Tag Archives: Manobo
An Action plan for the reproductive health practices of the Manobo in the Province of Cotabato
An Analysis if the narrative syntax of the legends of the OBO Manobo in Kiblawan
Manobo myths and legends and their educational implications
Culture Change and Adaptation of the Manobo and Bagobo of Mount Apo National Park
Introduction
This is a descriptive ethnographic study of culture change and adaptation of the Manobo and Bagobo of Mt. Apo National Park. The Manobo and Bagobo exist in a local milieu which is dominated by the lowland settlers. The relocatees do not command political and economic powers because of their simple agricultural technology, kin based social organization and position as indigenous tribes.
The natives of Mount Apo subsisted in the past on swidden agriculture, hunting and gathering of wild plants and animals. Today, they are engaged in cash crop production, though they still subsist in swidden agriculture.
Due to the NPA attack against a military patrol base on the project site on June 2, 1992, the native families transferred to the Relocation Site in advance. Temporary shelters were provided by the PNOC. They were followed by six resident families. At the time of the attack, the relocation package deal had not yet been approved by the affected Manobo and Bagobo families.
The Census of 1990 shows that there are an estimated 6,278 Manobo and 1,226 Bagobo covering the three towns of Kidapawan, Magpet and Makilala of North Cotabato.
The research study was undertaken in a settlement of 21 families at the Relocation Site, Agco, in the barrio of Ilomavis, Kidapawan, North Cotabato. They are refugees from their homeland, due to their being displaced because of the Mindanao Geothermal Project.
This ethnographic study of the Manobo and Bagobo of Mt. Apo National Park undertook a baseline characterization of the cultural, economic, social, political and resource management system of the indigenous communities within and around Mt. Apo National Park; made assessments of the level of the socio-economic and cultural development of the cultural communities or indigenous tribes vis-à-vis the mainstream ethnolinguistic groups; and identified and recommended social intervention for the development of these peoples.
The installation of the Geothermal Project in the national park in Mt. Apo is a classic example of culture change and adaptation for indigenous tribes, such as the Manobo and Bagobo tribal groups. It is also an experience of displacement from their ancestral home and, at the same time, of how they have become adapted to new technologies. But there is an apparent danger to their traditional culture. It may result to assimilation of the Manobo and Bagobo cultures into the dominant lowland culture. It could be immensely valuable to researchers of the culture change and adaptation among tribal groups in the Philippines, this being a baseline study.
The ethnographer, with a research assistant, lived at the Relocation Site for a period of six months to facilitate the observation of their way of life and the gathering of the necessary data and information for the said duty. Likewise, the researcher made courtesy calls on the barrio captain and other local officials of Ilomavis and the Project Director of the PNOC Base Camp. Observations were made on important aspects of their life to find out how they have become adapted to the changes surrounding them. The major method was participant observation to gain a wholistic view of the Manobo and Bagobo community of Mt. Apo. Informal conversation was also made with the children, young people and old folks to obtain vital information to support the ethnographic study.
Key informants were utilized to provide relevant information on certain specific issues significant to the research study. They were native informants who truly spoke for themselves and were wholly acquainted with Mt. Apo and its environment.
Interviews of the PNOC staff and other important personalities were likewise employed in order to provide points of reconciliation on some important issues and discrepancies. Interviews were conducted among the Manobo and Bagobo women to ascertain the changing role of the women in their society.
In addition, photographic records of important events were obtained thru camera and video to ensure proper documentation of the said events. Maps of important sites were used to have tangible evidence of existing vital features of the study.
The Findings of the Study
The Manobo and Bagobo have been shifting cultivators for centuries. Mt. Apo is their ancestral home where they have lived in freedom, hunting and gathering wild plants and animals. Exchange of foods, crops, rice and other things is a tradition lived by’ the natives of Mt. Apo. They are also engaged in barter and trade with neighboring tribes.
Today, they are living in a non-traditionally clustered settlement. Plow agriculture. however, has not replaced their swidden cultivation of the kaingin. But they are engaged in cash crop production through gardening vegetables, especially cabbage, which they sell in the market. Unfortunately, the gardening system of the natives gave rise to dependency on the financier/comprador who shoulders the expenses for fertilizers. chemical, insecticides and pesticides. Though they share equally in the profit, the price set by the financier/comprador is lower than the market price. The native farmers can borrow money or credit goods from the financier.
The leadership of the tribal chieftain or datu must now give way to relations with lowlanders. They are now within the control of the local government. At the Relocation Site, two forms of control exist, namely, the traditional rule of the tribal chieftain and the local government. The natives of Mount Apo have gradually set aside their customary laws to give way to laws and other demands from the local government. Likewise, there is evident change in the role of Manobo and Bagobo women. They have assumed responsibilities which are new to them. The traditional social structures have been significantly and profoundly changed. However, the increasing poverty of the natives is miserably felt at the Relocation Site. Living with lowlanders has failed to economically uplift the condition of the Manobo and the Bagobo community. Consequently, thanksgiving rituals are no longer faithfully observed by them because they are quite costly. They have developed a pessimistic outlook due to their increasing poverty in re2tion to the lowlanders surrounding them.
The Manobo and the Bagobo communities face the possibility of a changing identity due to their being relocated in a lowland atmosphere. Conflict among them or with the dominant lowland population may evolve. There is also a growing emphasis on gambling and drinking which is a predominant influence on the natives.
New relationships exist between the natives and the westernized lowland settlers, as well as with development agents and the government. They are dominated by them. Furthermore, the relocatees are politically incorporated into the national body politi.que. Their pre-capitalist substinence economy is now transformed into cash crop production for market sale purposes.
On the religious aspect, the Church of Christ and Alliance groups have injected social changes, a few of which may not be culturally meaningful for the natives. Existing social organizations for the common good of the tribal communities and an NGO are not strongly felt by the relocatees. In addition, these religious changes felt by the natives may bring about assimilation to the dominant lowland culture. This is seen, for example in the obligation of natives to undergo a civil marriage in order to get the certificate needed by the children for school purposes. Thus, the Manobo wedding will gradually disappear.
The relocated natives were promised a priority of work according to the Memorandum of Agreement. But the relocatees are questioning why they have not become regular workers. Their contention is that it is due to their being natives. They made some remarks that it is easier for an Ilokano or a Visayan to be regularized than a native. They further added that they have been contractual workers. Even if the explanations are given it would be difficult for them to be regularized yet their contention prevails.
Maybe the PNOC could sponsor a training program for the indigenous tribes of Mt. Apo to improve their ability of work rather than for the natives to do it in secret.
There are four contractual workers at the Relocation Site and the rest are work -order workers. If an accident happens, they have no privilege like Medicare so they have to personally shoulder the hospital expenses. If, somehow, they can enjoy the privilege of Medicare, a lecture ought to be given to them to explain how the system works. The ethnographer is often consulted about SSS and how to process the Medicare.
However, when a program is planned for the natives, it ought to be adapted on their own setting because they differ from the westernized thinking of the lowland population.
The natives could be developed technically. They ought not to remain backward.
The main task of the government or any social organization is to promote for the common good of the members.
Within the period of six months living at the Relocation site, the writer discovered very significant changes in the life of the, Manobo and Bagobo of Mt. Apo. The indigenous tribes of M t. Apo were dislocated and are now resettled in a region where they have more interaction with the westernized lowland population. Because of their relocation the natives have given up their kaingin. However, as agreed upon by the affected families will be relocated. As of the completion of the ethnographic study, however, the relocatees have not yet received the land.
The absence of land has greatly affected the natives of Mt . Apo. If they have no work, farming the land can provide them with food in terms of rootcrops, corn and vegetables. There are as lut-ya or carlang. Cabbage is even cooked to sustain their hunger.
According to Philip Boeck, hunger, which indicates absence of support, solidarity and aid, is linked to egoism and withdrawal. The majority of the relocatees are in favor of the Geothermal Project. This proven by a survey conducted at the Relocation Site and those living at Anggue, Sudsuhayan and Sayaban. They voluntarily gave up their claim. Therefore, the indigenous tribes are also entitled for support and aid. Social services such as health, sanitation, education, youth program, home for the aged and others are some of the services to be intensified.
The indigenous tribes need social services since they are the forgotten people of the land. The rural areas are often at the tail end of any development program. Projects are more widespread in urban areas than in the rural areas. It is the prime responsibility of the so-called Christians to look after the common good of the cultural communities.
The aged are unattended and children have no chance for education because of poverty. One of the vital services needed by the natives is education. Anton Postma, in his work with the Mangyan of Mindoro, was guided by the principle that education is the first step towards development and integration. However, it must contain a different curriculum based on their culture, history and felt needs as indigenous tribes to enable them to acquire basic knowledge and skills for communication that would allow them to stand on equal footing with the lowland society: At the Relocation Site, the children have difficulty in going to school because of distance.
During rainy days they are absent since a good number of drivers do not allow them to ride in the service. Perhaps a school bus could be provided by PNOC so that children could avail themselves of the opportunity to be educated.
‘There is no a big problem for health because it is taken care by the Medical Officer at Base Camp. Many of the relocatees suffer from sickness, malnutrition and lack of medicine. The TB Control Program provides the relocatees with examination and X-Ray. But a good number of relocatees are not faithful in taking the medicine. They hide the tablets and capsules and continue to smoke and drink. However, with regard to eye and dental problems, a special medical program, could be arranged for the relocated, consisting of free consultation, medical, dental and eye examination.
The common ailments at the Relocation Site are fever. cold, cough, and diarrhea. An on-going orientation program might be given to the parents regarding health, nutrition and sanitation in coordination with the Bureau of Health. The natives ought to understand the value of cleanliness, beautification and sanitation, especially since Mt. Apo is a tourist spot.
The Geothermal Projects of PNOC are not always found in regions where there are cultural communities. The Mindanao Geothermal Project of PNOC is a special case. It is the home of the Manobo and Bagobo tribes. It requires a special kind of development, where top priority is given the indigenous communities. The development program ought to respond to the needs, hopes and aspirations of the cultural tribes. The natives must be involved in the formulation of program objectives so that it can truly be a development program of their own. A minority culture might be able to adapt creatively to a situation of dependency under the guidance of non-government organizations. Unfortunately, the NGO’s of Mt. Apo are not visibly felt by the ordinary natives. PNOC and the NC Os should strive to develop their self-reliance and independence. Ultimately, they should be able to stand on their own.
The indigenous tribes of Mt. Apo have become dependent on PNOC . They are not skilled workers. The supervisors ought to be on the look out for natives who show ink rest in their work. They can then initiate a training program to help those natives learn more about their work. Consequently, this will encourage and uplift the Manobo and Bagobo to become skillful in the job assigned to them.
The survey showed that a good number of the relocatees have no knowledge of the program of OSCC. Within a period of six months, the Provincial Director of OSCC has only visited the Relocation Site once.
The NGOs created at Mt. Apo ought to monitor the cultural, educational and livelihood programs for the natives. Consultations is a vital factor. Often times the natives are left out in the discussion and planning of projects. The officials think for the natives; the natives do not think for themselves. As a consequence, the natives do not actively participate during meetings.
The seven native women involved in the loom weaving project sponsored by the Mt. Apo Foundation(MAFI), and NGO are discouraged because of conflicts and difficulties. There is an utmost need for the head of the office to make visitations of the Site to know their problems.
The scholarship program is not widespread. There is only one college student at the Relocation Site who is a scholar. Five High School students graduated this year. They have difficulty in continuing their studies because of poverty. They are interested in the MAFI scholarship program but they do not know the process involved. Perhaps an orientation could be given to the young people at the Relocation Site.
An Overview of Cultural Research on Mindanao
Cultural studies and research properly belong to the social sciences particularly the disciplines of ethnology, anthropology, archeology, and more recently, ethnohistory or culture change. A study of culture removed from its societal and human moorings is no longer acceptable hence, even in archeology where the primary focus is on artifacts, or the remains of man’s material culture as evidence of the past of the community or society, the relative value of the archeological evidence lies in the information or insights that it can provide by way of elucidating the lifestyle or culture of the people to whom it belongs. Cultural research would then presume an underlying and ultimate interest in understanding man through a study of his culture. Indeed, it would not be an overstatement to say that man is only understandable through his culture.
Scientific cultural research in Mindanao was started by American anthropologists who arrived in the Philippines during the first decades of the present century. Otley Beyer, Fay Cooper Cole and Laura Watson Benedict were some of the earliest scientist who pioneered the study of culture in these parts. The very proliferation of cultural groups indigenous to the island of Mindanao and Which at the time of Beyer, Cole and Benedict were practically in pristine stages served as the beacon to the first cultural studies undertaken.
We must not forget to mention the non-American and less scientific sources and writers such as the Spanish missionaries who preceded the American anthropologists. The Recollects and the Jesuits may not have been writing in any scientific or anthropological sense but their descriptions of the customs of the various “nations” so called in Mindanao are veritable sources of ethnographic and anthropological material that make up the substance of a baseline study. As every social scientist knows, studies of culture and social change are only as good as the available matrix or baseline data.
Unfortunately, most of the results of these studies have long ago been repatriated to the respective homelands of their foreign authors. A good example of this is the famous “Newberry Collection” at the Regenstein Library in the University of Chicago Illinois. A few researchers were gracious enough to leave copies of their works in Manila libraries and the National Archives.
After the war,and for reasons that can only be inferred or surmised, interest in cultural studies on Mindanao considerably waned. A small number of trained Filipino anthropologists who were based in Manila universities turned up some exciting volumes on the cultural groups of the Cordilleras and Luzon in general but cultural research on Mindanao was conspicuously lacking. Some of the notable exceptions to this Luzon-centric interest were Espiridon Manuel who produced four book on the Bagobos (actually Guiangans) and Manobos of Davao and Marcelino Maceda and Rudolf Rahmann who studied the Mamanuas of Lake Mainit in the Surigao area. Linda Burton, an archaeologist based in Xavier University in Cagayan de Oro City, likewise performed a highly creditable work in the excavations of the pre-historic balangay in Butuan City the results of which are now contained for posterity in the Butuan City the results of which are now contained for posterity in the Butuan Historical Museum. My own modest contributions to contemporary cultural research on Mindanao is the Bagobos of Davao … the results of a five-year study of the Tagbawa Bagobo of Davao del Sur, and the Tambara, the Ateneo de Davao University Journal which is probably the only journal that publishes cultural studies on Mindanao. It would be remiss not to mention the Gimba, a quarterly magazine that also publishes cultural articles.
In brief, I wish to emphasize by this brief resume’ that cultural research on Mindanao leaves much to be desired. Below is a partial and preliminary bibliographical listing of cultural works on Mindanao. Since it is an annotated bibliography I think it will be very useful to those attempting to break ground in cultural research in Mindanao.
ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHY
BAGOBOS
Benedict, Laura W. “A Study of Bagobo Ceremonial Magic and Myth”. Annals New York Academy. Vol. XIV (May 15, 1916)
The study deals with the mythological concepts of the Bagobos in the first chapter. In the second chapter, it delves into the rituals of human sacrifice, marriage, death and burial. Charms, diseases and healings, taboos, omens and dreams are the foci of the third chapter. The fourth chapter looks into the problems of sources of ceremonials and myths.
The author is of the opinion that throughout the continuous and unbroken communication between the mountain Bagobos and the coast Bagobos with other people together with the intermittent flow of whole families from the hills and mountains to the coast and from the sea back to the upland villages, the bagobos were able to preserve their old traditions and the integrity of the whole tribal religion. She attributed this largely to the presence of the old chieftains and to the existence of trade centers. Nonetheless, she believed that the death of several old datus and the transfer of entire mountain groups to provide native labor for American plantations were factors that brought about marked changes in Bagobo culture.
Cole, Faye Cooper. “The Bagobos of Davao Gulf”. The Philippine Journal of Sciences. Vol. VI (June 1911).
Cole, in great detail, described the various aspects of the Bagobo culture, namely: physical appearance and clothing; religious rites and practices; social structures; legal structure; birth and healing practices; dances and music; and beliefs.
___________. The Wild Tribes of Davao District, Mindanao. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 1913.
This book represents an extensive study of the various tribes in Davao, among which are the Bagobos. It discusses the various aspects of their cultures.
HIGAONON
Baquiran, Lorettra L. “Bukidnon Designs.” Gimba: The Popular Magazine of Mindanao Culture. Vol. 1 (No. 1). Cagayan de Oro City: Mindanao Ethno-Culture Foundation. 1984.
This article os about the contemporary designs utilized by the Higaonon people. These designs are predominantly found in the group’s clothing and accessories.
Cole, Faye Cooper. The Bukidnons of Mindanao ed. by Paul S Martin and Lilian Ross. Chicago: Chicago Natural History Museum. 1956.
This is a study made at the time the Americans were forming the Higaonons into model villages and supplying them with plows and facilities for farming. The newly established villages were replicas of the more advanced settlements of the Christianized Bisayans. The datus or local headmen were being replaced by “elected” village officials.
Francisco, Juan. Notes on Culture Change Among the Higaonon, Vol. 1 (No. 1). 1990.
In explaining culture change among this people, the author touched on their practice of swidden africulture. He identified the months during which active farm work may be observed.
Lynch, Frank. trans. “The Bukidnon of North-Central Mindanao in 1889 (Letter of Fr. Jose Maria Clotet to the Reverend Father Rector of the Ateneo Mnicipal)” in Readings on the History of Northern Mindanao compiled by Renato Reyes y Bautista. Cagayan de Oro City: Xavier University. 1978.
The letter gives the reader a view of the various aspects of the culture of the Higaonon people : clothing and adornment, religious practices, marriage customs, weaponry and other artifacts, agricultural practices, tribal concept of justice and law, tribal etiquette, superstitios beliefs, dwelling places and burial rites.
MAMANUA
Rahmann, Rudolf, S.V.D. “Mamanuas of Northeastern Mindanao”. CMU Journal of Sciences, Education and Humanities, Vol. 1 (No. 2). 1990.
The author devotes a few pages of his work to a description of the crude kind of horticulture practiced by the Mamanuas. The kind of tools used depends on the type of crop. In addition, the Mamanuas gather all kinds of forest products.
MANDAYA
Valderrama, Ursula C. The Colorful Mandaya: Ethnic Tribe of Davao Oriental. Davao City: Tesoro’s Printing Press, 1989.
The book contains a discussion of the subsistence patterns of the Mandaya.
Cole, Faye Cooper. The Wild Tribes of Davao District, Mindanao. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1913.
This is a study of the various tribes in Davao, among which are the Mandayas. In this book the various aspects of the Mandaya culture are discussed.
MANOBOS
Arcilla, Jose S.J., ed./trans./annot. Jesuit Missionary Letters from Mindanao, Vol.1 (The Rio Grande Mission) Quezon City: Philippine Province Archives, 1990.
This book is a compilation of letters written by Jesuit missionaries doing work in Mindanao in the 19th century. Most of these letters treat of the ethnic groups found mostly in the mountains of Mindanao. The letters give the reader glimpses of the culture of the Manobos, among other tribes. Descriptions of their general appearance, clothing, farming practices, economic ventures, as well as dealings with neighboring tribal groups are also found. At the beginning, the Pulangi Basin was settled by the Manobos. The settlements were separated by natural barriers. Access to some of these settlements was made difficult by the hostile activities of the Moros.
Burton, Erlinda. “Gudgud: A Manobo Curing Ritual”.Gimba,Vol. 1 No. 1(November 1984).Cagayan de Oro: Mindanao Ethno-Culture Foundation. 1984.
This article discusses the procedure for carrying out the Gudgud ritual by describing in great detail one such event which the author herself had witnessed. The essence of the ritual lies in the umagad (soul) of a sick person being searched for and finally retrieved by the bybaylan (shaman) from the diwata or diwatas (spiritual beings) who may have snached or captured it to be devoured. The ritual is said to be performed because of the belief that unless the patient’s umagad is recaptured, he will never recover from his illness.
Cole, Faye Cooper. The Wild Tribes of Davao District, Mindanao.Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1913.
The book represents an extensive study of the various tribes in Davao, among them the Manobo. It contains an account of the history of these people.
Manual, Esperidion A. Manuvu Social Organization. Quezon City: The Community Development Research Council. 1973.
In discussing the social organization of the Manuvu, the author mentions in scattered portions of the book aspects of the “slash and burn” method of dry agriculturing engaged in by these people.
Garvan, John. The Manobos of Mindanao. Washington: United States Governmenr Printing Office. 1931.
The book treats of the great religious revival of the period between 1908 and 1910 among the Manobos of Libuganon River. It started with the “miraculous recovery” of a certain Manobo who had already been abandoned by his relatives because of his malignant sickness/disease. He attributed his recovery to the works of beneficient spirits. His people believed that he had been transformed into a deity who has such could impart himself to all whom he designed to honor.
He was later believed to have prophesied the destruction of the world after one moon and that the old tribal dieties would cease to lend assistance to all who garbed themselves in black (non-Christians), with instructions to his relatives as to how they could save themselves.
Dubois, Carl D. “Death and Burial Customs of the Sarangani Manobo”. Kinaadman: A Journal of the Southern Philippines, Vol. XII (No. 1). 1990.
The article deals with the various stages of the rites performed by the Sarangani Manobo for the sick, dying or dead person.
MORO
Gowing, Peter G. Mandate from Moroland.Quezon City. PCAS. 1977.
Gowing described the hostile activities of the Moros directed against the American colonial government in Mindanao in the 1900s and the corresponding reactions of the latter to such activities.
TIRURAY
Arcilla, Jose S.J., ed./trans./annot. Jesuit Missionary Letters from Mindanao, Vol. 1 (The Rio grande Mission) Quezon City: Philippine Province Archives. 1990.
The book is a compilation of letters written by Jesuir missionaries doing work in Mindanao in the 19th century. Most of these letters speak of the ethnic groups found mostly in mountains of Mindanao.
The letters give the reader glimpses of the culture of the Tiruray, among other tribes. Descriptions of their general appearance, clothing, farming practices, economic ventures, as well as dealings with neighboring tribal groups were the topics of many of the letters.
Schlegel, Stuart A. “The Traditional Tiruray Zodiac: The Celestial Calendar of the Philippine Swidden and Foraging People.” Philippine Quarterly of Culture and Society. Vol. 15 (Nos. 1 & 23), 1987.
The articl contains a description of the subsistence economy, of the traditional Tiruray. (The acculturated Tiruray, on the other hand, plow their own, or, more commonly, their landlord’s established fields, repeatedly preparing, planting and harvesting the same plots of land.)
Schlegel, Stuart A. Tiruray Subsistence: From Shifting Cultivation to Plow Agriculture. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press. 1979.
The book offers a contemporary case study of the transformation of a traditional economic system, as well as a glimpse into the day-to-day activities of the Tiruray, who have been compelled to change over from their traditional subsistence system (i.e. swidden agriculture) to sedentary farming.
Schlegel, Stuart A. Tiruray Justice. California: University of California Press, 1970.
The author liks the Tiruray sense of justice to their subsistence economy which is dependent on swidden agriculture, hunting, fishing and cathering of wild foods.
The Beliefs of the Manobos of Maguling
Maguling, one of the farthest barangays of the Munipality of Maitum, province of South Cotabato was the area of this study. This barangay is fourteen kilometers away from the poblacion and is accessible by land and water transportation. It is composed of nine sitios namely Sebeng, Mondan, Matolan, Takal, Fenayong, Tungeon, Lihik, Luan and Batel. The Manobos occupy the first seven sitios while the Christians and Muslims occupy Luan and Batel respectively.
The origin of the name Maguling may be traced back to the name of the big trees which grew abundantly in the place when it was still uncultivated. The first occupants of the place, the Muslims and the Manobos, called the said trees, Maguling. Maguling trees have pointed leaves about 7-8 inches long and 4 inches wide. They make good firewod for, even when newly-cut they burn long and brightly.
The boundaries of barangay Maguling are the Luan river on the east, barangay Pinol on the west, the
Celebes Sea on the South and barangay Ticulab on the north.
Maguling is inhabited predominantly by Ilocanos for whom farming is the chief means of livelihood. Other ethnic groups which reside in this barangay include the Ilonggos, Cebuanos, Maguindanaoans, Joloanos and Sangils. The cultural groups do menial jobs for the landed Ilocanos for their living. Some, like the Muslims who live near the sea, engage in fishing while other tribal groups, like the Manobos, plant corn and other root crops.
Maitum was formerly a part of the municipality of Kiamba. In 1928, homesteaders streamed into the place. During this time, Maitum was a virgin hinterland plagued by malaria. Nevertheless, migrants continued to settle in Maitum. Eventually, the people led by Francisco Gacal petitioned for an independent and separated municipality. By virtue of Republic Act No. 2189 enacted on May 7, 1959, the municipality of Maitum was created.
Beliefs About Marriage
The location of a sunem (mole on a Manobo woman’s body plays a vital role in determining her future, i.e., whether she will live in poverty and misery, or be rich and live happily. One of the reasons why a Manobo male is heavily indebted to others until he dies is the dowry that he gives to the woman he marries.
Having seen signs of good luck, as in the presence of a mole, a Manobo male will no longer work hard to earn a living for his family, for he firmly believes something good awaits his family. This is one reason why a Manobo man will carefully look for a woman with sunem in lucky places in the body, no matter what the circumstances may be.
Manobo society recognizes polygamous marriages. Any Manobo male with sufficient wealth to pay for the bride all at one time or by installment, may have more than one wife. While the Manobos practice polygamy, they cling to and practice the following beliefs on marriages gathered from them through oral testimonies.
The Manobo belief that going out of the house before the wedding day will make one sick means that the betrothed couple must stay inside the house most of the time. The woman is not to help in weeding the rice and cornfields. She is only allowed to do ordinary household chores such as cooking, washing dishes and occasionally cleaning the house. This practice makes the Manobos idle. From early in the morning till late in the afternoon, the betrothed Manobo male or female simply sleeps or plays cards.
Agadong bulan (full moon) is always the best time for marriage to take place. The size of the moon and its round shape signify good health for the prospective couple’s future children. The Manobos believe that wedding rites and rituals should be done very early in the morning (magtosimag) so that the couple will always understand each other and will seldom quarrel. This is related to the fact that early in the morning, atmosphere is still cool and refreshing hence, the newly-married couple will tend to have “cool heads”. If wedding rites are performed at kabusang (noon time), the couple will always quarrel. They believe this is so because the sun’s heat at noontime will make the couple hot-tempered.
The wedding day is postponed if there is udan lafos (heavy rain), fumulow (reddish sky in the afternoon), inog (earthquake), nilafay kayo (fallen tree), mifasa binangga (broken pot), and dumo agogfa (death in the neighborhood). To them, rain signifies tears so that a scheduled wedding day should be postponed if rain falls. The reddish color of the sky means sickness to the Manobos as this color suggests boldness and war. Earthquake means that a deity holding the universe got mad, hence the movement. So, the couple will get sick if they go on with the scheduled wedding because the wrath of the god will be upon them. A big fallen tree is a sign of bad luck for it stands for the groom a she is the stronger sex while a small tree that falls stands for the woman as she is smaller and weaker. A broken pot means that the prospective bride and groom will separate.
The Manobo wedding rites and rituals, no matter how simple they may be, entail significant expenses since the groom’s parents have to prepare a feast to entertain visitors. The postponement of it due to the occurrence of rain, earthquake, reddish sky, fall tree, broken pot, or death in the neighborhood would therefore mean many more expenses on the groom’s part since he would have to prepare the same things all over again. It is because of this that the Manobos would at times resort to carabao-rustling or stealing to meet wedding expenses. The rampant carabao-rustling and hold-ups in Maguling have been attributed to Manobos.
On Conception and Pregnancy
The conceiving or pregnant Manobo woman does not sleep during the day for fear that the placenta will stick to the uterus and she will have a difficult delivery. This because when one sleeps, one’s body seems to be glued to the floor or be. Cassava tubers which have not uniformly developed and in which the middle part has bulged may result to difficult delivery; therefore these should not be eaten by pregnant women. It is believed bad for Manobo women to be sitting or tarrying on stairs or in doorways because the baby will also tarry during childbirth. Rubbing things, like the first egg of hen or leaves wet with dewdrops, on the belly of a pregnant woman insures easy delivery. Eggs and stones roll; so when they are rubbed on the belly of a pregnant Manobo woman, this is taken to mean that the baby inside the womb will also be induced to roll or move smoothly during childbirth. The dewdrops on leaves signify lubrication, or again, an easy childbirth.
Rain, according to the Manobos are tears from God, so that if a pregnant woman gets wet with it, the baby inside the womb will get sick. The spider has a sticky saliva. If a pregnant woman happens to touch one she will have a difficult delivery as the baby will stick to the uterus during childbirth. A black fish signifies death, therefore a pregnant woman should not eat it as she and her baby will die. The Manobos believe that contract with a deer causes harelip because deers have cloven feet so pregnant women should not eat venison. A pregnant Manobo woman is not allowed to lie down on her back, for this will cause her to bear twins. The Manobos believe that there is a force inside the pregnant woman’s womb which could divide the baby into two. So pregnant women always have to lie down on their sides to prevent its occurrence. Because of the many beliefs of Manobos about pregnancy, pregnant women do not undergo prenatal check-up which accounts for the high mortality rate among them.
A Manobo husband with a pregnant wife is not allowed to cut trees for building a home. For them, the trees signifies life, therefore cutting it down will bring a curse. (Husbands of expectant mothers tend to be idle as building a house is taboo for them. They just stay with their in-laws or with relatives and be dependent on them.)
Childbirth
The umbilical cord of a newborn child determines its future. It is in the umbilical cord that life begins therefore the Manobos give meaning to its position and appearance. The Manobos believe that venison, tuna fish, eggs, bongolan (a banana specie), salmon, and eel contain powerful substances which can cause a relapse if eaten by a mother who has just given birth. On the other hand, the monkey’s meat is good for the mother who has just given birth because the female monkey recovers strength immediately after it has given birth.
When drunk, the water which dripped from the hair of Manobo woman after her first bath is believed to stop bleeding because it is considered sacred. The placenta of a newborn baby is to be buried where rain falls heavily. During heavy rains the buried placenta is released by the doft earth. This is like releasing the spirit of the child so that it will always be near its parents.
Death and Burial
When a Manobo who has killed someone dies, a bolo is place in his coffin so that he will have a weapon to defend himself when he meets the person he killed in baya (heaven). This implies that the physical body will still be present after death.
During a vigil for a dead person, kasila, (red pepper) timos (salt) and a bottle of water are carried by persons when they want to leave the house where the dead is lying in state because they believe that the busaw (evil spirits) is afraid of these.
Small pieces of mirror are placed in the coffins of Manobos to drive away busaw (evil spirits). Mirrors reflect light. The Manobos believe that the busaw, follower of Satan who walks in darkness, is afraid of the light which is reflected by the mirror. Rice is scattered right after the burial to prevent blagblags (nightmare). To the Manobos, rice serves as a magic charm that prevents nightmare. Placing the kalowen (stoven) at the door after coming from the burial grounds pervents the occurence of another death in that house. The Manobos believe that the stove is the “heart of the house “, where food is cooked; therefore, when placed at the door, it would prevent death. The Manobos also believe that there is life after death but they are not certain as to where one’s soul goes after death.
They recognize a myriad of other spirits whose influence controls every aspect of their society. Serious illness is a state one gets into due to a broken taboo or to the desire of the spirit or soul of an ancestor to communicate a need to a living person. The Manobos have a group of religious specialists called baylan. The function of the baylan is to communicate with the unseen world by means of a familiar spirit in order to interpret the message intended. Animal sacrifice is the usual remedy for a serious illness as well as the means for obtaining favors from the gods, such as for planting and marriage.
Work Ethic
The practice of stretching oneself (agfangalag) very early in the morning shows that Manobos are aware that a person should be physically conditioned in order to be fit of a tikos (vine) around the knees of a child to make him sturdy on his first visit to a relative’s house is supposed to enable him to do hard work later in life. The Manobos believe that going out of the house immediately after waking up in the morning makes one industrious while failure to go out of the house makes one lazy. This belief is the counterpart of the saying “early birds catch the worms”. This suggests that the Manobos are also aware that an industrious man is time conscious.
Sowing and Harvest
The Manobos have a way of determining a fertile ground for planting corn and palay. They choose a site with many earthworm wastes and black soil. Having found one, they will start clearing it by cutting down big and small trees. The Manobos wait for the trees to dry before they are burned. This takes about two weeks. After they have been thoroughly burned, the site is readied for planting.
During the planting, all the Manobos in the community are present to help, as they deem it a responsibility to bear one another’s burden. Before planting, an offering in the form of mama, composed of betel nut (buyo), betel leaves (kawed) and tobacco leaf is placed on a high pole at the planting site as offering to the god of the harvest.
Planting for the Manobos is fun. They do it in pairs. The Manobo man digs holes while standing using a long round piece of pointed wood while the female partner places about 3-4 grains of corn in the hole. If it is palay that it is being planted, about 10-12 grains are placed in a hole. The pair who finishes their given parts first teases the slow ones who are left behind. There is shouting and boisterous laughter while this scene is taking place. In selecting ears of corn for planting, the Manobos select those with straight grains. As for the palay, they see to it that no chaff is mixed with the grains. The palay seedlings are preserved in containers made of barks of big trees whose ends have been sewed together.
Harvesting palay among the Manobos is a time of festivity as Manobos near and far gather to help one another, staying together until the work is over. After the harvest, only the palay for next year’s seedling is left, because much of the harvest is allocate for the food of those who helped, so that little is left to the owner. This is one reason why there are no rich Manobos as they share what they have to others, especially food.
The Manobos believe that the physical aspects of the environment, as well as the weather, are controlled by the spirits. They believe that rains will fall after the planting of palay because they think that it is sent by the god of agriculture. Signs in the sky like arrow-like clouds, dark clouds and reddish sky are all interpreted by Manobos as bringing rains, earthquake or drought respectively. They believe that a powerful spirit its present in an earthquake which explains why they have to waken all those who are sleeping and stand up to give reverence to that spirit.
Manobo Folktales
The value of studying folk literature cannot be overemphasized. Folk literature provides us the opportunity of knowing the culture of a people. Created by indigenous minds, it defines their identity and projects the inner quality and strength of their culture. According to Landa Jocano (1969), every society produces its own literature which is given form and meaning by its heritage, ideals, and aspirations.
The Manobo, being an indigenous group, typify the life-ways that form part of the early Filipino culture. Their lifestyle projects their traditions and customs that mirror their values as a distinct culture. Their literature, an oral tradition handed down by word of mouth, speaks of their sentiments, aspirations, and traditions. These values serve as their guide and inspiration in their life’s struggles.
This article presents twelve Manobo folk narratives in the form of myths, legends, and folktales that were collected, recorded and translated.
The demographic area covers the Libungan and Midsayap municipalities of Cotabato Province where a representative Manobo group, the Livunganen-Arumanen Manobo is found: in Barangay Anonang in Midsayap; Barongis Grebona and Sinapangan in Libungan and Libungan town proper.
Six informants facilitated the collection, transcription, and translation of materials. They were chosen on the basis of these qualifications: (1) knowledge about the tribe’s customs and traditions, (2) knowledge of folk literature, (3) acknowledged authority in the tribe, and (4) sufficient educational background to facilitate the language transcriptions and translations.
The same informants, who were not related to each other and who belonged to the different age levels, were also used by the researcher in conducting the “three-generation test” and the “five-individual test” were: Macol Bidangan (78 years) and Calerio Randing (78 years) as belonging to the set of older generation; Venancio Quirino (56 years), Carina Vicente (55 years), and Dominga Pasaol (41 years) as belonging to the set of middle-age generation; and Jeanelyn Tomaring (15 years) as belonging to the younger generation.
After the informants related their stories in Manobo, they were asked regarding the tribe’s customs, practices, and beliefs to confirm the values projected in their stories. One informant, who is knowledgeable in the transcription of the Manobo language and who can speak the Visayan language, Venancio Quirino, was asked to transcribe all the Manobo folk narratives. The researcher copied the transcribed stories for her second copy. While the two of them read together the transcribed narratives, Mr. Quirino translated them orally, mostly sentence by sentence and sometimes freely, to the Visayan language. The researcher translated these into English.
The Livunganen-Arumanen Manobo
The Manobo, of which the Livunganen-Arumanen is only one of several subtribes, are scatteres throughout Mindanao. When the Spaniards came, they saw the Manobo in the interior watershed of Agusan, Iligan, Caraga, Camiguin Island, Malalag, Sarangani, Cotabato, Davao areas, and Rio Grande de Mindanao. The Spaniards found out that the name Manobo was applied to several pagan Malay tribes in northern and eastern Mindanao: the Subanun, Bukidnon, Tiruray, Bagobo, Ata, B’laan, Tasaday, and others. They saw them as homogeneous (Blair and Robertson, 1903).
The origin of the Manobo is not definitely known. A Jesuit Francisco Combes (1620-1665), said they probably came from Burney based on the language structure that they used. Dr. Richard Elkin’s “Proto-Manobo Theory” (in Manuel 1973) defines a class relationship of Manobo languages of which there are 19 dialects today. The change in languages took place when the Proto-Northern Manobo separated from the mainstream body and located themselves in Bukidnon and Misamis Oriental, then to Camiguin Island and Cagayan Island.
Their epic, Ulahingan, which is religious and historical in nature, supports the theory that the first Manobo settled in Northern Mindanao in Cagayan de Oro. The Livunganen-Arumanen Manobo believe that the Ulahangin people were the original Manobo who were later scattered in Mindanao. They claim that from Cagayan de Oro they sailed to Banobo. When the Muslim faith reached their place, some were converted into Islam while the others refused to accept and sailed away in their vintas. The converted brothers called them stubborn Banobo, which later became the term “Manobo” (Peñares and Bidangan in Manuel 1962).
More discussions however, were presented as to where the term “Manobo” came from. Dr. David Barows (in Benedict 1907) reports that Manobo is a native word which means in the Bagobo language tao. Dr. Arsenio Manuel (1973) says that the word “Manuvu” means person; however, he says that munuvu is a term used by other tribes in referring to the Bagobo people. Blair and Robertson (1903) say that the term “man” is also applied to many savage tribes in all parts of the world.
Some Arumanen have also settled in Arakan Valley, but Dr. Sebelion Wale (a Manobo elder) says they are of different background; while Elkins (in Manuel 1973) says that they also came from Aruman, and the Livunganen-Arumanen belongs to the same subgroup. The Arakan Arumanens are reffered to as the “Iliyanen Manobo.”
The home of the Livunganen-Arumanen is Aruman in Carmen, North Cotabato, Famine struck them so they transferred to the Libungan area and extended to Pigcawayan. Another famine struck the area so most of them settled at Barongis, a barrio of Libungan municipality, while some settled at other barrios of Libungan such as Grebona and Sinapangan, Libungan town proper, and Anonang which is a barrio of Midsayap municipality. This is the research area.
Today, Barongis has a mixed population of Manobo, Muslims, and Visayans, with intermarriages taking place and with the Manobo as the dominant settlers. The clash of values takes place in clothing, housing, method of farming, and faith. Some cultivate the ricefields in irrigated areas, especially those living in the barrio of Anonang, Midsayap; but most of them generally engage in upland farming where they plant corn, cassava, camote, banana, mongo, peanuts, and coconuts using the traditional farming of carabao and plow system. The younger generations are exposed to more education with the accessibility of elementary and high schools. Moreover, many have become professionals who are gainfully employed and who can move towards the upliftment of their people. Living together with other linguistic groups, they have become conversant with other languages, such as the Visayan, and have harmonious social relations with the latter.
Acculturation is fast taking place, but their traditional beliefs and practices are deeply rooted as an integral part of their culture. Many have become Christians, while some retain their tribal religion. Other aspects of their society’s personality may have changed, yet tradition would evidently stand out to mark their identity as an indigenous people.
Evidence shows they still cling to traditional beliefs and practices: (1) the practice of their tribal faith despite being Christianized, as shown in their Salilaya ceremony which is ministered by the walian or medicine man who invokes and communicates with supernaturals and other beneficent spirits on occasions like thanksgiving, petition, and festivity; (2) the preservation of their folk literature via oral transmission from generation to generation. This is done through gathering together young and old members for the story time with the aim of preserving their old traditions that inspire them to emulate and guide their ways in life’ daily struggles; (3) the recognition and respect accorded to their datu or chieftain whom they call Timuay, their walian or medicine man who foretells future events and ministers to the sick, and their Pekelukesen or Council of Elders that serves as consultative body for the community’s affairs; (4) the practice of parental arrangement and dowry systems in marriage; (5) the tolerance of polygamous marriages for men who can afford more than one family; (6) the close family ties through an extended family; (7) the close social relation of sharing among the neighborhood and the community; and (8) the type of clothing they wear during festivals and other special occasions.
- Ka Uled
[Pg 3. Refer to the Original Copy]
Serpents
There was an old couple who had no children. They possessed the power of foretelling the future, so their followers believed them. That time there was a famine. All of them experienced starvation and many of them died. The famine became so severe with the burning of forests. All people and animals suffered from hunger. Many also suffered from different kinds of illness.
While the famine intensified, the spirit entered into the old woman.
The spirit through this woman said that something fearful was about to come. It would look frightening but this would help them in many ways. That time really came as told by the old woman, and the people were shaken when they heard a sound.
The old woman saw them, and so she warned them to stop and not to go away. Then that frightful thing approached them.
The old man also looked at it and he saw a big animal with horns and ears. It looked as though it was panting and wet.
The old man touched the old woman, and he pointed to that frightful thing. The old woman also looked at it, and she said that they would just wait for it.
Then she told the people that they should just watch it for God was with them.
When that big frightful thing finally arrived, it was seen as a big serpent.
That was what the old folks called before as “Tendayag.” It looked fearful but it could help the people.
When it got near them, they saw the different types of fish jumping alive around the scales of the serpent’s body.
The old woman said, “You get near it, and you pick up some fish.”
They picked up plenty because their baskets were filled. The serpent continued crawling until it reached the place of Kituved.
Some people followed the serpent. When it reached Kituved, it raised its head to find out if somebody would answer if it would shout.
The people projected that the answer might come somewhere from the Merepangi waterfall, and the serpent went there. It lowered its body, and it really showed how big it was because the earth eroded. That is why that mountain is called “Kimenembag” or eroded.
It left the area and moved towards Merepengi.
When it arrived, it crawled under the waterfall. The foaming bubbles made it obvious that the two had finally met. Blood and rotten leaves of trees floated in the water.
Not long after, one came out and then the other one followed. They came out and talked to each other as serpents.
“We will take off our serpent’s cloak because we are both humans.” “Yes,” said the other one.
And they turned into human beings. Now, they faced each other and each held a weapon. As they faced each other, they stared at each.
One said, “Are you Menelism?”
“Why, are you Bete-ey?”
They both answered, “Yes!”
“Since you are Menelism?”
“Why, are you Bete-ey?”
They both answered, “Yes!”
“Since you are Menelism, you go back to heaven; while I will stay here on earth,” said Bete-ey who was his brother, “for I will help and teach righteousness to the people.”
2. Kine Pebpangkat Dut Dunya
[Pg 5. Refer to the Original Copy]
Order in the Universe
This is the story of how God divided the work in the universe. He divided it like the beehive which is watched by the caretaker named Peneyangan. This Peneyangan can make himself appear like a bee. God also assigns Kelayag to take care of the rice and corn. The one who takes care of the fish is Elimugkat, the god of the fish. The caretaker who is called by the hunters is Kelayag. He watches the wild pigs, the deer, and the other animals. Either Kelayag or Lelawag does this work. The one who takes care of all the needs of men is Derahangan ne karang. The one who takes care of men of bad character is Mengilala.
These are the seven gods assigned to the universe. The one who takes care of peace is the creator God because the whole world as in Him. Those who don’t obey Him belong either to Mengilala or Derahangan ne Karang. Most men seek Mengilala and Derahangan ne Karang.
3. Apo At Agkir-agkir Si Wara Bulvul
[Pg 5. Refer to the Original Copy]
The Hairless Apo of Mount Akir-akir
This Apo of Mount Akir-akir had no hair. The parents of Apo were both walian or healers. After he was born, they soon became weak and sick. They eventually died, leaving Apo an orphan.
In his young age, he lived with his uncle. The wife of his uncle was cruel. When his uncle was away, his aunt would scold him.
His aunt refused to take care of his health. He acquired many skin diseases. He became so dirty that flies would flock to him. He could no longer stay in the house, and he was treated by his aunt as a servant.
His uncle had a cornfield which was being destroyed by monkeys and pigs. There the boy would stay until the afternoon to drive away the
monkeys and pigs. Sometimes, his aunt refused to give him food.
As he grew to manhood, his diseases healed but his hair started to
fall. Surprisingly, those who pitied him got healed when they came to him. His healing powers grew stronger the more his aunt oppressed him.
By the time he became an adult, his family brought him to the
mountain of Akir-Akir. It turned out that the trials he had undergone were actually the test required of a healer. He surmounted all the trials.
That was the time that he acquired the familiar. At first he did not
stay permanently on Mt. Akir-Akir. He would go home occasionally. The people in his hometown got used to his periodic disappearances. Then he told them he would no longer come back.
“If you truly trust God, you will come to me because I will be on top of that mountain. When you come, make your offering of betel nut. My friend will tell me what you should do if you ask for help.
The people obeyed all his words. If they had problems, they would come up and make him an offering on the mountain. What looked like a mountain was actually a big palace.
Because he was really human, he did not disappear all at once. Time came when only his arm appeared to them. Then only his voice could be heard. Later, it happened that he could only be heard speaking through a faith healer.
He was called “Apo without Hair.” Because of his experience of cruelty, the gods took pity on him and turned him into a supernatural being.
4. Ke Pu-Un Te Barongis
[Pg 6. Refer to the Original Copy]
The Legend of Barongis
This story is about Barongis. There was a man who had a sweetheart
he wanted to marry. He looked for a job to prepare for their wedding. He found one.
But there was another suitor whom the woman did not love. This
rival killed him [Barongis].
On his way back to work, this rival assaulted him [Barongis] and
killed him.
The woman cried a lot during the burial. The murderer felt so happy
for he would be able to marry her. He was no longer worried for he already got what he wanted.
The woman mourned a lot and got sick and died. Before she died, she left instructions that she wanted to be buried beside her slain love.
After a few weeks, a grass grew on their graves. People were
wondering what it was and called it Barongis.
5. Ke Pu-Un Te Livungan
[Pg 7. Refer to the Original Copy]
The Legend of Libungan
A long time ago, the name of this place was “Tubak.” There was a
drought. All the people, including those from Bukidnon and Arakan Valleys, were affected. It was really a dry season because no water remained, except in Tubak where a little amount of water was flowing night and day. Then the people learned that there in Tubak was flowing water that did not dry up. Because of that, many people took refuge here.
When they arrived, many went to fetch the water, especially the
Manobo, some of whom were hunters.
They had already united and they agreed to farm in Sinewaran.
The seeds that they produced were used as feeds for chickens. They planted the field that they had cultivated with only one cob of corn. When the corn was already harvested, they divided the harvest among themselves and kept some for their seeds. They could already plant anytime and they would continually harvest.
The people improved their economic life, and they intermarried
with other groups, and that was the beginning of a mixture of people living in Tubak. Since they already understood each other, they agreed to change the name of Tubak.
“We will call it Libungan.” That was because many people could
hardly recognize each other’s differences due to intermarriages.
Thus, the name of the river became Libungan. After settling in Libungan, some of them still longed to go back to their respective places that they had left before. So, some of them remained in Libungan, while some went back to their places of origin. Those in Libungan also looked for their relatives in the places they had left behind in Carmen, Arakan Valley, and Senipen. Then they offered thanksgiving for having found a place to live in Libungan.
6. Ke Pu-unanTe Lewa-an Wey Dengeleg
[Pg 8. Refer to the Original Copy]
The Origin of Lawaan and Dengeleg Trees
Once there were women who were all widows.
One day, they agreed to go fishing. When they reached the forest,
three got lost along the way. The other two just stayed together.
When they started fishing, they caught more fish in the water. After
they caught more, they started cleaning them.
This one widow was a bit rough.
She said, “I will blow into the mouth of this balanak”
When she did, the balanak produced a loud sound because the fish’
mouth was big. This rough lady laughed loudly. She picked up the paitan.
“This time, I will try to blow harder because this will make a louder
sound!”
“Be careful,” said the other widow.
“Are you afraid to die?”
“We will not die, but we might be cursed.”
“We will only believe that after we have tried it.”
Then the first widow blew once more into the paitan which
produced a still louder sound. After this, the place fell silent. They heard thunder. They looked to the east and saw the dark clouds. The sky poured down a heavy rain, accompanied by lightning and thunder.
An old woman appeared and said, “You want to be cursed? You will become frogs,” said the old woman.
The rough lady said, “I don’t want to become a frog.”
“What do you want to be?” said the old woman. The other widow answered, “I want to become a lawaan.”
The other one said, “I want to become a dengeleg so that the coming generations can use me.”
The other widow said, “We will not stay far from each other.” So they became the two lawaan and dengeleg trees.
7. Si Uval Wey Si Be-U
[Pg 9. Refer to the Original Copy]
The Monkey and the Turtle
The turtle said, “I’ll go to the forest.” When he arrived there he saw a rattan vine; he tied it around his body. A monkey was passing by and saw the turtle.
The monkey said, “Please lend it to me.”
But the turtle refused saying, “I’ll not lend this [to you] because this is owned by my grandparents.”
Then he said to the monkey, “Come here now and I will let you sit
on this pointed end.”
“I will die here,” said the monkey. The turtle said, “So that you’ll learn [a lesson].”
When the monkey sat down, the turtle right away inserted the rattan vine in the anus of the monkey until he died because the turtle inserted the thorns.
Then the other monkeys captured the turtle. They built a big fire to bum the turtle to death.
The turtle said, “I will not die by fire, but if you throw me in the
river I will die!”
The monkeys said, “Come here now and we will throw you into
the river.”
The monkeys then threw the turtle into the sea. The turtle rejoiced
and shouted, “I am now home!”
8. Ka Keyumang Wey Menge Bata
[Pg 9. Refer to the Original Copy]
The Crab and the Children
There was a family who lived in the mountain. They had two
children who were both girls. Later, the father of these children died. Only their mother was left behind. She married again, but she married a witch. The man was cruel to the children. The mother also became a witch.
One day, they commanded the children to fetch water from the
well. The woman did not work anymore since she remarried. When the children disobeyed her, she would whip them.
Because of this, the children fled to a hole filled with crabs and
lived with them.
When their mother died, the big crab that was taking care of them
brought the children out of the hole. The crab was already growing old.
The children said, “We have nowhere to stay.”
The crab said, “Don’t worry because we will build a hut.”
Then the crab died. They buried him near their hut. Not long after
they buried him, they heard a voice saying, “Tomorrow before the sun rises, go where you buried me. When you see a ring, get it. Cut it into four and bury it in the four comers of my grave.”
They followed the orders of the voice. When they looked at what
they had buried, a big house appeared, and there they finally lived.
9. Kine Benawa Ki Gambar
[Pg 10. Refer to the Original Copy]
The Restoration of Gambar’s Life
Ulaleg was a medicine man who was admired by the people. One
day, he disappeared. Many became severely sick soon after. One of those was a woman named Gambar. She did not survive the said sickness and she died.
That time, there were hunters. One hunter went home and he brought with him a pig; but when he arrived, Gambar was already dead. Their friends and relatives were crying. They were already cooking their meat but still they continued crying, “If only Ulaleg were here, Gambar would still be alive.”
Later, a witch arrived. The people panicked. They went upstairs
because of fear. The witch called to the mourning relatives who thought that the witch was coming for Gambar.
“Now, the witch will eat Gambar.” When they saw the witch, they found that it was Ulaleg! He asked when Gambar died. They told him about it. Ulaleg said that Gambar was only sleeping.
Ulaleg brought Gambar back to life.
10. Si Bater Wey Si Uval
[Pg 11. Refer to the Original Copy]
The Monkey and the Beetle
The beetle and the monkey agreed to go on a journey. The monkey
got angry because all the people they met noticed only the beetle. No one greeted the monkey when in fact he was the one paddling the boat.
“Why,” said the monkey, “do they only notice you?”
The beetle said, “I don’t know because I’m only lying here in the
middle of the boat.”
They continued their journey. When they passed by the house of
the datu, he asked the beetle where they were going.
“We are going to look for our livelihood,” answered the beetle,
“because we are miserable.”
They left and continued sailing downward.
“Come here, friend, because we are going ashore already,” said the
monkey.
The monkey went out ahead quickly, thinking that he would soon
be noticed, and the beetle was a bit slow.
The monkey sat down with crossed legs. Then someone came and saw the beetle.
She was a young lady who said, “The beetle will be eaten by the chicken if he is seen!”
The young lady approached the beetle.
“Why did she greet him when I’m already seated and crossing my
legs, and she did not greet me?” said the monkey.
The lady placed the beetle on top of her bed.
The datu said, “You ask Putili.”
“Why ask her? We will be cursed because this is an insect.”
Then the datu asked, “Are you going to marry the beetle, Putili?”
The lady said, “Yes, I’ll marry him. Father, because I don’t want
the monkey!”
The datu answered in agreement that he also preferred the beetle.
“You plan for your wedding,”
When the lady and the beetle became husband and wife, the monkey
became violent and he threw away all the things in the palace of the datu. The datu called for Sebandar to take the monkey out and let the dogs run after him.
11. Akal Ni Pilanduk
[Pg 12. Refer to the Original Copy]
The Clever Pilanduk
Pilanduk was cleaning the rattan vine. A giant arrived and he wanted
to eat Pilanduk.
“Don’t eat me. I’m cleaning this rattan vine because I’m going to
tie my body to that tree because the sky is about to fall.”
[The giant was alarmed and said to Pilanduk] “You tie me first.
You’ll be the last.” So Pilanduk tied the giant then he ran away. But the
appearance of this giant changed.
Pilanduk saw a big snake that was coiling itself. [Just then, the giant caught him again.] “Now, you’ll really be
killed!”
Don’t get mad right away,” said Pilanduk.
The giant’s anger again subsided. “Look at the belt of that datu. I
want that belt,” he said to Pilanduk.
“I will be the first [to use it], you just keep quiet,” said the giant.
Pilanduk made a belt of snake; and when the giant noticed it, Pilanduk tightened it. Then he ran away.
Once more the giant caught up with Pilanduk.
“There you are, Pilanduk!”
“Don’t just say Pilanduk carelessly. Remember who you’re talking
to!”
Then the giant’s anger subsided.
Pilanduk ran away again. There he was again under the lawaan
tree with the baliti vine around it. The said giant caught him again.
“Now this is your last chance, Pilanduk; I will really kill you!”
“Don’t be in a hurry because the datu will get angry.” Pilanduk
peeped in the tree.
“Let me peep also,” said the giant.
“You can peep, but don’t touch the gold.”
While the giant was peeping in, Pilanduk burned the baliti vine
and the giant was burned to death.
12. Kine Esawa ni Uval Ki Bater
[Pg 12. Refer to the Original Copy]
The Marriage of the Monkey and the Beetle
There was a datu who had two young daughters who were married
to a monkey and a beetle. The datu didn’t refuse the marriages because he feared being cursed. The datu said, “Since you are already married, Puteli, you will have to work for a living.”
The first to go was the monkey. He went to the thick baliti and cut
the branches.
The beetle also went. He said to his wife, “You bring me to a faraway
place where there are no chickens for they might eat me and I would not be able to go home.”
When he was already there, the beetle changed into a human being.
He went to the mountain where there were many vines, then he cut them. In the afternoon, the beetle went home. He went to the place where his wife left him and then he assumed the form of a beetle.
After many days, he went to his kaingin again to bum it. Because
the grasses and trees were so dry, it resulted into a big fire which ate up even the forest.
The datu noticed it and so he said, “The whole world is already
burning because we are cursed by these animals.”
When the beetle got home, the datu said, “You make your own
home elsewhere so you can live your own life.”
The couple went to their own kaingin. The beetle said, “This is my
work here.” He invited his wife to take a bath in the river. He said, “You
stay down here. And I’ll stay there.”
The beetle removed his beetle cloak and threw it into the flowing
river and he was changed into a young man. His wife saw the clothes and she took them. He saw his wife crying. He asked why.
“My husband drowned,” said his wife.