers. Their targets were Chinese traders,  priests and Spaniards. Practically all  economic actives  in northern Mindanao  were on a standstill. By   the year  1898, peace again returned   to Northern  Mindanao when the new district   governor of Misamis   was able   to   convince Data Suba and his followers to be   baptized as Christians.

In Central Mindanao, according to the accounts of Fr. Mariano Suarez S.J., dated September 21,1896, the natives of Cotabato never dreamed of any movement against Spain. They reacted negatively to the uprising in Luzon. The principalia and the rest of the populace denounced the revolution in a public Manifesto and offered to take up arms on behalf of Spain.

This, in a nut shell, is a picture of Mindanao during the Revolutionary Period.

Spanish sovereignty in the Philippines lasted for 333 years, from 1565-1898. This long span of time, however, was not a reflection that the Filipinos welcomed and accepted Spanish rule willingly. Historical records show that there were no less than 100 revolts that occurred, with at least one revolt for every two or three years. These early revolts failed because obviously, national unity was still lacking and there was no strong leader to lead a national political upheaval.

In the latter part of the 19th century, with the blossoming of the Reform Movement at home and abroad, the nationalistic fervor was aroused with the founding of the La Liga Filipina by Dr. Jose P. Rizal. It died a natural death when he was deported to Dapitan on July 7, 1892. From its dying embers, Andres Bonifacio founded the Katipunan. Bonifacio. who was revolutionary in spirit, believed more in the use of force in his libertian struggle against Spain. On August 23, 1898, he unfurled the Katipunan flag in PugadLawin and began the revolution. It spread like wildfire in Luzon and the Visayas and the battle cry for independence echoed and re-echoed everywhere.

How about in Mindanao? As the revolution spread, Mindanao was in the limbo of the national upheaval. This dissertation hopes to bring to light some events and developments in Mindanao while the revolution was gaining momentum in Luzon and Visayas.

Surigao

The people of Surigao were indubitably peaceful. There were no revolutionary elements and neither was there a feeling of animosity against the Spaniards. According to them, there were same Tagalogs who were deported to the region and who were secretly inciting the people to join the separatist movement from Spain.

Among those who were recruited and became active in the movement were the Gonzales brothers, Simon and Wenceslao. The district governor, Don Bernardo Viseo, was wary wary of their activities and had them deported to Manila in April 1898. Overtaken by the outbreak of the Spanish-American War, they were detained in Iloilo. While peace was being negotiated between Spain and the U.S., they were able to get an authorization to go to Hongkong. They stayed there for three to four days and then returned to Manila. It was at this time that the two brothers became associated with the leaders of the revolution. They were present in the Malolos Congress and took part in the drafting of the Malolos Constitution. They conferred with General Emilio Aguinaldo and, as a result, a committee for Mindanao was organized. Appointed officers were the following:

President                                       –        Julio Ruiz
Vice-President                        –        Simon Gonzales
Member of the Board       –        Wenceslao Gonzales

When the Spanish-American War broke out, Surigao was isolated and was cut-off from communication. Though it was the center of the Spanish community there was no military detachment to protect it from outside forces. There were 60 muskets, but there was no one to handle them.

By the end of October, 1898, the Spaniards in Surigao learned about the war in Luzon, the disaster in Cavite, the fall of Manila to the Americans, and the establish of the Philippine the in Malolos. This news was contrary to what Don Viseo, District Governor of Surigao, was proclaiming before. Now that the truth surfaced, their hearts sank and they you of leaving the place.

On the night of December 22. 1898, an official communication was received ordering the governor to turn over his authority to the gobernadorcillo of the town or to the provincial board. Following orders, Governor Viseo turned over his authority to Don Ballori and Surigao was left in incompetent hands. Don Manuel Ballori, to whom Governor Viseo turned over his authority soon gave up his position. As a result. the provincial board was convened. By a majority vote, the old man, Juan- Gonzales, father of Simon and Wenceslao, was chosen to succeed Don Manuel Ballori. Being an old man, he was not able to get the cooperation of the local officials in the town.

Days after. the steamer, Melliza, decorated with buntings and flags, appeared in the bay and docked. The Surigaueflos had the feeling that this was the authority to take over the reign of the government. Disembarking were the two brothers, Simon and Wenceslao, in military uniform. They walked with dignity and were highly respected by the crew. Simon addressed the crowd that met them and urged them to unite and join the cause against the enemy of the Philippine Republic. He talked of the success of the revolution and announced to his listeners the appointment, by President Emilio Aguinaldo, of Simon Gonzales as Military Commander of Mindanao and his brother Wenceslao as Governor of Surigao.

The Government of the Gonzales Brothers

The Gonzales brothers directed an open campaign against the Catholic Church. The parish priest of the town was summoned to the casa real and Simon told him that he was a prisoner of war. Wenceslao, accompanied by a long retinue walked to the convento and made an inventory of the money and furniture of the church. When he left, he stationed two guards at the entrance to the convento.

The following day, Governor Wenceslao went to Butuan while General Simon proceeded to the nearby town of Taganaan. Governor Wenceslao entered the town of Butuan with the Philippine Flag, town band, and a retinue of administrative staff. He was met by the parish priest, Fr. Nebot, amidst the cheers of the crowd. He met all the padres and the brothers in the convento and announced that they were all Prisoners of war by authority given him by President Aguinaldo. He asked for the books of the sanctorum, inspected the safe, and noted the money inside. Don Wenceslao announced they were all Prisoners of war and would be brought to Surigao the following day.

General Simon who was in the town of Taganaan, also went to the convento and announced to all the priests and brothers there that they were prisoners of war of General Aguinaldo’s troops and that they would also be brought to Surigao. The money in the safe was impounded and the whole of the convento was searched and an inventory of the furniture was made. Addressing the crowd that gathered, he told them to unite and that the Spaniards were already defeated. He told them to resist the Americans, who wanted to reduce them to a condition of slavery.

There was a total of  28 priests and brothers, and some Benedictine monks who were placed under house arrest. General Simon was frequently y asked by the padres about their fate. His answer was simply telling them to wait for higher orders from President Aguinaldo.

Conditions had gone from bad to worse. The Gonzales brothers had alienated the populace by their shabby treatment of the priests. Unspoken accusations charged them with exceeding the authority given them by President Emilio Aguinaldo. In desperation, a group of Surigauetios went to Baganga to seek the help of Don Prudencio Garcia. The latter gave his approval and assured the group of his assistance.

The Fall of the Gonzales Brothers

Don Prudencio Garcia communicated with General Simon about his coming to Surigao to confer with him on some important matters. On his way, he was already making his plan of a bloodless take over. Just before entering Surigao, he contacted the leaders of the coup and presented his plan to them.

Garcia contacted and conferred first with Governor Wenceslao in Tago before proceeding to Surigao to meet General Simon. In the conference. Garcia requested for the release of the imprisoned padres and asked that he be given a part of the district to control. Unable to get anything from Governor Wenceslao, Garcia proceeded to Surigao to see General Simon.

Garcia arrived in Vilan-Vilan on March 24,1899. He was given a royal welcome, with a banquet held in his honor by General Simon. The plan of a takeover was carried out the following day. At about 12:00 noon, the soldiers of Garcia occupied the town hall, with their muskets aimed toward the street. At that time, the men of General Simon were in the street in front of the building.

Their leaders never knew of the plot of Don Prudencio to enter the town Garcia’s men. , ordering him to present believing that it was m unthinkable for him to obey an order coming from a subordinate. Going to the town hall and after sizing up the situation, he finally surrendered. Garcia ordered him to remove his uniform and to dress up in civilian clothes.

General Simon was investigated and was ordered to produce the document to establish the truth that he was appointed Li General and Commanding Officer of Mindanao. On the basis of the finding, it turned out that he was only appointed by President Aguinaldo as Commanding Officer of Mindanao, with the authority to recruit forces and collect resources for the revolution. On the part of Wenceslao, President Aguinaldo entrusted upon him the authority to preside over the election in the district, with the rank of colonel and governor.

To the question why they placed the missionaries under house question why they place from the missionaries under h arrest, the answer was that they acted on secret f om a source which they refused to reveal. It came out later that the  advice came from the aged Juan  Gonzales, their father.

After the investigation, Simon was ordered to be isarmed and degraded. He was compelled to give up the government in the district. Those present were also asked to speak out any grievances against the accused.

Simon and Wenceslao were imprisoned in the cabecera. Later, they were placed in a separate boat to be deported, and, upon arrival at the anchor point, the death sentence was read to them. Simon and Wenceslao were told to get out of the boat and, a few hours later, they were seen kneeling down. At close range they were executed. With the Gonzales brothers out of the way, Don Prudencio Garcia was acknowledged commander of the 3rd District of Mindanao. The imprisoned missionaries were immediately released from house arrest. The Jesuits were the last to leave the island of Mindanao after Spanish sovereignty was overthrown, in accordance with the provision of the Treaty of Paris, 1898. On January 4.1899, the government ordered all Spanish subjects to leave the Philippines.

Cotabato

According to the accounts of Fr. Mariano Suarez of the Jesuit Mission dated September 21, 1896 the news about the Manila uprising was not felt in Cotabato. The Indios did not understand what it meant nor had they ever dreamed of such a thing. The principalia, and the rest of the populace, denounced the revolution in a manifesto which they forwarded to the Governor General in Manila.

Davao 1896-1900

While in and around Manila the revolution was catching fire, the idea of an anti-Spanish movement did r the hang not ente minds of the people in Southern Mindanao. Based on the report of the Jesuit mission in Surigao, there was no appreciable reaction from the people. The reaction could be attributed to a lack of attention as the people were not yet as politicalized as those from Luzon and the Visayas.

The Uprising in Baganga,1898

The uprising in Baganga, on September 23, 1898, had no connection with the revolution- of 1896. It was led by Don Prudencio Garcia, Captain of the Civil Infantry of the Baganga Police. The revolt was a protest against the government and not against Spain. He only wanted the mother Country, Spain, to send honest and honorable men to administer the Islands. He was against the manner of collecting taxes and the imposition of personal services.

Armed with 150 rifles and two mounted cannons, he led a lightning raid on the undermanned detachment on the Baganga-Cateel line facing the Pacific. After deposing the Spanish officer and other government officials, he installed himself as the head of a new local government.

In the second half of 1898, Garcia, assisted y Don Manuel of September Sanchez, a Spanish deportee from Cuba, surprised the military station at Caraga Pueblo without bloodshed and took over the district government. On order of Garcia, Sanchez was sent to seize the steamer, Bilbao, and its crew south of Caraga. Instead of following orders, he arrested and imprisoned the Jesuit Priest, Fr. Manuel Valles, stationed at Caraga, giving the steamer, Bilbao time to escape. Angered by the act of Sanchez, some of the soldiers returned to Baganga ahead and reported his wrongdoing to Garcia. Infuriated by the escape of the steamer. Bilbao, and the disrespect to the dignity of the priest. Garcia ordered Sanchez shot.

Fr. Gisbert, of the Baganga Mission. tried to convince Garcia to lay down his arms for the sake of the people who could not concentrate on working in their farms, but Garcia was adamant. He told Fr. Gisbert he had nothing against Spain but he was simply demanding reforms in the imposition of taxes and personal services and that he would only lay down his arms when his demands were resolved by the superior government in Manila and if they will be granted general amnesty.

The people of Caraga and Cateel did not follow the example of Baganga. Many of them went to the mountains to avoid compromising themselves. The Manila government finally responded to end the uprising by ordering the commander of the Mati Civil Infantry. Teniente Manuel Garcia Neilla to take charge of the operation. He wished Garcia would surrender his arms, in as much as he was asking for amnesty. Fr. Gisbert moved into action by presenting himself as go-between. The request met the approval of the two groups. Fr. Gisbert assured Garcia that the commander meant no harm and that, his only wish was for him and his men to lay down their arms. He volunteered to go to Mati to meet the mail that would grant them amnesty. Incidentally, in the afternoon of February 21st, 1898, the commander and assessor of Mati arrived in Manay, bringing with them the amnesty papers. The official communication was sent to Baganga and they waited for Garcia’s reply. Frs. Gisbert and Valles moved to negotiate peace. Happily, they succeeded and Teniente Neilla and Don Prudencio Garcia embraced each other. Once again, there was peace in Baganga.

With the signing of the Treaty of Paris, on December  10, 1898, Spain ceded the Philippines to the U.S. Lt. Neilla Garcia, who remained in Mati in command of the Civil Infantry, did not find it difficult to share the command with Don Prudencio Garcia. Later, together with the other Spaniards, he boarded the ship bound for Manila. In his place was Don Prudencio Garcia, who made use of his power to release all the Jesuit priests and brothers in the District of Surigao.

The Spaniards Leave Davao, January 15,1899

The Treaty of Paris, on December 10,1898, ended the Spanish-American War. In accordance with the Treaty, the Philippines was placed under U.S. sovereignty. All Spaniards in the islands were recalled to Manila where, in due time, they would be sent to Spain.

Due to the problem of communication, the Spaniards in Davao had to stay for more than a year. It was not until a steamer, the Churruca, was sent from Manila to Davao to evacuate them on that historic day of January 15,1899, that Commandant Bartolome Garcia and his command  boarded the Churruca and left, marking the end of Spanish rule in the District  of Davao.

Davaweños Take a Shot at Self-Government

During the interim period of eleven months from the time Spaniards left, the Christian Davaoeños took a shot at self-government. They held a consultative meeting and established a government junta. The junta  was composed of a president, vice-president, treasurer, secretary and three councilors. Don Antonio Matute, a Spanish merchant, was elected president.

The Tercio Civil de Policia was placed under the command of Bonifacio Quidato, who was highly respected and loved by the people. He took charge of the 70 rifles which Governor Garcia left behind and selected 25 men to maintain peace and order. For a while the people were pleased and satisfied with the new government. Later, there were some recalcitrants questioning the legality of the government. They claimed that since the Spanish government did not exist anymore, they were free to do as they pleased, with no one to order them. Quidato, faithful to his duty, kept watch on the activities of these people. Sensing that they could never achieve their objectives with Quidato around, they finally decided to eliminate him. They bribed the policemen and finally they succeeded in their sinister plot by treacherously hacking to death Quidato, and his wife and brother-in-law, while they were asleep. This was consummated on February 6,1899. The perpetrators were led by Juan Reyes, Basilio Bautista and Lucas Auting. They took possession of all the firearms and ammunitions and carried them to the opposite bank of the river. They continued firing shots in the air until daybreak, sowing fear everywhere.

The provisional government was overthrown. Matute, the President, escaped in a sailboat and all the Spaniards and prominent natives sought refuge in different directions. There was anarchy and a reign of terror as marauders robbed the stores and empty houses. To make matters worse, the t y go g, “Kill all drunk on stolen liquor and ran in the streets shouting who know anything! Kill all the rich!”

As the orgy subsided, Fr. Saturnino Urios, a Jesuit missionary, succeeded in bringing sanity to the insurgents in through the use of tact and diplomacy. He was not only able to effect peace, but he was also able to retrieve the arms and ammunitions of the insurgents.

This time, a new president was elected in the person of Antonio Joven. The new government functioned satisfactorily until August 1,1899. A new group of recalcitrants appeared again, led by Samuel Navarro, a Moro-Visayan mestizo, who was assisted by the Moros. The local government was toppled down and a new set of officers took over.

Navarro became Chief of Police and Estanislao Palma Gil, President. Their administration was unpopular as they were criticized for their tyrannical conduct. Navarro, who suspected that the Visa would rise against him, sought the help of the Moros in retaliation. He plotted the massacre of the Visayans on the eve of Christmas and to expel the rest. The arrival of the American occupation forces on December 14,1899 aborted the plot.

The American Forces Occupy Davao

On December 14. 1899, the steamer, Manila, docked south of the Davao River, with General JC Bates. U.S. Commanding Officer of Mindanao and Jolo. aboard. A delegation of town officials, composed of Samuel Navarro, Jefe Provincial, Bonifacio Casada, Primero Teniente,Cipriano Bustamante, Segundo Teniente, and Teodoro Palma Gil, Maestro de Niños, welcomed the general. The welcome given him was a far contrast to that of Uyanguren in 1848. “Not a single injury had ever been done by the inhabitants to an American.” They invited General Bates to come ashore. On shore, the general, with his staff, stayed just long enough to inspect the town. He left on the same day that he arrived.

Davao at this time was described as a well-laid out town, with long avenues bordered with palms. There was a good-sized church, with a convento that needed repair. Private houses were neat and the health of the community was good.

Six days after the visit of General Bates, the first group of American occupation forces arrived aboard the steamer, Brutus, under the command of Major Hunter B. Ligett. They were met by the Presidente Local and his staff who piloted the steamer to the nearest safe anchorage.

The sub-district of Davao embraced the military stations of Davao town and vicinity. Mati, Caraga, Baganga, Dapnan, and other points that fell under their protection and influence. Major Ligett was in command until September 30, 1901, when Major C.D. Cowles arrived and assumed command.

The Mutiny of the Deportees in Marawi, Lanao del Sur, 1896

It was the practice and policy of the Spanish government to deport the natives who espoused the separatist movement inimical to the interest of the mother country, Spain. Between 300 to 400 had been deported and were serving their term in the Spanish military fort of Marawi. On September 17, 1896. a month after the outbreak of the revolution, the deportees mutinied against the Spanish military officers. Armed with Remingtons and 200 rounds of ammunition, they killed all the Spanish officers except one medical officer who escaped.

The mutineers proceeded on foot to Cagayan, threatening from the to kill all the Spaniards in the district capital. A short distance provincial capitol, they were ambushed by a small government force composed of native Filipino soldiers who were dispatched from Iligan under Spanish military officers. The mutineers were routed which forced them to retreat up to the Tagolan River.

Data Sub; New Leader of the Fugitive Rebels

On January 10, 1987, the rebel fugitives appeared in Odiongan, a coastal settlement near the town of Gingoog.

Armed with rifles, the rebels reorganized themselves under a new leader, a native datu named Suba. There was a great number of unbaptized tribesmen who joined the group. In Odiongan, they killed two Chinese resident merchants and a Christian, who refused to give light to Suba. They burned the victim’s houses, butchered their cows, and celebrated the traditional pagan victory. The following day, they moved to the town of Medina and repeated the same orgy. They were sighted in upper Agusan and in various parts of Surigao. Their number was swelled by the other escapees from other detention points, who had no desire but to topple down the Spanish government. All armed with rifles, they were frighteningly strong. They proved their worth as cattle and horse rustlers to provide themselves with food and transport.

In many ways, their activities affected life in Mindanao. The Chinese traders refused to transport abaca and other merchandise, as they were scared of the marauders. In the summer of 1897, a new district governor of Misamis was appointed and he tactfully dealt with the fugitives. In 1898, the mutineers ceased to be a problem. Datu Suba and his followers presented themselves to the Jesuit mission and asked to be baptized.