Tag Archives: Population

The State of the Women of Mindanao Report 2004 Executive Summary

This year’s report emphasizes socioeconomic indicators which show the dismal performance of Mindanao in the pursuit of economic progress. The impact of inadequate, inappropriate, and misdirected policy is seen in the realities of war and poverty that characterize many communities in the island. The resulting quality of life and general lack of opportunities take its toll on women because of the multiple roles they play to keep family and community together. Mindanao women urgently need attention in the areas of economic opportunities, reproductive health, political participation, education, and basic services such as water and power.

This report also focuses on the particular situations faced by Mom and Lumad women who are barely visible in government statistics and policy papers.

Highlights of the 2004 Report

1. Women and Population

1.1 Mindanao’s population II growing faster than the national avenge.

Mindanao’s annual population growth ii 2.42 percent, exceeding the national average of 2,36 percent (NCSO 2000). If this growth rate remains constant, it will take 2L5 years for the island’s population to double to 32,4 million. Twenty-three percent of Mindanao households experienced hunger between May and July 2004. Moreover, 41.8 percent of Mindanao families UV poor, The dependency ratio is very high at seventy-five percent, implying the strain on the family to allocate resources for the care and up keep of the very young and the very old, The slow economic expansion and the current fiscal crisis accompany the decline in investments in human and social capital, The coping capacities of women are put under greater stress as they struggle to meet their family’s basic needs.

1.2 Mindanao has a cultural b, diverse population.

Islamized tribal groups,. make up twenty percent of the island’s population in 2000. They are the dominant ethnic group in the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM). The Indigenous Peoples (IPs) or Lumads, on the other hand, comprise six percent of Mindanao population, and they ‘are mostly found in Regions X and XI and Caraga Region.

1.3 Poverty is most severe in the provinces where the Muslims and Lumads reside.

Mindanao contributes thirty-one percent to total poverty in the country. It is most felt in Caraga Region, where the Lumads make up sixty percent of the-population.

All provinces in the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao posted very low Human Development Index (HDI) values (UNDP 2004). The highest HDI value was – posted in Misamis Oriental at 0.665, with the ARMM posting the lowest HDI values ranging from 0.322 to 0.400.

The Gender Development Index (GDI) which measures the inequality between men and women based on life expectancy at birth, educational attainment, and standard of living is also found to be at low values in Mindanao, with an average of 0.449. The highest GDI was posted by Misamis Oriental (0.617), while Sulu (0.322) had the lowest G131 in the entire country.

1.4 Rural areas with predominantly Muslim population are increasingly being depopulated.

Due to worsening poverty and the conflict situation, outward migration of rural inhabitants in these areas continues. Banditry, feuds (rido), cattle rustling, the unresolved Moro rebellion, and the continuing decline of agriculture and homegrown industries have forced many Moro families to leave their hometowns and kook for other means of sustenance in more peaceful towns and cities.

1. 5 As traditional sources of livelihood diminish and traditional tribal territories shrink, indigenous peoples disperse leading to the demise of their culture and clan solidarity.

As lands (or reef territories, as in the case of the minority tribes of Sulu and Tawi-Tawi) are taken over by outsiders and business interests, the Lumads of Mindanao are uprooted from their traditional lifestyles and are forced to evacuate into the towns or city slums where they become alienated from their long-held traditions. Family cohesiveness and clan solidarity fade away, replaced by a survivalist culture. In some cases, young Lumads have become domestic helpers, or even prostitutes. Sama Dilaut (Bajau) families have become itinerant highway beggars.

1.6 Basic services are dismally lacking in Lumad communities.
Because they are not part of mainstream society, the Lumads have often been overlooked as a constituency in dire need of social services. Canoy and Suminguit (2001) assert that this poor delivery of basic social services could be a consequence of, and at the same time a contributing factor to, their social exclusion. The neglect has contributed to their impoverishment, which in turn has heightened their exclusion and marginalization.

1.7 Mom and Lumad women are minorities within minorities.

Within Mindanao’s multi-ethnic population, women occupy low status within their respective ethnic communities and across these ethnic divides. Being minorities, the Lumad and Moro women become doubly disadvantaged compared with their other Mindanawon sisters. Parentally arranged early marriages and the belief that women should stay home and not actively participate in community life limit their chances to improve their knowledge and skills for economic independence. Male chauvinism and discrimination limit their chances in the various spheres of life — be it in employment, public life, government bureaucracy, or social movements.

2. Women and Health and Reproductive Rights

2.1 Public delivery of health services in Mindanao is in a dismal state, with Moro and Lumad communities the most poorly served.

The health situation in Mindanao needs much improvement to.catch up with the rest of the country. The ratio of hospital beds to population in the region is at 1:5,429, a far cry from the ideal 1:500. The ratio of doctors and nurses to population is the worst in Region XI, Region XII, ARMM and Caraga, way behind the ideal 1:20,000. In the year 2002, all these regions suffered increases in maternal deaths (associated with pregnancy, labor and puerpal sepsis) and infant mortality rates. ARMM posted the lowest life expectancy and high levels of infant and maternal mortality, which are principal outcomes of poverty and official neglect.

The interior areas, notably Lumad and Moro areas are seldom serviced by public health personnel. Among Lumad communities, women healers provide childbirth assistance and treatment of diseases, while family planning is conducted through the use of indigenous herbal contraceptives.

2.2 Safe drinking water remains an unmet need in many upland communities in Mindanao and in the remote islands of the ARMM.

As of 2001, Region XII (fifty nine percent) and ARMM (fifty four percent) have the lowest proportion of households with access to potable water. About twenty percent of Mindanao households still rely on spring, lake, river, and rain and eleven percent on dug well. The absence of safe potable water has resulted in a high incidence of disease and a negative impact on family health (Francis 2003). This further burdens women on whose shoulders rest family care responsibilities and negatively affects their health and income-earning capacities.

2.3 Mindanao’s performance in family planning is dismal.

The contraceptive prevalence rate in 2002 was only forty seven percent, a negligible increase of 1.6 percent from 45.4 percent in 2000 (Sanchez & Ingenta 2003). Women who would like to limit or space their) children do not have the means to do so since many health centers are found dismally lacking in family planning information and services. Supplies and equipment are either not available or accessible. Withholding or withdrawing financial support for agencies carrying out programs promoting reproductive health and the general shift of the country towards conservatism in family planning only exacerbate the many burdens of women.

2.4 War, minority status and lack of education curtail women’s access to health services and limit their reproductive choices.

The lack of peace and order as well as the continued government neglect make access to basic health services difficult, if not impossible, for many Mom and Lumad women of Mindanao. Early marriages resulting from parentally arranged betrothal and the belief that family planning is against the teachings of God likewise have important effects on sexuality and fertility. These are further compounded by women’s lack of education, and consequently, lack of opportunities to work outside the home.

3. Women, Education and Literacy

3.1 Mindanao performs poorest in education indicators with ARMM decidedly the worst case.

Extreme poverty, aggravated by the worsening peace and order situation, has deprived many Lumad and Mom women of basic education. Overall, Mindanao performs poorest in simple and functional literacy and participation rates compared with Luzon and Visayas, and has the highest dropout rates. Mindanao students also exhibit the worst average performance in the National Secondary Assessment Test, aggravated by a substandard quality of teachers, as indicated by their poor performance in the Licensure tests. Comparatively, ARMM shows the most disturbing ‘performance—highest in dropouts and lowest in simple literacy, functional literacy, secondary participation, and elementary cohort survival. ARMM also has the lowest number of passers for Licensure Exams for Teachers.

3.2 A huge gap remains in terms of meeting Mindanao’s public school , requirements.

Problems related to lack of teachers, classrooms, desk and armchairs, and textbooks cannot be understated. A 2002 report shows that as of SY 2001-2002 alone, public elementary schools needed the following: 11,152 teacher; 16,079 million textbooks; 12,758 classrooms; and 969,337 desks and armchairs while the public secondary schools also needed: 5,736 teachers; 964,640 textbooks; 14,422 classrooms; and 448,423 desks and armchairs. It is uncertain whether such huge requirements can be met considering the ever dwindling budget allocation of Mindanao which compared lowest against the shares of Luzon and Visayas 4112003 (MEDCo 2002).

3.3 Over times more girls than boys have improved their performance in education.

In SY 1999-2000, girls’ participation rates in the elementary level improved as shown in their participation rate of 94.1 percent as against boys’ 92.5 percent. At the secondary level, girls rated 51.3 percent as against the boys’ 45.9 percent. There were also more boy than girl repeaters, both in the public elementary and secondary levels. As to mean test scores for NEAT and NSAT in 1998, the girls gained higher scores (48.9 percent and 43.1 percent, respectively) than the boys (44.8 percent and 40.7 percent, respectively).

3.4 More women than men pursue higher education but gender segregation by fields of study remains.

Although women outnumber men in tertiary enrollment and graduation, courses taken up by women and men are evidence of gender segregation or stereotyping. Women are in “soft” courses (accountancy, nursing; midwifery, teaching, computer secretarial, hotel and restaurant management, etc.) while the men are in “hard” courses (engineering, electronics and, communications, criminology, law, architecture, town planning, etc.)

3.5 Gender stereotyping education limits the choir of women to a few lower paying less-challenging jobs.

While there are more women graduates earning their degrees from colleges and universities, males perform better in professional board examinations, according to an ADB report (2003). More males qualify for jobs that offer better pay and higher security.

3.6 The institutionalization of the madrasah system has enabled Muslim women to enjoy their religious and cultural rights although it has not improved their economic opportunities in the local job market.

With the recognition and accreditation of Islamic education via the madrasah, Moro women have been given greater freedom to exercise their religion and way of life. However, the emphasis on Islamic doctrine and the use of the Arabic language have failed to improve Muslim women (and men’s) chances, in the mainstream Philippine economy. Moreover, Islamic education has tended to further segregate professionals in the overseas employment market,  with Muslims going to Middle Eastern countries and non-Muslims to the U.S. and other countries in the West.

3.7 Illiteracy remains a major impediment towards the economic uplift of Lumad women in the remote and isolated upland villages in Mindanao.

Far-flung upland communities lack access to education. This has served-to perpetuate poverty and backwardness that victimize Lumad women: and men. While literacy and education, programs by churches, schools, NGOs and government agencies have benefited and given hope to adult learners and children, there remains an urgent need to institute a comprehensive, replicable, and truly sustainable education program that responds to their culture and economic needs.

4. Labor and Employment

4.1 There are more males than females in the labor force and there are more males than females who are gainfully employed.

Women are at a disadvantaged position compared with men as evidenced by a greater number of males than females in the labor force and more males (64.27 percent) than females (35.73 percent) employed. Conversely, there are more females (50.5 percent) than males (14.8 percent) not in the labor force; more females (48.1 percent) than males (41 percent) underemployed; more females (43.38 percent) than males (32.17 percent) who work as laborers & unskilled workers; and more females (56.43 percent) than males (43.57 percent) who work as unpaid family labor (DOLE 2003).

4.2 Gender segregation in employment continues, contributing to gender disparities and the confinement of women in lower-status and lower-paid occupations.

Women are continually placed in industries associated with female roles or are extensions of their productive jobs at home. Dominance of women in certain industries and occupation groups such as teaching and health professions, social work, and wholesale and retail trade, points to the reality of gender stereotyping in the job market. Gender inequality is indeed perpetuated as majority of women are assigned to lower-paid and lower-status jobs.

4.3 Agriculture and wholesale and retail provide more jobs for women.

Across industry groups, agriculture (37.65 percent) and wholesale & retail trade (28.21 percent) provide more jobs to women. Interestingly, ARMM has more than half (52.2 percent) of its employed population found in agriculture.

4.4 More women than men are employed in the subsistence sector.

Women are usually in the subsistence sector as small farmers and backyard cultivators where they work as unpaid family workers and as laborers and unskilled workers.

4.5 Discrimination cuts down the chances of Moro and Lumad women in the labor market.

Moro and Lumad women are doubly disadvantaged compared with their Mindanawon sisters by being members of minority groups. Their skills are too limited for them to be employable. Even as they try to make their way through the tight opportunity structures of mainstream society they remain at the periphery of the labor market (Baguinat et at 2002, Bangoy 1998, Latada 1992). Among Lumad-women, a stable source of income is farm labor. Among the(Moro populace, women are highly visible in retail trade and food businesses though the bulk of them are still in the agriculture sector. Educated Moro women are usually employed in government offices, in the teaching profession, and in the services sector. Moro women share the same complaint as their male counterparts in that discrimination in employment continues against those with obvious “Muslim family names.”

5. Rural Women

5.1 Women’s contribution to agriculture is invisible.

Female participation in agriculture is largely as laborers and unskilled farm workers or unpaid family labor. This signifies women’s lack of recognition as agricultural workers and their limited absorption into the paid sector.

5.2 Despite women’s invaluable contribution to agricultural production, wage structure in agriculture remains unequal.

Rural women are perennially relegated to the unpaid sector. However, when they do get into the paid sector their daily nominal wages are still lower than men’s, with a difference of between PhP14 and PhP27 as of 2002, implying continuing invisibility and undervaluation of female labor and the lack of institutionalization of equal pay in agriculture.

5.3 Women have poorer access to agrarian reform programs and agricultural’ extension services. Access to and/or control of land, technology and support services substantially remain in the hands of men.

Out of 221,399 agrarian reform beneficiaries (ARBs) in Mindanao in 2003, only 51,625 or a mere twenty-three percent were women, an indication that women still lack access to land and agricultural resources. About forty-six percent of female ARBs have access to credit services, still much lower than the national average of fifty-six percent.

5.4 Agrarian Reform Cooperatives (ARC) agro-industries have yet to benefit the women as employment opportunities are more available to men than women.

It is apparent that ARC-led agro-industries continue to marginalize women. Most of the jobs created by the cooperatives rarely make women the beneficiaries. Community projects have continued to stereotype women, placing them in low-skill, low-technology, and unprofitable activities such as sewing, mat-weaving, and basket-making. What this implies is the need for more infrastructure, agricultural services, credit facilities, information, training, and technology directed towards women.

5.5 In the ARB organizations women generally shy away from leadership and management positions.

Although it would appear that women and men are equal in terms of occupying key positions within the cooperatives, membership in the board of directors—the highest policy making body—is dominated by males rather than females. The latter are more visible as members of various committees than as directors of the board.

6. Overseas Filipino Workers

6.1 Women form the majority of overseas Filipino workers (OFWs) from Mindanao. 

In 2002, there were 135,000 Mindanawons who joined the international labor market, the majority (88,020) of whom were women. Most OFWs were at the peak of their productive working age. Region XI contributed the largest number of women to overseas labor while the least came from Caraga Region. The bulk of male OFWs came from Region IX and Region XI. The Middle East and Asia were top favorite destinations of OFWs.

6.2 Unable to compete in the ever-tightening job market many women opt to take low-status low-skilled, and often high-risk jobs abroad which leave them vulnerable to abuse.

Many migrant workers land in 3Ds (dirty, dangerous, disdained) jobs that require them to work in isolation, thus exposing them to exploitation and abuse. Non-implementation of laws protecting migrant workers often makes these wor6ts defenseless (Cabreza 2003).

6.3 Female deployment overseas results in severe stress on those left behind.

The departure of the mother-wife and household manager has resulted in the loss of family solidarity. In some Moro households, men, unused to gender roles reversal, become totally dependent on their wife’s income. The care of younger children falls on elder children or their grandparents. Where long spouse absence becomes unbearable for the husband, a second wife is often found.

6.4 There has been in recent years an increase in the export of young female migrant labor.

Due to lack of choices and opportunities within the country, many girls choose to engage in high-risk occupations abroad, including being trafficked in prostitution. Mindanao is the main source of so-called Japayukis working as Overseas Performing Artists (OPA) in Japan’s clubs and entertainment houses.

6.5 There is an ever-growing number (undocumented OFWs many of them women.

Unemployment at home and inhumane working conditions abroad often give OFWs little choice as to whether to stay on or go home to Mindanao a failure. The latter being extremely humiliating, many Japayukis, domestic helpers, and factory workers often opt to go undocumented and take chances at irregular jobs that allow them to save money or find some other means of survival (e.g., finding a foreign husband or a kind employer). Being an illegal alien makes migrant workers ineligible for protection and basic health services, so/that often they are forced into situations where they have to get into temporary emergency live-in arrangements for the sake of survival.

7. Child Labor

7.1 Despite laws against child labor, many children have remained in the labor market.

Economic difficulties and the inability of parents to provide for the family’s welfare have forced many children to join the labor force. In rice and corn fields, banana and sugarcane plantations, quarries, bus stations, and the port area, child labor is visible. Girls usually work as dish washers, waitresses, vendors, and domestic helpers. Some end up in entertainment clubs and get trafficked into prostitution, either domestically or internationally. Boys are recruited into criminality, including drug pushing, theft, and prostitution. Being minors, children do not enjoy legal protection and work benefits,

7.2 The phenomenon of child labor and child prostitution points to the problem of extreme poverty.

Abandoning children to their own devices or forcing them to find work that is beyond their physical or mental maturity is a symptom of despair and lack of faith in the educational system and opportunity structures open to the poor. Many parents, unable to support their young, participate in the exploitation of their own children. In spite of advocacy work and child rights campaigns; some parents would rather illegally collaborate with employers and recruiters to get their children to work, rather than have them attend school, which they consider as a useless investment. They are often there when documents have to be falsified or children’s ages have to be changed. In extreme cases parents or adult relations push young children into prostitution. This implies a need for a stronger poverty reduction program and a more effective delivery of educational services to the poor.

8. Violence against Women & Children

8.1 Despite laws protecting women, sexual violence against women continues.

Incest rape, sexual harassment, wife battering, and abuse in intimate relationships remain an everyday fact in the lives of women in Mindanao and in remote barangays outside the reaches of the law. Culturally-sanctioned practices such as bride abduction, forced marriage, and payment of bride price that violate women’s reproductive rights persist.

8.2 Most perpetrators of violence against women and children are closely related to the victims most notably their parents (usually the father or stepfather), husband live-in partners boyfriends or relatives.

Contrary to the notion that rape and physical abuse are inflicted by strangers, the most likely source of violence against women and children re people who are familiar to them, usually family members and intimates. he recent passage of R.A. No. 9262, otherwise known as Anti-Violence Against Women and Their Children Act of 2004, is intended to protect women and children from abusive relationships.

8.3 Trafficking and prostitution continue to be the most insidious, if not most pervasive, form of violence against women and children.

Because of poverty and government’s inability to protect the welfare of its citizens, recruiters and traffickers make of Mindanao’s women and young girls, the most tradable goods for sale in the sex market.

8.4 Because of lack of access to education and lack of economic support from their family many children remain on the streets where they learn survival tactics and are introduced into high-risk trades.

Children whose families do not have the resources to support them end up on the streets where they learn street survival and engage in high-risk behavior which includes rugby sniffing, shoplifting, picking pockets, drug pushing, and unprotected sex. Street life is more risky for girls than boys, as they are the ones who often get raped or sold for sex by their boyfriends, become pregnant, or contract sexually transmitted diseases.

9. Women and Armed Conflict

9.1 Lawlessness and a general situation of conflict beset indigenous communities putting a heavy stress on women.

A perennial scourge for Lumad inhabitants living on the borders between Christian and Muslim communities is becoming prey to armed bandits who are engaged in cattle rustling, theft, and extortion.

9.2 Rido between families or clans is a constant source of violent conflict in Moro communities.

In the ARMM and in local bailiwicks of Moro landlords and politicians, intermittent conflicts arising from family or clan feuds or rido heavily contribute to the tension and general lack of peace in the area. These sporadic clashes often lead to killings and to the evacuation of civilians who fear being caught in the crossfire. At high risk in this ritual of revenge are the female members or children of the family involved who may be kidnapped or taken hostage as a way to dishonor or get back at the opponent’s family.

9.3 The lack of faith in government and the worsening poverty in the uplands have attracted many men to rebel causes.

Alienation from mainstream development processes and the general lack of unemployment have drawn increasing numbers of Moro and Lumad men into rebellion, leaving the responsibility of family maintenance in the hands of women. The New People’s Army (NPA) now gets most of its recruits from young unemployed Lumad men, while Islamic rebel groups continue to draw adherents, a good number of them children below eighteen.

9.4 Rebellion in the countryside makes indigenous women unwilling hosts to raving armies.

Lumad and Moro women are constantly subjected to harassment as a result of the continuing war between government troops and rebel forces. Roving government soldiers accuse them of being rebel sympathizers and demand that they participate in government anti-insurgency campaigns, while rebel groups pressure them into supporting their causes and paying revolutionary taxes.

9.5 Under extreme pressure from government soldiers and in the midst of destruction wrought on their villages by the military, the Moro women seek to protect their men.

In the face of pressures from enemy soldiers who threaten their survival, Moro women assume multiple roles: wives and mothers protecting their rebel husbands and sons; nurses who tend to the wounded; couriers who smuggle information, food, medicine, and ammunition; and caretakers who look after the survival needs of the young (Cagoco-Guiam 2003).

9.6 Even as Moro women stand by their men in their struggle for the defense of their homeland and communities; they are also the strongest proponents of peace.

War victimizes women more than men, as so often it is their husbands, their livelihoods, their shelter, and their children that are taken by war. War extracts the highest price from women: with the disappearance of their men, they are left to fend for their families and themselves.

10. Women and Public Leadership

10.1 Political office continues to be the domain of men and the few women who have gained political positions have largely ridden on their family’s coattails.

Public leadership remains in the hands of men and the handful of women who have made it have done so mainly on the strength of their family’s political power. Apart from a very few exceptions, most of these women have been trained and seasoned in the ways of traditional politics.

10.2 Even as women’s groups continue to campaign for greater participation in politics, the field remains resistant to the presence of females

While more women have been seeking political office, few seats have been actually taken. In this year’s election, only ten women from Mindanao were voted into the House of Representatives. In, total, there are four female governors, three city mayors, and eighteen municipal mayors (GABRIELA 2004).

10.3 Females firm the bulk of the bureaucracy but they do not proportionately occupy top positions.

Female employees make up the bulk’ of government personnel in Mindanao although women’s participation in decision-making and the political process is marginal. Women generally occupy the second level career positions while men predominate in the first level and elective positions.

11. Women, Hope of Mindanao

Women suffer the most because of failed and misguided policies that have exacerbated the unpeace and underdevelopment in Mindanao. But the women also hold the key to peace and development in Mindanao.

There are many women and organizations who through the years have tirelessly led communities towards the development of Mindanao in various fields. A women’s organization in Misamis Occidental, for example, took upon itself the task of addressing the issue of safe potable water in 490 barangays, in recognition of the enormous importance water has to the daily life of other women. There are those women who, even under severe circumstances, have organized their meager resources to ensure the survival of their family.

Many women and their children recognize that in war there are no victors, and that rebuilding war-torn communities need their commitment to root out the causes of the conflict in Mindanao and in the GRP-MILF peace negotiations. Mindanao women leaders have taken their place at the negotiating table. There are many women who have crossed political and cultural boundaries, who use their extraordinary position to enhance the interface of statutory governance and the dynamics of the traditional tribal political system.

Provincial women organizations have also established gender and development centers that serve as temporary shelters for victims and survivors of violence against women and children. These women and women groups have truly provided inspiration  to many women, whose leadership and engagement. in, various fields of endeavor are worth emulating. Truly, in Mindanao hope has a woman’s face.

Kulungan, Sta. Maria, Davao Del Sur

General Profile of the Village

Kulungan (San Agustin) is one of the 17 barrios of the town of Sta. Maria. It is three kilometers away from the poblacion proper and can be reached via the tricycles that frequent the place. It has five sitios and a total land area of 2,890 hectares. At least 50 percent of this land area is agricultural planted with coconuts. Other crops include corn, rice and coffee. Houses are dispersed in rolling and hilly areas.

The latest population count done in the barrio by the Barangay Service Point Officers (BSPO) of the Population Commission revealed that there are 200 dwelling units with 333 households. There are 976 females and 937 males. The annual income of the barrio is approximated at P3,600 or an average family incom of P300.00. The people are of mixed origin. There are Ilocanos, Tagalogs, Cebuanos, and Natives such as Tausug, Kaolos and other Muslims. Except for a mail delivery system (usually done by the barrio captain), the barrio has no other communication facilities.

The barrio has chapels for Roman Catholics, Seventh Day Adventists, Protestants, and the Philippine Benevolent Missionary Alliance (PBMA). Aside from the presence of a KSP leader for the Catholics, no other resident pastors or ministers live in the barrio. There are seven *hilots*, one licensed midwife, and one government clinic in the area.

Almost all of the households have radios. Very few have access to newspapers and only family owns a TV set. People share the public artesian well which is the source of their drinking water. The well used to be a free-flowing body of water which was converted into an artesian well by a group who had served in the community under the so-called “Paglilingkod Bagong Lipinan” of the local government. It has been repaired once by the barrio folks themselves since the local government saw no need to replace it with a new one. As a result of the defective well, dysentery is a frequent occurrence in the barrio.

Fortunately, however, the barrio is blessed with clear sea water. As you walk along the sandy shore, schools of small fish vie for your attention. This abundance of fish makes most of the people dependent upon the sea for their source of livelihood. Aside from the fish resources, the barrio has a white beach at the farthest end, a rendezvous area for the romantic and young at heart. Inhabited by peace-loving and friendly people, the place is quiet except for the sound of the roaring engine of the fishermen’s boats. The people are simple contented with what they have. Wives stay at home, caring for the children and their homes, waiting for the arrival of their husbands. There are also many children in the place.

Despite the presence of comfort rooms it remains a wonder that the shore is still strewn with human especially in the early morning, thus marring the beautiful sandy seashore.

Most of the residents of San Agustin are fisherman. About 90 percent of them own bancas, around 20 percent of which operate by paddles while the rest are powered by motor. There appears to be no competition among the fishermen. They even set schedules for their fishing. Fishermen whose bancas use paddles leave at around 5:30 in the afternoon and come home at around mid-night. Those whose bancas are powered by a motor, commonly called “pump boats,” leave at around 2:00 in the morning and return around 1:00 to 2:00 p.m. of the following day. By following this schedule, they believe that they are practicing fairness and equality in their occupation.

Fishermen who own non-motorized bancas do their fishing offshore. The usual fishing gear are palangre (hooks placed in a box-like frame), baling (breach seine), and sapyaw (hand net). Fishermen engaged in deep-sea fishing use estangre (multiple set of hooks in a long line), pasol (using a nylon and a bait), and a pukot (encircling gill net). The fishing industry in Kulungan is a small-scale, using crude technology. Most of them attribute the quantity of their catch to suerte or sheer luck. Because of this suerte lang attitude, most of them fell that they can not do much to make their present lives prosperous, thus the fatalistic feeling of contentment. They do have hopes for the future, especially for their children, yet, the suerte lang attitude and “can’t do anything” orientation is pervasive making ambition difficult.

The fishermen’s wives play a vital role in marketing the products. They take care of weighing the catch along the seashore upon their husband’s arrival. They record the weight and usually decide on the price of the catch per kilo. The neighbors also help in weighing the fish. They help the fishermen’s wives find containers for the catch especially when it is abundant. The fishermen who are resting likewise help those who have arrived by properly anchoring their bancas. Daytime is rest time for the fishermen. They sleep till the time they leave for another fishing trip. They do not drink any liquor, not even the *tuba*.

The center of the barrio presents a contrasting picture with the fishing sitio of the place. Here, the children learn to smoke and gamble early. Young and old drink liquor. In contrast to the fishermen, the residents in the center are more aggressive. During our two-week stay in the place, two persons were killed by a drunk. Despite these contrasting characteristics of the sitio in San Agustin, the place is still well-liked. Everybody knows everyone. There are no secrets since what one does becomes public knowledge. Influential people are respected by them.

Data-gathering was conducted during a two-week period. To facilitate field activities, the project director and the student-interviewers stayed in the area. Such an arrangement allowed the cross-checking of survey date which otherwise would have been difficult with one-shot field interviews.

Profile of Fishermen

The presentation of the findings is divided into three major sections. The first section presents the socio-economic profile of the fishermen. Included in the profile are the demographic characteristics and the different indicators of levels of living, household size, food consumption pattern, and morbidity incidence in the family. This is followed by the discussion of fishing activities. A description of the fishermen’s fishing background introduces this section. Other topics, included are the volume of production during lean and peak months, marketing, and the expenses involved. The last section discusses the participation of the fishermen in existing organizations and their awareness of government-related projects in their barangay.

Ninety-four percent of the fishermen are married. They are also middle-aged, many belong to the 30-40 age group (mean age is 37 years old). Twenty-nine percent belong to the 20-29 age group, while twenty-two percent are 50 years old or over. These indicate that fishing as an occupation is popular among young household heads and persists asa a livelihood during the later years of adult male life. More that half of the fishermen (60 percent) were born in the province of Davao del Sur. Of this, 40 percent are from the same municipality. Half of those who came from the town of Sta. Maria were born in the village and have stayed in the area for 30 to 60 years. Average years of residence, however, is 20 years with a standard deviation of 18 years.

Socioeconomic Profile

The educational status of the fishermen is low with 70 percent reaching only the elementary level. Of this, only 23 percent finished grade six (model educational attainment). The mean years of schooling is four years with a standard deviation of two years. Very few (16 percent) have reached highschool and only one percent reached college. Low educational attainment probably stems from financial constraints.

Most of the respondents are Catholics (60 percent). The rest of the fishermen are Protestants (13 percent), Philippine Benevolent Missionary Alliance (PBMA) members (12 percent), and Muslims (5 percent). Although all of the fishermen speak Visayan, only 59 percent are Cebuanos. The rest of the population are natives (Kaolo, Kalagan – 32 percent) who mix their mother tongue with the Cebuano dialect.

Majority of the fishermen (99 percent) own their houses, but only 12 percent own both house and lot. Seventy-eight percent of the 99 percent live in rent-free lots. Only nine percent rent the lots where their houses are found. The rent-free privilege of most fishermen can be ascribed to the fact that Kulungan is an hacienda owned by only three families. One of these families allowed them to stay in their lot without any rent. Their dwelling units are mostly made of light materials like nipa/cogon for roofing and nipa/coconut leaves/bamboo for wallings. Majority of these houses (63 percent) are in good condition; 19 percent are in need of repair. Very few houses (9 percent) were built using permanent materials like GI roofing and cemented walls. The average number of rooms in the house is two, usually the kitchen and the sala.A number of the houses (34 percent) have only one room with a multi-purpose function. It serves as the bedroom during nighttime, sala at daytime, and dining room during mealtime. In this arrangement, the kitchen is found in the corner of the room or downstairs.

Aside from radios which are owned by 63 percent of the respondents, the fishermen do not own appliances which urban dwellers consider as necessities like television sets, refrigerators, or gas ranges. Most of the families (98 percent) do not have dining sets as known by lowlanders. What they have are tables with long benches to sit on during mealtime. A few of them do not even see the need for tables. Wooden sala sets are owned by 86 percent of the household. This also holds true with bed ownership. Only nine percent are reported to have beds, while a greater majority (91 percent) sleeps on the floor.

Ninety-four percent of the households depend on kerosene for their lighting needs. Although some of the houses in the sitio of the village have access to electricity, the village as a whole still has not benefited from the main power station at the time of the survey. They use wood for cooking purposes (99 percent). For water, majority of the respondents still rely on public artesian wells. All households have toilet facilities, most of which are water-sealed. There is, however, a great disparity between ownership and use of comfort rooms. While everybody said they have toilets, the seashore still abounds with human waste. This is caused perhaps by the distance of their toilets from their houses. Most toilets are found several meters away from their houses, thus, most of the children prefer to use the seashore.

Livestock ownership is rare in the barrio. Only about 20 percent of the families domesticate animals, such as chicken and pigs. This rarity of livestock ownership indicates that most of the residents get their sustenance from the sea, and very few supplement their income through domestication of animals. Majority (72 percent) however, have equipment for their fishing activities. Fishing equipment are of the single-hook variety locally known as pasol, twenty-five percent are big nets or baling, and seven are estrangres or multiple hooks.

The average household size is six. The total number of household members is 573, with 144 working and 429 household members not working. Thus, every working household member has to support three other family members. Very few housewives work outside the home. The traditional model of a woman tending the house or looking after their children is still to adhered to in the village. Among the working wives, majority are fish vendors, while the rest work as mat weavers. All the households are nuclear families.

Per capita income from fishing activity is P1,137.31. The main source of household income in the village is fishing with ninety-seven percent (97 percent) depending on it. The remaining three percent are part time fishermen who only fish during peak months. In lean months they work in the farms or are hired as carpenters. Since fishing is the majority’s means of livelihood, most of them (88 percent) own bancas; 36 percent of which are motorized and 52 percent non-motorized. Only 12 percent of the respondents are either renters or hired crew.

The mean annual income of the households engaged in fishing is P6,516.8. This, however, is enjoyed by only a few fishermen (around 5 percent) as revealed by the standard deviation of P9,826.80. The median income is P3,650.00, though the middle 50 percent have an income range of P2,020.00 to P6,450.00 annually. Only twelve percent of the respondents are reported to have secondary sources of income. The include work as farmers, carpenters, or factory workers in Davao City. Annual mean income received from secondary jobs is P2,404.83. The standard deviation of P3,464.36 shows a disproportionate distribution of the income for those who claim to have secondary sources.

Rice is the staple food of most fishermen (70 percent) who spend more or less P29.27 a week for it. This amount comes to twelve kilos at P2.20 a kilo. Others eat corn, while others eat cassava for their breakfast if corn grits are not available. As expected, the most popular viand is fish. The imputed mean value of fish consumed in a week is P23.61 (4 kilos at P5.00 per kilo). In addition to rice and fish, they usually have vegetables especially during noon time. For these, they spend an average of P5.00 per week. Very little amount is spent on vegetables since the wives usually have backyard gardens where malunggay and other plants are cultivated. Conspicuously absent in their diet is meat. Very few (5 percent) have eaten meat at the time of the survey. For those who eat meat, they buy one-fourth to one-half kilo a week. Other food items consumed are dried and salted fish, sugar, cooking oil, and salt.

The most common illness in the barrio is flu/fever (87 percent), followed by colds (66 percent). Another illness which half of the fishermen reported is gastro-diarrhea. This may arise from the dubious quality of water supply found in the village.

Eighty-five members of fishermen’s household fell ill during the previous year. Of these, 57 members needed treatment. Of those who got sick during the past year, 54 members were brought to the doctor. This shows that the families in Kulungan have access to medical care in the town and consult the doctor in times of illness. Around 20 percent of those who got sick were treated at home. Some of them rely on the “herbolario” for curing different kinds of health disorders.

Fishing Activities

Out of one hundred fishermen interviewed, 97 percent reported that fishing is their primary occupation. The average number of years spent on fishing activities is sixteen years. The standard deviation of 11 years indicates, however, that there are those who have been fishing for more than fifty years, while others have just started.

Eighty-six percent of the fishermen acquired fishing skills through experience. Others learned the trade from friends (4 percent), from parents, or relative (8 percent), others (1 percent) When asked about opportunities to attend seminars related to fishing, the majority (91 percent) said they do not avail of any. Among those who attended seminars (18 percent), only fourteen percent said that these seminars were useful. The majority were unable to use the knowledge they learned. Seminars on technology were hardly useful owing to the lack of capital to buy the advertised equipment on the part of the fishermen, and failure to follow the prescribed method advised by the sponsoring agency of the seminar (usually the government).

Seventy-four percent of the respondents own the banca they use for fishing. Twenty-two percent are hired crews (known as pasajeros) and the remaining four percent are boat renters. The average size of the boat is twenty-one feet long (standard deviation=10 feet), three feet wide (standard deviation = 1), and three feet deep (standard deviation = 1). On the average, a fishing trip lasts for 5.6 hours with a standard deviation of 4.4. The number of hours spent on fishing varies among the fishermen since the middle fifty percent spend nine to ten hours at sea. Ordinarily, the catch during those hours goes to the boat owners if there are no pasajeros. If there are pasajeros, the latter receive their share through a percentage of the catch in one fishing trip. The usual percentage share is 40 to 45 percent of the total net income. The boat owners take charge of selling the fish to the market or to a buyer. After deducting all the expenses of one fishing trip, the boat owner gives the share to his pasajeros. Aside from the cash share, the hired crew gets a portion of the catch as a token from the boat owner.

Almost all the respondents (96 percent) own fishing gear. Sixty-one percent of the fishing gear are single hooks locally known as pasol and only 24 percent are nets locally known as baling. Owing perhaps to the “crudeness” of the fishing gear used, the income of the fishermen is low. In addition, 52 percent of the fishermen own non-motorized bancas. Thus, the majority of them stay offshore for their fishing activities so that even if they fish almost everyday such industry hardly contributes to the improvement of their life considering the limitation of the fishing technology used.

Production

Peak and lean months vary among the fishermen. Generally, peak months in Kulungan last from three to five months. Months that are considered good for fishing are March, April, May, June, and July. Twenty-seven percent of the respondents report that their peak months is 4.4 with a standard deviation of 1.33. This short duration of peak months can be attributed to the type of technology being used. It must be remembered that 52 percent of the respondents use non-motorized bancas and 61 percent use the pasol (single-hook fishing gear) as their main equipment. Thus, a typhoon causes considerable losses in income. However, fishermen with bigger motorized bancas still manage to get adequate catch. This simple difference of technology appears to be the main cause of the recorded imbalance between the number of peak and lean months. This study shows that the number of lean months varies from seven to nine months. The average number of lean months is 7.2 with a standard deviation of 1.5.

The volume catch of the fishermen is unevenly distributed for the duration of the peak months. The lowest volume is recorded at ten kilos and the highest at more than 900 kilos. The average volume is 159.3 kilos with a standard deviation of 183.1. The standard deviation shows the wide variation in volume of fish caught during peak months. The catch of the middle 50 percent is between 40 to 999 kilos with a median volume of 100 kilos. The disparity in volume of the catch is caused by the presence of the capitalista — operator who averages at least 1,000 kilos during the peak months. The catch is usually sold at P4.00 to P5.00 a kilo.

The average value of a catch during lean months is P834.56 with a standard deviations of P1,074.78. The standard deviation shows how varied the value of a catch may be. This is directly caused by the disproportionate volume of catch during the lean months. In lean months, the catch is expectedly lower than those during peak months but it demands higher prices in the market. For the fishermen in Kulungan, the average volume during these months is 30 kilos with a standard deviation of 38.9. The median catch is 20 kilos with a median value of P100.00. The price per kilo during the lean months varies from P5.00 to P6.00. At this price, the mean value registered at P187.5, with a standard deviation of P220.9.

The fishermen’s customary expenses include fuel, food, and ice. In terms of cost these expenses are very minimal. For food, the average expense is P5.56 with a standard deviation of P8.6. Average expense on ice is P2.00 with a standard deviation of P4.17. Median ice expense is zero. The zero median expense can be explained by the fact that most of the fishermen use non-motorized bancas, staying out at sea for 8 to 12 hours. Thus, there is no need for ice to keep the fish fresh.

The study reveals that majority of the fishermen (69 percent) do not have access to credit. For those who have availed themselves of credit (31 percent), 80 percent obtain them from private individuals. Most of the study’s respondents borrowed money from their suki or favorite customer who usually are middlemen *(compradors).* The suki relationship as found in Kulungan makes the marketing of the catch easy. Whenever the need arises, the usual practice is to borrow money from the suki. In return, the fishermen delivers to catch to him after each fishing trip. The comprador buys the fish and then deducts the corresponding amount from the debt incurred bu the borrower. This arrangement places the fishermen at a disadvantage since the suki buys the fish at much lower price compared to other buyers. Despite the one-sided bargaining the fishermen are still obliged to sell the catch to him.

Marketing

The selling is usually done by the fisherman himself. Only thirteen percent report that it is the responsibility of the wives to sell the fish. The selling done by the wife usually refers to the peddling of the catch around the neighborhood. Convenience is the reason why most of the fishermen sell their catch to the suki who, most of the time is the fish dealer or middleman. The bargaining is usually done at the fish landing. In this way the fishermen are not saddled with bringing the catch all the way to the marketplace for which they will necessarily spend for transportation and other expenses. In the previous year, 1981, the average sale of the fishermen was P806.64 with a standard deviation of P890.99. The median value is P500.00. The biggest volume sold averaged at 145 kilos, with a standard deviation of 36.27 kilos. Mean value of the smallest sale is P168.14, with a standard deviation of P288.80. The median is P51.00 at the median volume of 10 kilos. The prevailing price then was between P4.00 to P5.00 per kilo.

Awareness of the Government

Sixty-six percent of the fishermen are aware of government projects being undertaken in their barrio. The projects they are highly aware of are electricity (90 percent of the 66 respondents), water system (86 percent), infrastructure (71 percent), and Biyayang-Dagat (51 percent). They are also aware of the Kilusang Kabuhayan at Kaunlaran (KKK), Development Bank of the Philippines project (loans), and BLISS projects (housing) now being planned by town officials. Very few of these projects, however, were reported to have benefited the fishermen. Aside from the infrastructure program and water system, the rest of the projects accomplished very little in terms of direct benefits.

Attitudes Toward Government Projects

Sixty percent of the fishermen agree with the statement that for the most part, government programs and projects serve the interests of a few organized groups in business or labor and are not very concerned with the needs of the people like themselves. Around 74 percent also agree that the government has no right to do. These attitudes toward the government and its projects may stem from the fact that most of them have not received any benefits from government projects.

Organizational Participation

Majority of the fishermen (67 percent) are not members of any organization in the barrio. The most prevalent reason is the lack of time for such activities. Most of them said that they are too busy to attend meetings. When asked which organization they would like to join if given the chance to become members, most of them (60 percent) refrained from naming any. For those who are members of the organizations (33 percent), the average number of years of membership is three years. For the last six months, members reported having attended six meetings.

Out of the thirty-three fishermen who are members of *barangay* organizations, twenty-four hold no position other than as members. When asked to rate their participation, twenty of the fishermen (60 percent) perceive themselves to be very active members. They receive some forms of benefits, the most popular of which are social benefits followed by financial ones. The most popular organization in the barrio is the Kasakit Organization. This is an organizations that maintains a common fund from which its members may draw from in cases of death of a family member. The fund is maintained from contributions of its members. Problems commonly met in the organization are leadership and lack of cooperation. Its members believe, however, that constant follow-up of members who are less cooperative solves the problem.

Needs, Aspirations, and Perceptions

Considering the circumstances of their lives, fifty percent of the fishermen still maintain that they are happy about their life as a whole. Twenty-five percent said, however, that are a little less than happy. When asked about the ability of their families to satisfy wants and needs, 65 percent reveal “somewhere in between” (neither happy nor unhappy).

Eighty-two percent of the fishermen who have participated and are members of the existing organizations in the barangay say that they are happy about their participation. Only 17 percent have have ambivalent feelings about their membership. The same holds true when asked about the government-assisted projects. Ninety-six percent of those who have heard and are aware of the different government programs are happy about them. When asked if there was anything that they could do to improve their living, 84 percent of the fishermen answered positively. They also think that the government can do something to help improve their living conditions and to stimulate the economic and social progress of their barrio. There is a consensus among the majority of the fishermen that the government should lend money for their fishing activities without too many requirements on their part.

Five years ago, 91 percent of the fishermen believed that they were within the first and fifth rungs of the ladder (mean rung is 3 with a standard deviation of 1). At present, 84 percent still believe that they have not improved their lives. Five years from now, 74 percent see themselves in the same rung. The mean rung is, however, increased to four which reveals that some of the fishermen see themselves as improving their lives in the future. Most of the answers of those fishermen who remain in the same level, state as a reason their inability to cope with the increasing cost of living. As they said , “the time is getting worse that improvement of our lives is becoming impossible.”

The values considered in the survey and the corresponding rates by the respondents are as follows: “salvation” ranks first with 98 percent of the fishermen saying it is very important. This is followed by “self-respect” (91 percent), “family security” (89 percent),”comfortable life” (84 percent), “sense of accomplishment” (75 percent), and “social recognition” (72 percent). Seventy-nine percent of the fishermen desire that their children finish college and land a stable job. This is one of the reasons cited by the percentage of the respondents who hope to have an improvement of their lives in the future. It was said that even if they suffer now, their children must finish their studies in the near future. It will be their parent’s turn to rest.

Conclusion

This study was conducted to gather some baseline information on the socio-economic conditions of fishing villages in Eastern Mindanao. Four coastal Villages were chosen for the study based on the criteria set by the Research Committee.

Findings revealed that fishermen constitute one sector of the marginalized and impoverished Filipinos. They are poor in many aspects of their life — education, income, food, housing conditions, technology used, benefits received from the government, and even in their social life. The fishermen acknowledge and accept their poverty without so much complaint.

The respondents from the four villages differ in the degree of their poverty. There are the very poor, and the not so poor. The fishermen in Barangay 10 of Buenavista, Agusan come out the poorest, while those in Magsaysay, Parang, Maguindanao, relatively, are better off. The former’s mean annual income is P3,392.65, while the latter’s is P8,781.31. The factor behind the difference, seemingly, is the type of boat the fishermen own and use. The fishermen from Magsaysay own more powerful boats that can better withstand bad weather and travel great distances. They can travel to richer fishing grounds and suffer less from lean months. Consequently, they get a bigger annual catch which means more income. Since they earn more, they eat better food, possess more property, and enjoy a better life.

It was also found out that the poor fishermen go into credit more often in an effort to augment their income and obtain more capital. As a result, they are forced to sell their catch to the money lender who buys the fish at a much lower price than that in the market. Thus, the fishermen are deprived of better returns for their
fish.

The overall feeling among the fishermen of happiness and contentment made hide feelings of helplessness in the midst of poverty. Majority claim that they are contented with their food and housing conditions which are actually far from satisfactory. The fatalistic attitude results from a strong impression among them that they can not do anything anymore to improve their lot in life. Most of the fishermen look to salvation as their only reward after going through so much suffering here on earth. In contrast, the Magsaysay respondents who are better off consider family security of primary importance, which was rated only second to salvation by the poorer respondents from the other areas. The former conceive the education of their children as their hope of escape from poverty.

The fishermen from the four areas differ in their attitudes towards government programs. Bago Aplaya and Magsaysay fishermen were non-committal, while respondents from Kulungan and Barangay 10 looked negatively at government projects. These fishermen consider the seminars given on their behalf not helpful. Such attitudes toward the programs of the government could be due to the way the projects and assistance are planned out and given to fishermen without prior consultation with those who will be affected by them. Hence, these people are alienated from planners and implementors, and from the project as a whole.

The study’s Findings reveal that the problem of poverty among the fishermen is multi-faceted. Such has important implications for policy-makers and program planners. It points to a need for rethinking government programs and their development approach to this particular sector of the society.