Tag Archives: Beliefs

The God Question in Contemporary Physics

St. Ignatius ends his Spiritual exercises with a prayer concerned with “finding God in all things.” For him this was not a difficult exercise. We may say, of course, that it was not difficult because he was a mystic. Yet even as a mystic his finding of God built upon his human consciousness and, thus, on his basic human knowledge. After his theological studies at the University of Paris, his human knowledge of God incorporated the medieval European view, which saw God as Creator and Redeemer. This, in turn, was compatible with the understanding of the physical world of the time—an earth-centered Universe with humankind at the center of a static earth, about which revolved the rest of creation.

As we remember Matteo Ricci and his contribution to Chinese culture we also recall how he built his Christian message on the Chinese interest in astronomy and science, especially as this astronomy showed a stable, static cosmos where the world is receptive to the rule of the Emperor. As has been said: “Ricci and his fellow Jesuits considered their religious message and European science an integrated whole, precisely called ‘heavenly studies’ where science and theology supported each other…” (Criveller 2010).

Today, then, in the same spirit as Ricci can we “find God in all things” in a universe which science shows us is far from static and even the oneness of the “Uni-“verse is called into question?

The aim of this essay is to answer this question. Or maybe better still, the point addressed here is to pose the question in such a manner that the reader will be assisted to seek an answer. In the traditional language of academe, what we are doing is ‘natural’ theology. We are probing the natural world to see if it can point out to us the Supreme Reality. In this, we follow a long tradition where the philosopher sought to find God through the natural world. In the Scholastic tradition, this is summarized in the philosophical tract called “Cosmology” and is very much what Ricci did as he spoke of the Lord of Heaven. This, in turn, would presuppose that the philosopher was willing to accept that the world has a Creator, though the way this term was construed could vary a good deal. This was the approach made famous by St. Thomas Aquinas in his “Five Ways” as set out in the Summa theologica. In time, this approach to prove the existence of God and possibly gain some knowledge of His attributes became known as “natural theology.” is `natural’ because it starts from nature, the natural world; it is natural `theology’ because it attempts to have knowledge of God.

Science enters this scene and philosophical cosmology, and its questions begin to be taken over by science. This is usually considered to start with Isaac Newton and his Principia mathematica. By the time of the French Revolution and its “Enlightenment,” the world of the natural was to be understood by reason alone, and what was not ‘rational’ was suspect. Nature was basically a mechanistic complexity based on laws of science, which the human mind could fathom as witnessed, for example, by the great unification of the laws of electricity and magnetism by James Clarke Maxwell in the 1860s. That this unity was expressed in the language of vector calculus all the more strengthened the ‘reason first’ mentality.

One of the consequences of this approach to nature and its laws was the suspicion that teleological arguments have no place in this scheme. Whereas before, the teleological and the theology of nature were seen to be bedfellows, the union was severed or at least greatly weakened with the rise of mathematical physics famous remark to Napoleon that he saw need to introduce the `hypothesis’ of God in his monumental work on mathematical physics some one hundred years after the work of Newton summarizes the spirit of the age. For him, as for the age, once the initial conditions were specified, the natural world could take care of itself. It had no need of an end or purpose.

The work of Charles Darwin, of course, removed the last place that teleology might lurk—the world of the living. Living things had been reduced to machines ever since the thought of Descartes had made them so. Darwin sealed their fate by declaring that survival of vi the fittest has its own natural law analogous to those of Newton  and o Maxwell (Fabian 1998).

This would all change with the physics Theory and they upheaval of first Relativity Quantum Theory in the twentieth century (Ryder 1996; Bell 1987; Brown and West 2000).But time will not allow us to pursue that upheaval here. Rather, let us return to a cosmological viewpoint and consider the modern vision of the world (Close 2000).

The contemporary vision of the Universe that modern astrophysics provides has removed the static from our thinking. We see every day on Internet, for instance, dramatic pictures taken by the Hubble orbiting telescope of worlds in collision. Galaxies eat other galaxies or better said, “ate” other galaxies as the scenes we view by means of the instrument in space actually took place millions of years ago. We see seething, billowing roils of interstellar gas writhing in the pangs of starbirth. We worry about seeing the small planets about us whose relatives have, in the past and may in the future, pay us a visit in no uncertain terms. Our very life on earth could come to a violent end with just such a visit.

No, the world is not static anymore. And where is the Creator God If in the midst of such chaos, not to say the Redeemer God?

If the vision of Ignatius were true, then it is still true. The model of our worlds may have changed, but the Truth is eternal and could not have changed. Let us then consider the model that contemporary physics gives us of this world, a world violent and  nonstatic  (Dembski 1998).

We have a model of the Universe built upon the basic physical Insights handed down to us by the scientists of the past. Starting with Isaac Newton, we see the law of gravity working everywhere there is mass.mass. Using ed Kepler’s laws we situate ourselves on the third planet for the G2 star we call Sun. The solar system so orderly conceive we know today has plenty of chaos within it. Let us look more closely at this.

Today, the science of physics enshrines the laws of the universe in the language of Einstein. For modern science, space and time are no longer separate entities but put together in a picture or model .of the universe. We are accustomed to think of ‘our’ time as the universal time and this, indeed, is how even the great Newton conceived o time—there is but one time and it applies to all places in the universe. With Einstein, however, the twentieth century was given another version of the relation between space and time. Now, we see them as Inextricably linked so that to speak of the ‘time’ over there at some Other place, we need to distinguish as to whether or not that other y Place is moving or not. If it is moving, then we cannot simply sa t a our’  time is their time (Ryder 1996).

** SEE THE PDF FILE FOR THE DIAGRAM**

Here the light cone refers to all those light signals coming to us are from the past or sent out by us to the future. In the diagram we at the center (N). Time is plotted in the upward direction; and so, the future lies in F above us and the past in P below us. Since time is on the,. vertical axis the other two axes represent all of the three dimensions of space—x, y, and z. But since we only have two directions remaining on, the piece of paper, we let two typical spatial dimensions, such as S and Z, stand for all three. In the diagram you are at N and in time, this is time zero or your now. If you turn on a light at this point (the central dot), then the light travels away from you into your future. Since this is the fastest speed at which anything can travel, it defines a certain region, in the diagram, which is called the light cone. In the diagram, a typical light ray is that at the point G. Note that symmetrically to G there Is. a light ray corning to you from the point R in Your past—downward In the diagram. All such rays form the past light cone. If you are looking at someone, this would mean that you see them in your past. The light by each your eye so you see which you see them takes an instant of time to r them, you ‘know’ them, as they were, n

When we reflect on this necessary corollary of modern physics we see that our knowledge of the world—everything of  everything we know and everyone we know—comes to us from the other side, as it were, of the invisible  knowledge line, the demarcation line of possible interaction drawn by the physical speed limit law: the speed of light. Each knower then knows only her past. Of course, the same can be said of her future, considering the symmetry in the space-time diagram. Thus, modern physics. reaffirms the Thomistic and Scholastic concept of individuation: each knower is an individual divided off fro known, m the known, even as she conceives the known in herself by the act of knowledge. Such individuation in the act of knowing emphasizes the k dualistic nature of the knowing process. It throws yet another span d  onto the bridge separating the knower from the known. “How do I know that I know?” and “Do I know the thing-in-itself?” is now joined by “How can I know the Now?” The knower is an isolated Monad in a sea of monads constantly emerging into their own private  Thus, the name “Theory of Relativity” can be taken from the realm f o physics and brought into that of epistemology and philosophy with a totality of meaning.

Yet the theory is really not about what is relative so much as to what is thereby nonrelative or absolute, viz. the laws of physics. The theory places them as the common ground that enables the physical world to be known by the mind and upon which a common vision of the world is possible. The physical world has physical rules, which in their own way not so much determine as ‘pre-scribe’ what is possible, what can be, what can come to birth in its womb. The world has infinite possibilities within it, but they are circumscribed by the laws of the same physical realm. The speed of light is the speed limit of knowing; but light is composed of electric and magnetic fields. They in turn sprang from the first primeval energy source. All is contained in their matrix and its derivatives in time, million and billions of years of time. We are individuals, but individuals in a fertile womb o infinite potential.

Thus starting with Relativity Theory we concept of ‘potential.’ In fact, Werner Karl Heisenberg, one of the return to the ancient founding fathers of that other cornerstone of the modern physical a central position in his interpretation of the theory. quantum theory—placed the concept of However, for our the potential of the cosmos leads us in another direction. This is the purposes in cosmology and whether God can be found there, Anthropic Principle (Barrow and Tipler 1986).

The Anthropic Principle was coined in the second half of the twentieth century to encode data found by the astronomers in their search to answer the questions of human life in the cosmos. As more and more data became available with breakthroughs in optical and radio astronomy, the scientists noted certain ‘coincidences in the data. It was realized that one way to capture the relevance of these coincidences was to note that they all seemed necessary for human life to be possible. If the numbers were not such and such, as was in fact the case, then human life would not be possible in the universe. The Anthropic Principle places this fact at the fore by saying that we see the world as it is because we are here to see it. If the numbers were not as they are, we could not be here.

The Anthropic Principle can obviously be seen as the granddaughter of the Design Argument as put forth by St. Thomas. There, St. Thomas argues that the natural world shows a great deal of teleology and thus, implies a Designer. From the fact that causes exist, St. Thomas says we may infer the First Cause (Summa theologica 103). The argument has flourished over the centuries, finding one of its recent forms in the classic book of William Paley entitled Natural theology (1802). Here, Paley uses the simile of creation as a fine watch that one finds lying on the ground one day and examines closely, opening it to see the intricate play of the wheels and cogs. Such fine workmanship would imply a Design is at work. Thus, there must be a Designer.

The argument is brought to the fore today by the work of Barrow and. Tipler (1986). They distinguish between the weak and the strong forms of the Anthropic Principle. In the weak for the Anthropic Principle accepts the present situation. It declares that the physical constants of nature—quantities that rule the laws of the physical world—are not arbitrary but must have such values so as to give rise to carbon-based life. In its strong form, the Principle says this is because they are designed to have these values. It leaves open the question as to why this should be so. The parameters in question are given by the equations listed here, as given in standard school text form. W our discussion of the Anthropic Principle  is to be noted for What constants of nature in he appearance of the these equations: h, Planck’s constant; G, the gravitational constant; k, Boltzmann’s constant; c, the speed of light and e, the fundamental electric char t; hidden in Maxwell’s Equations.

** SEE PDF FILE FOR Table 1. Fundamental laws of nature **

These equations express the four fundamental forces we need to understand the physical world. They form the so called Model of physics. This theory is the latest formulation of done model of the physical world, on work done in the twentieth century but, of course, building upon all earlier work. It is often called the most precise physical theory of the world measured fashioned. This precision refers to the experiments, which have for the values concerned to extraordinary precision. Take, example, the agreement between theory and experiment in the measurement of the electron’s magnetic moment. The theory or prediction = 0.001159652? while the experiment =0.01159652? (Ryder 1996). Here, the question mark indicates an uncertainty in both the predicted value and the experiment for that particular place in the i decimal number. In other words, the Standard Theory has agreement been theory and experiment to nine decimal places! Thus, this has been called the most precise theory in the history of the world.

Further appreciation of the Anthropic Principle brings us to what are often called ‘coincidences’ in the laws of nature that make it possible for us to exist (Barrow and Tipler 1986). These coincidences refer to the numerical values of certain universal constants and elementary particle masses that appear in the basic mathematical laws governing the cosmos. Basic as they are, the argument states they cannot be changed significantly without the appearance of human beings being affected. This is seen in the so-called Fine Structure Constants (Bradley 1999).

**SEE PDF FILE FOR  Table 2. Universal constants, mass of elementary particles, and fine structure constants **

Following Bradley, consider each of the Fine Structure Constants. Using Table 2 on the opposite page, we can compare the electromagnetic force to the gravitational force. Electromagnetism wins by a factor of 10 with 38 zeros! It is that much larger than gravity. Why such a huge difference? As Bradley (1999) states:

It is the force of gravity that draws protons together in stars, causing to fuse together with a concurrent release of energy. The electromagnetic force causes them to repel. Because the gravity force is so weak compared to the electromagnetic force, the rate at which stars “burn” by fusion is very slow, allowing the stars to provide a stable source of energy over a very long period of time. If this ratio of strengths had been 1032 instead of 10″, i.e., gravity much a stronger, a billion ti would time less massive and would burn million times faster.

Next consider the strength of the nuclear strong force. The most critical element in nature for the development of life is carbon. Yet, it has recently become apparent that the abundance of carbon in nature is the result of a very precise balancing of the strong force and the electromagnetic force, which determine the quantum energy levels for nuclear. Only certain energy levels are permitted for nuclei, and these may be thought of as steps on a ladder. If the mass-energy far two colliding particles results in a combined mass-energy that is equal to or slightly less than a permissible energy level on the quantum “energy ladder,” then the two nuclei will readily stick together or fuse on collision, with the energy difference needed to reach the step being supplied by the kinetic energy  of the colliding particles. If this mass-energy level for the com particles is exactly right, or “just so,” then the collisions are said to have resonance, which is to say that there is a high efficiency of collisions for fusing the colliding particles.

On the other hand, if the combined mass-energy results in a value that is slightly higher than one of the permissible energy levels on the energy ladder, then the particles will simply bounce off each other rather than stick together or fuse. In 1970, Fred Hoyle predicted the existence of the unknown resonance energy carbon, and he was subsequently proven right. The fusion of helium level for and beryllium gives a mass-energy value that is 4 percent less than the resonance energy in carbon, which is easily made up by kinetic energy. Equally important was the discovery that for the fusion of carbon with helium was 1 percent greater than quantum energy level on the energy ladder for oxygen’  the mass-energy en making this reaction quite unfavorable. Thus, almost all beryllium is converted to carbon, but only a small fraction of the carbon is immediately converted to oxygen. These two results require the specification of the relative strength of the strong force and the electromagnetic force to within approximately 1 percent, which is truly remarkable given their large absolute values and difference of a factor of 100, as seen in Table 2.

More generally, a 2  percent increase in the strong force relative to the electromagnetic force leaves the universe with no hydrogen, no long-lived stars that burn hydrogen, and no water (which is a molecule composed of two hydrogen atoms and one oxygen atom), the ultimate solvent for life. A decrease of only 5 percent in the strong force relative to the electromagnetic force would prevent the formation of deuterons from combinations of protons and neutrons. This would, in turn, prevent the formation of all the heavier nuclei through fusion of deuterons to form helium, helium fusion with helium to form beryllium, and so forth. In 1980, Rozental estimated that the strong force had to be within 0.8 and 1.2 times its actual strength for there to be deuterons and all elements of atomic weight 4 or more.

If the weak force coupling constant (see Table 2) were slightly larger, neutrons would decay more rapidly, reducing the production of deuterons, and thus of helium and elements with heavier nuclei. On the other hand, if the weak force coupling constant were slightly weaker, the big bang would have burned almost all of the hydrogen into helium, with the ultimate outcome being universe  little or no hydrogen and many heavier elements instead. This  would leave no long-term stars and no hydrogen-containing compounds, especially water. In 1991, Breuer noted that the appropriate mix of hydrogen and helium to provide hydrogen-containing compounds’ long-term stars, and heavier elements is a hydrogen and 25 percent helium approximately 75 percent , which is just what we find in our universe.

The frequency distribution of electromagnetic radiation produced by the sun is also critical, as it needs to be tuned chemical bonds on earth. If the to the energies of (too much ultraviolet radiation photons of radiation are too energetic and molecules are unstable; , the chemical bonds are destroyed infrared radiation), then the if the photons are too weak (too much chemical reactions will be too sluggish’ pendent on a careful balancing of the

electromagnetic force (alpha-E) and the gravity force (alpha-G), with the mathematical relationship including (alpha-E)”, making the specification far the electromagnetic force particularly critical. On the other hand, the chemical bonding energy comes from quantum mechanical calculations that include the electromagnetic force, the mass of electron, and Planck’s constant. Thus, all of these constants have to be sized relative to each other to give a universe in which radiation is tuned to the necessary chemical area essential for life.

Another fine-tuning coincidence is that the emission spectrum for living tissue, the sun not only peaks at an energy level that is ideal to facilitate chemical reactions, but it also peaks in the optical window for water. Water is 10′ times more opaque to ultraviolet and infrared radiation in the visible spectrum (or what we call light). Since in general, and eyes, in particular, are composed mainly of water, communication by sight would be impossible were it not for this unique window of light transmission by water being ideally matched to the radiation from the sun. Yet this matching requires carefully prescribing the values of the gravity and the of the gravity and electromagnetic force constants, as well as Planck’s constants and the mass of the election.

This is only an illustrative and not an exhaustive list of cosmic coincidences. They clearly demonstrate how the four forces in nature longterm sources of energy and a variety of atomic building blocks the necessary for life. Many other examples involving the fine-tuning of _ these forces are described in the books previously cited. Even so, the fine-tuning of the universe is not confined to these four forces (Behe, Dembski, and Meyer 2000). As it turns out, the elementary particles, as Well as other universal constants like the speed of light Hawking, cavil. constant, also have to be very precisely specified.

Given these coincidences one might consider the Design Argument and well. But interestingly enough, the above arguments are not n Argument Many a theoretical cosmologist today, such as Stephen Hawking, Martin Rees and many more, would simply say that there is Principle is explanation for these numbers. For them, the Anthropic hold for there is no Designer. Just chance. Principle is true enough in its weak form. But the strong form does not

By chance, you say, that all these numbers are fine-tuned to this exact value? Is not this but a secularist ‘act of faith’? Their answer would be “By no means!” for they would direct our attention to the Many Worlds interpretation of Everett and its implications. This theory holds that the answer to the Anthropic Principle is that there are many other universes. We live in the one that supports our carbon; based life. There could well be life forms in the other universes, but w will never know. For the Everett interpretation of Quantum Theory holds that these other universes are totally distinct from ours, and we never and can never interact.

At this point let us get ready to stop. At the outset, I said our aim would be to inform the reader so that she could make an intelligent answer to the “God question” in the Standard Theory of Cosmology today. Thus it behooves me to make one final observation before I end: a comment about probably the most well-known physicist of our age’ Professor Stephen Hawking.

Stephen Hawking. has gained popularity mostly due to his serious medical disability and the remarkable ability he halt to do theoretical physics despite his broken body. That is not to say f his theoretical science is not world class. It is within the genre his specialization. But when he comes to generalizing his thoughts beyond the realm of physics, questions must be asked.

Professor Hawking builds on his popularity by venturing into philosophical questions. His latest book, The grand design (Hawking and Mlodinow 2010), begins by dismissing the philosophers as unable to answer the “big” questions. This is too pen the door to Hawking’s answers, which come from his discipline of quantum gravity. So in this work he espouses one of his favorite theories, the Multiverse. We see through the lens of quantum gravity a universe populated with an infinite number or worlds, or universes, if you will, that are by definition unable to be placed in a single Universe as they are totally incommunicado with each other. One has to wonder if the won _r well verified methodology that Multiverse proponents use,called, Statistical Mechanics, has not led them into its own Black Hole. This methodology was developed over a hundred years ago to deal with the unseeable world of atoms and molecules with its huge number of entities and has had remarkable success at that level  of explanation of the physical world. But to extrapolate it so as to give us an infinite number of ‘universes’ seems stretching a point, to say the least.  final step in this extrapolation from Hawking is to declare that there is nothing exceptional in the “fine-tuning” we see in our world, which I have been pointing out in this essay. For him this is simply the fact that we live in that particular universe out of all the infinite others, that has these properties and so human life, us.

I trust that if we end the story here with the Multiverse, the reader will note that while the Age of Faith of a thousand years ago pondered how many Angels can dance on the head of a pin,’ Age of Reason now asks how many Universes can we never know!

Hanunoo-Mangyan Beliefs : their Visible and Invisible World

For the Hanunoo-Mangyans of Southern-Mindoro the beginning of everything started with the Mahal Makaka-ako, a supernatural power “in charge” of the universe. No folktales are available to explain how creation took place, except the stories that clearly show a Christian influence. About the Mahal Makaka-ako, little is known. For this Divine Entity does everything by intermediaries or “messengers”. They are sent to be of assistance to mankind, in any kind of difficulty that threatens the normal, and rather uncomplicated, pattern of everyday life of a Mangyan. The Mahal Makaka-ako is known to have compassion for man, although in a rather impersonal way, and from an underfined remote distance.

Life (buhi)

Life, on earth, as created and existing by the Divine Entity, as distinguished by the Mangyans into a visible and invisible dimension. Visible life is represented by mankind, the animal world, the plant world and by “other things”, including: earth, stones, water and the sky with its celestial manifestations. Invisible life is thought to consist of the souls of everything alive here, or in the life to come, including even the Mangyan-house; the good spirits, whether familiar or possessor; the evil spirits; and the “earth people,” a kind of dwarfs that can make themselves visible to man, be they helpful or harmful, and can offer additional means of protection.

Although initially all life, whether visible or invisible, was created with good qualities, emanating from the Mahal Makaka-ako, evil thoughts and actions entered the human souls, and caused certain souls to be converted into “evil spirits” in the afterlife. Our world, where all life resides, together with its surrounding heavenly spheres, is envisioned by the Mangyans as a great, round mass containing all life, and held solidly in place by a sturdy vine, the balugo that envelops and supports the whole. At the base of this huge liana, that is surrounded by water, resides the Apo Daga, or caretaker of the earth. The task of this spirit is to guard the vine and its roots, and keep them in good condition. If ever the branches of the vine would get detached, it would mean a disastrous flood affecting the whole earth.

The Visible World

The visible world is classified and interpreted by the Mangyans in their own peculiar way, as it is understood by the Mangyan tradition. Their interaction with nature is often prescribed by a set of rules handed down in the course of tradition. A Mangyan depends on the surrounding flora and fauna, but Mangyan tradition has equipped him/her with an accumulated wealth of encyclopedic knowledge about the animal, vegetable and mineral nature, and the ability to make use of all these to the benefit of all those concerned, under the most optimal ecological conditions. Anthropological research revealed that among the Hanunoo-Mangyans, “1625 specific and mutually exclusive native plant type categories”3 are utilized for purposes of: food, medicine, ritual, personal beautification, technology, economy and trade, and social activities.

Mangyans, as upland farmers, apply the “swidden cultivation” method since time immemorial. This entails the cutting and cleaning of certain portions of the forest, to be planted with rice and a variety of root-crops, vegetables, etc. that are needed for their daily subsistence.

The Mangyan Poet queries:

Kanta daga banayad            Our good and precious soil
Hintay nguna ti mayad       Would it be so beautiful
No ud saludnan guhad        if we would not and toil?
Madali yi matup-ag            Very soon it would be waste.

Kanta daga sa kaybi             The land we possess of old:
Hintay di wa ti Bali               What’s the value and the use
No ud tanuman ubi                if not planted full with yams?
Ma-uyaw yi madali                Very soon it’d be destroyed.

In the cleaning and burning of the fields, extreme care is taken that the fire will not spread to adjacent areas. To prevent this, a wide path, as a fire-trap, is cleaned around the whole portion to be burned. No unnecessary forest destruction is permitted within the tradition. After the portion has been used for a few successive years of intensive cultivation, the land is abandoned, and left to recover during a period of around ten years or more.

Forest areas that are thought to be “in possession” by nature-spirits, or are used as temporary burial places, are left alone and will remain taboo for any agricultural use.

In the past, this method of agricultural use of the land, resulted in a balanced ecology. However, the increase in population, the aggressiveness of migrant lowland settlers, and the delimitations by the government of land-areas set aside for other purposes, all these factors have severely affected the traditional shifting cultivation of the Mangyans. In reality, this method is no longer sustainable under the present deteriorating ecological conditions. The same can be said about the hunting, trapping and fishing activities of the Mangyans that show a sophisticated technique and a rich variety of hunting tools and trapping devices. They have provided them with a welcome supplement of protein to the carbohydrates of a rather monotonous diet of rice, bananas, and root crops. But nowadays, except for the occasional wild pig or monkey, the only protein-rich food supply collected, is coming from the sea at low tide, when mollusks and shells are gathered, and a number of wriggling squid is caught.

The present visible world that confronts the Mangyan every day, will present him/her with new challenges, often unexpected ones, that he has to cope with to the best of his/her abilities. But the Mangyan resiliency, ingenuity and art of adaptation for sur-vival is still strong, and will carry him/her undoubtedly a long way through the difficulties to come.

The Invisible World

But there is still the invisible world, that is not to be underestimated in value, since it is experienced by the Mangyan as not less important than the one he/she has to deal with on a daily basis. Many bodily needs and problems can be solved by applying the help nature has provided, and medicinal plants are only a small but valuable part of it. But when there are diseases that defy any treatment with the standard medicines, of problems arising from the realm of the uncontrollable natural phenomena, or suspected unseen powers, it is the invisible world the Mangyan has to cope with. It might be that this revered tradition has provided him/her with ample resources to tackle problems that refused to be solved .n the visible counterpart.

Presented here are: (1) the soul in its various dimensions; (2) :he good spirits in different applications; (3) the evil spirits, whether “by nature” or “by accident”; (4) the earth people, and !:he various magical means of protection offered.

The Karadwa (Soul)

Is there anything as close to man, and yet as invisible as his soul? The human soul, or karadwa,5 will always accompany the “owner” of the body in life, wherever it goes. It will adhere to it like its shadow. Yet, for the Mangyans, its attachment to the body s “flexible.” It can temporarily leave the body of its “owner”, though still being connected with it by a thin lifeline. This leaving
5 Karadwa (kadwa = the second part that the human person is consisting of, aside from t he body) can be voluntary, like when the “owner” of that soul is dreaming during sleep. After the person wakes up, the soul will be back again.

However, the soul will leave the body in fear, when it perceives a labang or evil spirit nearing the body. The labang wants to catch the soul to pervert it into an evil soul or spirit. If the soul then leaves the body, to escape the labang, the person concerned will become sick, and the body will weaken. A spirit-familiar, like a daniw is then needed, managed by a shaman, to drive the evil spirit away, and escort the wandering soul back into the body. At that moment the sick person will be well again. If, however, the shaman, through his/her familiar or spirit, would not succeed in making the soul return to the body of its “owner,” notwithstanding the pleadings of the pandaniwan (a shaman controlling/operating a daniw-spirit), this might result in a permanent separation of the soul from the body, or death.

Mangyan poetic literature i.e., the ambahan, is full of these frustrating efforts of the shaman, in using all kinds of arguments to attract the wandering soul to rejoin its earthly body, and restore its owner to previous health. All the loveliness of surrounding nature are paraded by the shaman before the delinquent soul: “The bright moon in the sky/ the vines along the trail/ the sheltered mountain slope/ the shaded coco palms/ the rustling nipa trees/ the fragrant perfume-plants/ the water tumbling down/ waterfalls, so nice to watch.” But it doesn’t seem to make an impression on the soul any longer. However, the shaman will not yet give up:

Kawo pagbali way man             Soul, won’t you come back again
Labagan nagsibayan                   to the house you left behind,
Aghuman inalikdan                      the field deserted by you?
Ud aw ka magkanoy wan         Do you not have pity on
Ti nangulin sa lingban                 the children left in the house?
Dait wa man rug-usan                Small they are still, weeping loud,
Ga uway ud way sansan           like vines with leaves still in bud,
Payi may pagguyabdan             they have nothing to hold on to
Salag wadi hagbayan                  They are only babies still.
U di yawam ugsadan                    Even just around the house,
Ud wa pantcm mangginan       they are helpless, they can’t walk.

But it will all be in vain, and the answer of the soul is definite and decided:

Ti nangulin bay lingban               “Those I left behind at home,
Manalingsing man Iukban           he children, like sprouting leaves,
Manipas man bailan                        even if they’re washed and clean,
Karadwa payig balkan                  still my soul will not come back,
Una way ulinyawan                         even if they cry hot tears.
Nakan kis-ab sugutan                    I will tell the reason why:
Urog kang magtukawan              I am happy where I am,
Sa ud may amyan amyan             No more storms and no more rains!”

And as a final reminder the soul is telling all of us:

Kanmi bay paglabagan              “Our house here on this side,
Kawo no ud katim-an                  maybe, you don’t know it yet,
Padi nga sitay adngan                 is not built upon the Earth.
Luwas way lugayawan              Far outside heavens it stands!
May takip waya amyan             Far beyond the places where
Alintapukan uran                           the storms and the rains prevail!”

Now the shaman knows, he has another task to fulfill, namely: to guide the soul to its final residence, the karadwahan, or abode of the, souls in the afterlife, which might be hard to find without assistance. But with the powerful help of the daniw, or spirit-familiar, an expert shaman will succeed in bringing the soul of thy.’ deceased safely home.

The soul, on its way to the karadwahan might run into various difficulties, depending on how it has “behaved” during its lifetime if the deceased person was notorious for his/her evil behavior, like the practicing of black magic or the evil eye, that had caused several persons to die, the soul will not be able to cross the Namugluyan river. As the boundary between the material and spiritual, or supernatural world, this river will then be so flooded, th t even the daniw who is guiding the soul, will not be able to Ike the soul cross to the other side. The soul then has to go back to earth, and might join the band of labang, or evil spirits, that are al nays making trouble for human beings.

But if the soul can cross without difficulties, because it has lived as a good Mangyan, faithful to the traditional customs inherited from the forefathers, then it will be met by Daga-Daga, the mythical Mother of all the Mangyans, who will give the soul a collection of perfume-herbs, so that it will be fragrant in its new, permanent home.

This abode of the souls, or karadwahan, is thought to be situated somewhere between heaven and earth. It is a place where souls go who have led a useful life, in interaction with their fellowmen. A new soul will meet there many friends in the former life. This new life will not necessarily be dull, because each one can do the same thing she/he was used to do on earth. There is a place also to make a garden, and cultivated a variety of plants. No one will be getting sick, or experience anything unpleasant. The souls will be there forever, but will have no notion of time. Moreover, they will keep “in touch” with those on earth, because they will notice everything that is going on among their relatives. They will know how they are behaving, and whether they are fulfilling their obligations towards the souls of the dead.

The souls can be displeased by misbehavior of their relatives on earth, and be “angry” with them for certain misdeeds; such as when a child is being punished too severely, or when food is being denied to a child, or when there is intense quarreling be-tween relatives, husband and wife, or when relatives are being neglected, e.g. are not given a share of the communal food, nor visited at their homes, or are even forgotten at all. In these cases, the souls will vent their anger by punishing their relatives. This punitive action of the souls is called sagbat, which will be manifested by a sickness that can’t be healed in a normal way, but will need a pandaniwan or shaman. Of course, the shaman will find out very soon that the sickness is caused by a sagbat of the souls, and he/she will also mention the reason why. He/she will then suggest appropriate action to appease the souls, so that the patient will recover.

Considering all these, the relationship between those on earth and the souls of the deceased, could hardly be considered a cordial one, but more a strained relation, mainly based on a constant fear of offending the souls of the forebears. Nevertheless, the Mangyans accept this as part of their lives, that also knows the happy moments they are enjoying, within the  e , of their tradition. Anyhow, once the soul has be. en delivered” by the daniw to its final destination, to the satisfaction as well of the earthly relatives, the shaman can take his/her leave and consider his/her task successfully concluded.

Animals, trees, plants and the Mangyan dwelling are said to have a soul as well. As to the dog, the cat, chickens, etc., it is not clear from the different opinions, whether these animals eventually join the soul of their amo, or master, in the afterlife. Some expert shamans, or pandaniwans, are said to have seen the souls of dogs at the karadwahan of people.. Trees and plants have their individual souls as well, and their  are not thought to join the human being any longer after death, even if some are important as the preferred abode of certain only the the house of a its, like the balete (Ficus s. Morac.), the bubog (Sterculia foetida L.  Sterc.), etc. Of all the inanimate objects, Mangyan is mentioned as having a soul. A i ob-served by the shamans. Even the soul of a house that at present is no longer existing, can still be seen by a shaman in trance, at exactly the same spot where this former house was built. Stones, soils, water sources, rivers, etc. do not have souls, but these inanimate objects can be important to the Mangyaris when they are chosen as a “residence” of certain spirits, as will be explained later on.

Good Spirits

There are invisible spirits that are basically beneficent to humans and their surrounding environment, but they can be exploited as well for a bad purpose, or revert to doing harm. Some are “managed” by a human being, the shaman, who has the power to control and operate these spirits, and direct them to be active. The spirit will be fully obedient to the commands of the control-ling shaman. This type of good spirit is referred to as a “spirit-familiar.” Other spirits work on their own, e.g. as owners of a water-source, or a certain expertise, but can be approached by human beings asking for their intercession with regards to the field of their expertise. These are called “spirit-possessors.”

Both kinds need offerings to be presented by humans, and they reside in a stone or stones,6 which have to be sprinkled with blood from the offering to chicken), in the course of a prescribed ritual, during which all participants have to show their respect in strictly adhering to the rules of the ritual. Neglecting or omitting periodic offerings, will result in the weakening and poor performance of the spirit, and failure of the requested benefits of healing, warding off evil, etc.

The Mangyan poet puts it this way:

Magkunkuno ti panagdahan            Quoth the spirit of the spring:
Kan apwan itinungpang                 “What has been your offering?
Sigin bungga uyunan                     Softly cooked rice there was none
Sigin igiw raupan                          not a chicken even one!
Guyabod wadi kaywan                 Only some fruits from a tree!
Anitay ngap pinmadngan             What else could the answer be
Sirig ngap sinmaray-an                but rains and a hurricane
Yami day-an panlingban                 hitting house and yard again.
Abiton lugod ginan                     What are you going to do?
Buhawaon aw sangdan                 Incantation might help you
Landuyon aw subungan                 or a seer and his wit!
Saghuman di aw kunman             Maybe he can solve you case
Hanggan sa manundugan             and prevent further disgrace.”

  Spirit-Familiars

“Spirit-familiars” are spirits that are controlled by a shaman, and are known among the Mangyans by the following five different versions, in order of power and importance, and each with its own capabilities and characteristics:

1. the daniw controlled by a pandapiwan;
2. the pamara guided by a pamaraan;
The daniw also occurs without the stone, residing then in the palagayan, a small china plate with various herbs and other paraphernalia of the pandaniwan, that is part of the daniw ritual.
3. the tihol handled by panihulan;
4. the panguli operated by a pangulian;
5. the pamusik where a pamusikan is in charge.

These “spirit-familiars,” each managed by a knowledgeable and responsible person, male or female functioning as a shaman, are mainly used for the individual’ needs of a Mangyan. How-ever, they should only be consulted, when all normal means have been exhausted, or all regular herbal medicines have failed, like with a serious sickness. Each one of these spirits, has a specific task and competence, for which this particular spirit is especially suited. The shaman of these spirit-familiars, when in trance, can perceive, by means of his spirit, which labang causes the trouble, how strong it is, etc. A spirit-familiar can be obtained by transfer or transmission from another Mangyan who might feel too old, or too sick, to keep up with the obligations involved in maintaining a spirit-familiar. Usually the new shaman is a relative of the old or ie,but that need not be. The neophyte shaman will have to go in training by his/her nestor to learn the secrets of the trade.

A person who needs the services of a shaman, will have to see the shaman personally at his house, to request his assistance. To have him/her caned would be disrespectful. The shaman has to be ready at any moment to offer his services for the benefit of the Mangyans. If the shaman has decided to accept the particular case presented to him/her capacity, she/he will receive the string of beads that is being offered as the prescribed condition for acceptance. The shaman has thus committed himself/herself to treat the patient or handle the case, to the best of his/her abilities.

The offering to be brought to each of these “spirit-familiars” individually, represents the very existence of the spirit, without which it would be bereft of its power. The shaman is the one to perform the periodic offering, in accordance with the rules that pertain to each individual and specific ritual. She/He has to see to it that the prescribed offerings are regularly made, so that the spirit will always be “in condition.” However, there is no need, that the offering ritual be performed, everytime a patient is being treated or a case is accepted.

During the treatment of a patient, or handling of a case, the shaman should never be disturbed, nor get angry nor be impatient. And his/her language should never be offensive to anyone, not even to the evil spirit she/he is trying to evict. Offensive behavior of the shaman, will negatively affect the successful out-come of the case. Certain spirit-familiars are very sensitive to it.

A shaman among the Mangyans, like the pamaraan or the pandaniwan, should have a strong conviction in the dangin or power of this “spirit-familiar,” and should not easily be deterred from undertaking a healing session, notwithstanding a strong adversary. This is actually what a Mangyan expects from a shaman who is handling a power that comes from the Mahal Makakaako, or God himself.

These “spirit-familiars” work for the good of the Mangyans, as directed by a good shaman, who has to take his task and responsibility seriously. However, in the hands of an unscrupulous and corrupt shaman, the power of this same spirit can be abused to cause severe harm to those supposed to be helped. But, as an assurance it can be said, that this reversion to evil is extremely rare, and the majority of the shamans among the Mangyans are very conscientious, have great faith in the spirit-familiar they are controlling, and are convinced of the efficacy of the spirit-power, or dangin, they are wielding.

A stone, or stones are collected on account of their attractive shape, color and composition, whether they are found in the soil, in a river, or at a water source, etc. Whether the stone is suitable for spirit possession, will afterwards be revealed in a dream. If there is no confirmation about it, the stone is useless and can be thrown away. But once confirmed of spirit possession the stone is used to serve as the “seat” for the spirit, and it is on this stone that the blood of the sacrifice has to be poured. This is a particular chicken bled for the purpose by nicking slightly the toe-nails to draw blood. Particular characteristics and differences of each of the five spirit-familiars are the following:

   Daniw

The daniw is the most powerful and versatile of the spirit-familiars, and can be employed for a variety of needs. To mention a few: healing of the sick in serious cases; to drive away a labang (evil spirit) that is harmful to a sick person; to appease natural. elements, like storm, drought, flood, epidemic, etc.; to perform the complicated death-ritual, and ensure the well-being of the soul in the afterlife; to clear a certain forested area for agricultural use to the Mangyans as to placate the souls of the deceased. The pandaniwan, or shaman of a daniw, is a Mangyan who usually is a herbal doctor as well, who will use all the means at his/her disposal to heal the patient entrusted to him/her, or solve the problem that has been presented. A pandaniwan can only contact his/ her daniw by means of a certain ritual formula, the panangbayon, that commands a large collection of separate prayers for each particular case. This extensive formulary has to be learned by heart by the shaman, and made available to be optimally effective. In simple cases there is no need for involving the daniw in the treatment of the sick, because the herbal medicines will do. But in difficult cases, it might even be that one daniw will need another shaman to help him/her to fight a particularly stubborn labang that threatens the very existence of a patient. One pandaniwan might use another spirit-familiar, e.g. a pamara at the same time, although each additional spirit-familiar has to be controlled and managed separately, since each one acts through its own power a r.d characteristics.

 Pamara

A pamara is applied by a pamaraan to dislodge a foreign object that has been implanted under the skin by an evil spirit, anywhere in the human body. The object is called ungon, and can mean a thorn or the barb of an arrow inserted in the body, but in general it refers to a hurting painful area or spot of the body, inflicted by the labang or evil spirit.

    In the hands of a good pamaraan, or healer with the pamara, this “sickness” can successfully be treated when a special stone is employed that is round and nicely shaped, and is called bugso or mutya. It is used in a stroking fashion over the painful spot, like when massaging. The pamara-spirit that resides in the stone, comes originally from a certain tree, water source, or even from the sea.

     When blood is poured over the stone, the shaman might say the following prayer: “Spirit of the pamara, when I use you for the sick, do heal the patient. Remove the obstacles that the evil spirit (labang) has planted in the ailing body. May this be the result of the healing power of the pamara entrusted to me.”

Once the blood offering has been performed, there should be no more talk or any noise among the observers. The shaman, or pamaraan, will rub some blood of the chicken on his hand palms, footsoles, and shoulders, to make sure he will not be getting tired during the seance. During the treatment, the pamaraan or shaman, will remove from the body of the patient all the harmful objects placed there by the labang, and if there are wounds caused by this evil spirit (to be seen only by the shaman in his trance), then he will apply the proper medicine, that the pamara-spirit has been supplying. The pamaraan can observe in his dream what kind of labang (evil spirit), or sagbat (annoyance) of the souls of the dis-eased is causing the sickness. The shaman will use his kusol as charm (Kaempferia Galanga L. Zing.), a mixture of medicinal herbs and ginger.

The pamara-application can be performed at any time of the day or the night, and this spirit can “team up” with other spirits like the tihol and the pamusik. The rice and the chicken will be prepared as food for the shaman, and while he eats first, after the customary food offering, all persons present have to be quiet, and should remain seated, out of respect for the pamara treatment. Later, the observers will eat from the food prepared for them. The treatment of a patient with the pamara, can be reinforced by herbal medicines in their various application of poultice, rubbing in, drinking, etc. A normal sickness cannot be treated by the pamara application. A regular and expert Mangyan acquainted with herbal medicines is needed in this case.

Tihol

A tihol is like a human friend. It will be faithful to you, and do what you order it to do. With human eyes it cannot be seen, but  its voice can be heard by anyone who is present. You can call it anytime during the night. It is a small person, of one handspan, or about 23 cm. in size. The tihol is called to retrieve anything that has been lost. It will know the whereabouts of a person that went away, and didn’t return; a fishingboat that drifted away or whether somebody is arriving. It can be told to check whether there is a labang around the house. It will know when a typhoon is coming, a severe storm, or anything serious in nature, in life or in the field.

Monthly offerings have to be performed after the new moon, and blood of a chicken should be sprinkled on the tihol-stone. That the tihol can only be heard but not be seen, is due to its power of the tagadlom, or charm of invisibility. It can even lend this power to its caretaker, or tihulan, so that this person can be at a certain place without being seen by others. The one who takes c re of a tihol, can be assured that he and his family will be Pro-t Jed in times of war, and when there are fights. Moreover, it can b e helpful in locating an important magic charm for further protection. A tihol is a very versatile spirit-familiar, with many powerful ways and means, and as of today, there are still many Mangyans who “own” a tihol, and make use of it.

   Panguli

This spirit is said to originate either from a tree, a watersource or the sea. It is similar to the pamara, with this difference that the stone, considered to be the seat of the spirit, should be red-colored. This is symbolic to the task of the panguli-spirit, namely: to return the blood that was taken out by the labang from the body of e patient. It has to be restored to the wound of the person concerned to make him recover. The wound of a patient is caused the (invisible) spear of a labang, and the blood is brought back inside the wound by the shaman through the panguli, carrying it in his cupped hands. This process has to be repeated over and over again. The shaman of a panguli when in trance, can “see” the evil spirit or labang, that caused the trouble, and acts accordingly.

 Pamusik

The pamusik resides in a bugso or black stone, or stones (up to four), similar to the ones used by the pamara and tihol. The blood libation on the stone(s) at the periodic ritual, is sometimes done towards the full moon, and the next time again at the following; full moon. The toes of a chicken are pricked to draw blood, or if it has been used already before, it might be slaughtered altogether. The offering takes place with appropriate prayers. The spirit-familiar is called pamusik because the shaman, when humming him/herself into a trance, tightly closes his/her eyes (pusik), she/ he then can “see”, in his/her “dream” which labang is causing the trouble, and where it is residing. The method to scare away the labang is similar to that of the daniw, tihol or tawo-pungso performances, namely: by sweeping the labang away with a brush made of bamboo or of bagakay (Schizostachyum sp. Gram.). The pamusik can team up with the daniw, pamara, and other spirits during a nightly session. During the day it would not be possible for the daniw.

Spirit-Possessors

The spirit-possessors are good spirits that act on their own, and are not controlled by a shaman. However, they too are in need of periodic offerings, and these have to be provided by human beings. Usually a Mangyan; who lives close to the locality where the offerings are taking place, will take it upon him to organize the ritual, and notify the people around, of the occasion of the offering. Each one will then contribute. There is a good number of spirit-possessors, and the ritual for them is generally the same. But their tasks are different, as well as their modus operandi. However, some general rules, similar to the ones applying to the Spirit-Familiars, are applicable as well to the Spirit-Possessors, such as:

1) Offerings have to be brought at regular intervals to avoid the weak and negative performance of the Spirit-Possessors.

2) The rituals have to be conducted in a sphere of solemnity, with due respect by the attending participants, and noise of any kind should be avoided.

3) Some powerful Spirit-Familiars, like the daniw and the tihol, can have insight in the procedure, and add their spirit-power if needed.

The most common of the spirit-possessors, and the ones mostly requested are the following:

 Pagawa

The pagawa is actually a company of spirits who are working together in solving problems that concern the human being: his fields, plantations or animals that might be threatened. These spirits cannot be separated, but still have their particular characteristics and methodology.

Their task (sakob) is five-fold:

1) To protect the shaman and his family against sickness.

2) To watch over the rice in the field, to see to it that ritual prayers are said, to protect it against pests, etc.

3) To be on guard against labang or persons with “black magic” or hiri, so that they will not come near.

4) To protect against all enemies of the human beings.

5) To watch over the house-chickens, that they will not be eaten by the kumaraon or “eaters.”

The foremost leaders are the pagawa-pudpud and their counter-parts, the pagawa-sungat. They originate from the sea. Offerings brought to them are a pair of chickens (male/female), together with very fine rice (sasa).

The following are the companions of the pagawa pudpod and pagawa-sungat: anito, baw-as, bululakawnon, idalmunon, kuramnag, makaskong and malingkod. They live together in a small hut, consisting of a board of wood from the dita-tree, supported by balm boo posts, tied together with inwag-vines. This “house” of the pagawa should not be burned down.

It is of historical interest to note, that in 1634 the Jesuits in their yearly report to the SJ Father General in Rome, make mention of the pagawa as Mangyan (from the Naujan Lake area) ritual, taking place in a small hut, and how the missionaries told the Mangyans to burn down these places of superstition.

In case the pagawa ritual has been neglected, it is difficult to revive it, because many things are needed for it: vines, different kinds of wood, young coconut leaves, rice, chickens, cogon, etc. However, this type of ritual is rarely performed nowadays.

Panudlak

This ritual is held before the sowing of the, rice seeds. If it is neglected, or done without the proper food offerings (rice/chicken)• sagbat will take place, i.e. the souls of the deceased will feel of-fended. The result will be a bad harvest, or an epidemic, etc.

The offerings are placed on top of a pungso or termite-hill,. or on the ground above it, where a little ricefield is prepared, which will then be planted with the first rice-seeds, before the actual pamagas (communal rice planting) will take place. This ritual is usually still observed even today, because of its importance for rice cultivation.

The panudlak has similarities with the pagawa and idalmunon, in that it also watches against any harm to the rice on the field, the health of the people and the domesticated animals of the shaman and his family. Still, each saragdahanon or ritual, has its own characteristics and working method.

Generally, no traditional rice-planting will take place in a certain locality, if a panudlak-ritual has not yet been performed by one or the other farming in that area.

Sapol

It is a ritual to ensure success in hunting, especially in catching game with traps, whether in the sea, the rivers or in the forests. his old tradition, according to the Mangyans, might have been listing already before the Chinese or the Spanish came to the Philippines. As with other rituals, the daniw can have insight in the workings of the sapol, and know the tools that are being used, like the bow-and-arrow. This ritual too is mentioned in the old (- 634) Jesuit records, as being practiced by the Mangyans when they want to be successful at their hunting activities.

 Panuldok

This is a ritual against rains, thunderstorms, excessive heat, earthquakes, etc. Its spirit is thought to be residing in a stone, or bugso. The blood is dripped at the base of a house support (sulay), a that is joined by the sambong, a sturdy, sharpened piece of iron rod, symbolizing the strength that the house is expected to acquire al after the ritual. The kusol (Kaempferia galanga L. Zing.) is used together with it.

In order of importance, the panuldok comes after the tihol. Since the panuldok is a ritual against typhoons, it will be capable to calm down a strong typhoon and rains, and is like a pacifier, requesting the apo-bagyo, or owner of the typhoon, to stop its destructive force of storm and rains.

When there is a strong typhoon, the panuldok can be assisted b:, the daniw, to observe together the “Forces of Heaven and Earth.” However, each does it in its own way. The same goes for control-ling excessive heat, when the apo-daga, the owner of the earth is r€ quested to stop its unbearable heat.

Panagdahan Sa Danom

Panagdahan sa danom is a ritual concerning the watersources, river-springs, etc., and follows in importance after the pagawa. It is the one taking care of animals, that they won’t get sick; furthermore it is in charge of the rice (on the field), that it will grow healthily, that no damage will be done to the plants by whatever agency, that the harvest will be bountiful. As to the locality where the ritual should take place, when it concerns a ritual at a river, it should be one that will not run dry, even at summertime. More-over, it should be performed at a spot where there is a big pool of water, and not at a place where the current is strong.

If it concerns a spirit in the sea, it can be done at the beach. For the spirit of a watersource, it should be done at the same place. For a deep well, the ritual has to be held nearby.

In former times, a Mangyan in charge of the ritual of the water, or panagdahan sa danom, at the hour of offering, would he very polite in his language, whether to the Spirit or to his companions. This was done in order not to betray any information of his ritual tools and knowledge to evil forces.

The ritual is performed after the rice harvest, at the time of preparing the new ricefields, from the time of the gamason, or cleaning, till the moment before the sowing of the rice seeds, or pamgasan, or from November till May. At the offering, one red cock is needed. This will be sufficient even if many people will attend. At the arrival of those who like to attend the ritual, each family will voluntarily bring their share along of the offering, which can be a chicken, and a portion of rice. This individual share is called tugyong, their part of the offering to the Spirit of the Water. It is believed that those who have contributed to the panagdahan sa danom ritual will have an abundant harvest to come. At the moment of the ritual offering, with many people together, it is not permitted to bring any kind of musical instruments. Nor should there be any yodeling yells (uwi), or playing around in whatever way. At the well itself, no one should be playing with the water.

As to the type of clothes and decoration one has to wear, no piece of commercial cloth should be used, nor slippers, a hat, or upper dress that would not be made and embroidered in the traditional Mangyan way. Furthermore, the G-string should be worn, not a pair of long or short pants. The women should wear a Mangyan ramit (skirt), and carry the traditional burl-bag, with nito-vine decorations. Those of the men who had cut off their traditional long hair, should not attend the water-ritual. If these regulations are not observed, a typhoon might occur, or a period of drought, or the rice harvest would be poor, or there would be plenty of sickness among the people. That’s why, those in charge of the ritual, and those in attendance, have to behave in a respectful way all the time, and really believe in the dangin or power of the spirit of the water

At the moment of the offering or sagda, a prayer should be said by the caretaker or shaman, like:

“You, Spirit of the water, come near now, because we have prepared an offering. Please, eat of the rice and the meat that we place before you.

Take care of the animals and our chickens, that they will not be eaten by the evil eater, or kumaraon. Watch over our rice plants as well, and don’t permit the rats, the sparrows, the insects, or any other pests to destroy our rice, but that we may have a bountiful harvest.

Do not permit any kind of evil to come near, and protect us against any sickness or other problems. Let us not visited by bad weather, typhoons, long droughts or sun eclipses, as well as famine. Keep our bodies from getting tired of the many tasks we have to do.

Protect us also against the evil spirit or labang, and against persons that practice sorcery, or panhiri.”

These words will be repeated several times.

When the prayer contains the petition: “When we go to the forests, make us find plenty of honey from the various kinds of bees,” this point will be clearly illustrated by the people who at-tend the ritual. They will have made a mock beehive from the leaves of the sugarpalm or iyok, suspending it at a low, overhanging branch of a tree standing near the watersource where the spirit d wells. It will be clear to all, how big a beehive the Mangyans are hoping to encounter in their search for honey.

After the ritual offering, the people attending can start eating as well. It will have to be done in a subdued and quiet mood, with as little noise as possible. This is in great contrast with the communal work activities called saknong that are usually lively affairs. At the ritual gathering no one is in a hurry to eat as fast and as much as possible, but each takes his time to get satisfied.

After the meal, the people go home quietly. If a lot of food is still left over, it can be brought home by the people, but not to be carried inside the house. This sacrificial food has to be consumed outside the living space of the house, e.g. on the platform or pantaw, in front of the house. Those inside the house who want to eat from the food, have to come outside to do so.

Those who were in charge of the ritual have to stay at home for five more days, and cannot do their regular work in the field, fetch water, or get firewood, etc. The unavoidable necessities of the body are the only exception for going away from the house for some distance. This rather strict regulation is called kalhian. When the five days and nights are complete, life can go on again as usual. This lihi, prohibition, is an expression of respect for the ritual performance that took place.

The majority of the Mangyans still believe in this ritual, and. when the harvest is good, etc., they will ascribe it to the ritual that was held to the satisfaction of the spirit(s). Therefore, this panagdahan sa dahom ritual will be repeated annually.

Evil Spirits (Mga Labang)

The Mangyan philosophy on the origin of evil is not worked out very well. There is a complicated folktale existing, that relates how on a certain day in the past, a long object descended from the sky, looking like a long intestine of a karabaw. Upon advice of the village Elders, it was collected in a big container, with the admonition to stay away from it, and not to touch or to puncture it.

But as with the box of Pandora, there was some foolish person who considers it his duty to puncture the object with his bolo.

And out came all the biting, stinging and troublesome insects we have today. And they spread over the world, carrying with them all kinds of diseases that mankind is suffering from. They were the first labang the Mangyans had to deal with.

Since that time, the labang is the general concept of evil in action, as it is experienced in its negative and bad effect on human beings. The labangs are growing in number, and the increase is said to come from the disenchanted souls of the deceased who were refused admission to the abode of the souls, the karadwahan, because of their evil past. They returned to earth and were invited by,the labang to join them.

The Iabang has many names, and occurs in many shapes and shades, depending on the type of sickness it causes, and the way it is thought to be done. The labang can only be seen by the shaman that controls a spirit-familiar. She/He can perceive the type of labang that is being dealt with, e.g. if it appears like a chicken, the sh man will conclude that it is, a labang-manok, that is troubling a sick person. Headache is associated with that type, so the ritual formulary, or prayers, of the shaman will be focused on that particular kind of labang.

A good pandaniwan, who controls a daniw, is usually able to dislodge a labang that is causing a soul to leave the body of its “master,” out of fear of the labang. This separation of the soul causes the person to get sick. So the task of the shaman is, to remove the labang that stays in the vicinity of the patient, to allow th soul to be reunited with the body, and thus bring recovery to its “master.” The labang can be called an evil spirit by nature since it v41/as always like that, even if new recruits are made from among criminal souls rejected from the karadwahan.

An evil spirit by accident would be a spirit-familiar, like a daniw or pamara, that unexpectedly starts doing evil, instead of good, a thing we usually expect from spirit-familiars, because they are the goodwill messengers of the Mahal Makaka-ako.

If a good spirit is suddenly behaving in a bad way, it has been or ordered to do so by the shaman in charge for some evil purpose of his ‘her own doing. The spirit-familiar can be blamed, because it is only acting as it is told to do, without judging the morality of a certain case. The daniw, or pamara, etc. have no volition, or personal will. Thus is their nature.

The “criminal” in a case like that is the shaman, who has betrayed his profession to do good, and has become a panhirian, or sorcerer of black magic, out of extreme envy or jealousy towards the person that he ordered attacked by the spirit-familiar. The spirit is now turned into a panhiri-spirit, that retains its redoubt-able power, and is now being applied to do evil, instead of good. Only a very good pandaniwan, possibly to be joined by other good shamans, can counteract such a formidable opponent, that is equipped with the spirit-power of a corrupted daniw or pamara-spirit.

Generally speaking, however, the good Familiar-Spirits, handled by the usually good shaman, will always be more powerful that the labang of any kind or caliber, or the dreadful evil caused by a panhirian-shaman, with his/her perverted panhiria spirit. The reason for this superiority of the Good Spirits, as explained by the Mangyans, is due to the fact that the Spirit-Familiars are sent by the Mahal Makaka-ako as messengers of goodness, to defeat the evil that is troubling this world.

 Earth People and Charms

To this category of the invisible world belong certain immaterial entities and powers, often vaguely defined by the Mangyans, but comparably belonging to the realm of fairies (e.g. duwende) and their magic world. For reasons of restricting this paper from growing too long; I will limit myself to one representative sample of the tawo basad daga, or Earth People.

 Putpot

It is an adult person of small size, like a child of eight to ten years of age. Generally dark-complexioned, there are also some who are more fair in skin color. But all have dark hair like the Mangyans. They usually dwell in the balete-tree, or steep rocks or in termite-hills (pungso). If it befriends you, it can be of great help, but if it doesn’t like you, it can be very troublesome, although by nature it is beneficial to mankind. A putpot might have a stone-charm like the one used with a pamara, and that makes it quite powerful. All of them have the tagadlom-charm that makes them invisible to humans, and they carry cotton in their hands to make their bodies nimble and light. They are dressed like Mangyans, but are around only when it is dark. You don’t have to be afraid of them, because they don’t team up pamara, tihol or pamusik familiar-spirits. Still, the putpot do not belong to that category. It is nice to have a put pot as a friend, and if one shows itself to you, ask it for a favor, and it will be granted. But if it is not your luck they won’t show themselves to you. However, several Mangyans who have a putpot as a friend, said that it showed itself to them, and is very helpful when someone is in need, or is sick.

Charms

Charms, or hapin-hapin, among the Mangyans can be encountered in every phase and aspect of their lives. Charms are considered as a protection for body (and soul) in certain circumstances of life. Charms can consist of certain stones, mineral extractions, exotic objects, a mixture of certain plant parts (including the roots), and secret incantations.

Most of these, or their way of preparation, are inherited from the forefathers, but others were acquired after instructions received in a dream, or through advice of the tihol spirit-familiar. Anyhow, the Mangyans believe that charms are a gift to mankind from the Mahal Makaka-ako, as an additional means of protection against seen and/or unseen adversaries. On the other hand, they can be used for a bad purpose as well, like with the spirit-familiar. It all depends on the mentality of the one handling or applying the charm.

Among the Mangyans there are great number of charms, all with different names, made of different (mainly vegetable) sub-stances, and with different applications and effectiveness.

Just to mention a few of the best known:

   Lumay and Gayuma

This is a love-charm, said to be irresistible to whom it is applied. It consists of the roots of certain trees and plants, that preferably should be collected on a Good Friday. That time is also the right moment for testing its potency. Another type of lumay is a stone that was found inside a banana, and a twin of the langka, or jackfruit, is also effective as love-charm.

The charm is placed near where the girl, the object of the lumay, usually passes, and soon she will feel attracted to a certain boy. The charm is also mixed with tobacco, then made into a cigarette, and when puffing, the smoke is directed to the girl, with the same effect. Mangyans on a trip to the interior of Mindoro, will always try to obtain strong love-charms from other tribesmen, in order to try them out when they are back home again. Mangyans believe strongly in the potency of a guaranteed lumay.

 Panuli or Sinamak

It is a strong charm against the labang, and consequently, against any serious sickness. Its composition is a mixture of parts of tall trees; and weeds, put into a little bottle, with coconut oil added. The oil should come from a single coconut out of a cluster that is facing east. Every Good Friday the oil should be changed so that the charm will retain its potency.

It can be placed above the door, and for sure, the labang will not enter. It can be burned, and the smoke, or smell, will drive the labang away. And it can be rubbed on the body as a repellent. It is also used against dizziness, by placing the charm in a coconut shell on live embers, and the vapors are trapped in a blanket which is wrapped around a patient. It is further used for stopping the bleeding of a wound, which afterwards will heal very quickly. If this charm is smoked, it is a medicine against skin-disease.

 Tagadlom

At a last example, the tagadlom is a charm that can make a person invisible to others. The main ingredient of its substance, is something that is very rarely seen or found. For example, a stone found in the heart of a banana-tree of the talindig-variety. If found, it should be wrapped in a black cloth, and it should be worn is a hagkos-belt, then one is invisible to others. Of course, the bone of a black cat would have the same result, as well as the stone found in a quail’s egg, and carried in the mouth. If these methods wouldn’t work, you can always ask the putpot for a tagadlom when it shows itself to you. That the tagadlom is the favorite charm with thieves, and their likes, doesn’t need mention!

Concluding Remarks

Such is the visible and invisible world of an Hanunoo-Mangyan of Southern Mindoro. A world full of variation and excitement (maybe a bit too much!), that will prevent life to be dull, because there is always something to think about.

That the Mangyan of the past could cope with all its complications, is surprising enough, whereas on the other side, it doesn’t come as a surprise, when the modern-day Mangyan youth is not very much attracted to many aspects of this dual world, especially its invisible part. The challenges of the pre-20th century keep them busy enough to think about this aspect of their native culture.

Reaction Paper

REACTION PAPER

 

Good afternoon everybody. My reaction to the paper of Fr. Demetrio is focused on the specific aspect of the paper, on the change of place, and I will discuss thoroughly the place as cosmos and less thoroughly the quotations where most of the samples are taken from : the poetries and literatures. Now, this change of place actually also refers to the change of identity. In the paper of Fr. Demetrio, he described the inhabitants and related them to some places like the Pulangi, peoples living in Pulangi, peoples who live in Tikalaan, peoples who live in the Tagbulauan, and people who live in Bulan-Bulan. So, this identification of peoples with places generates changes of the peoples identity. For ex-ample, people who are known to be living in the Talaandig, or Tikalaan are known to be peacemakers. So, without telling other people that you are a peacemaker, the people expect you to be one. At the same time, the place also implies sense of people’s culture, and a sense of a people’s responsibilities.

If you are known to live in a place, such as Bulan-bulan, which means “center of the earth” you will be identified as a peace-maker. Bulan-bulan is like the center of the earth because it is the place where the peacemakers live. The people who live there have maintained the balance, peace, and harmony with nature. So, there is a sense of responsibility. Because I am from Bulan-bulan, then I am expected to be a peacemaker. It is my responsibility to know the history of my people. So, the sense of place also involves the sense of some influence or control of your behavior. There is a psychological thing that controls you. You might be putting the people to shame if you do things which are not related to the culture or the behavior expected of that place.

Now, I would like to comment on the conception. In the discussion of the place as cosmos, man is related to water, man is related to fire, man is related to plants, man is related even to sound. So, that’s why, in the tribe, there are seven spirits of man, i.e. pepito hamakutu.

The child, or the fetus in the womb, will someday become a good man. So, I would stick to the relationship of man with the other elements of creation. The fruit is actually just an element that adds or contributes to the development of that fetus.

Now, in the balagon, there are several elements. For example, balagon, what is balagon? What is rattan? Why is rattan involved in the discussion of the peace pact? Balagon was used as a medium of communication. A knot was sent to invite a peace pact. So, that was understood by our ancestors. The digging of a hole in the ground, the burying of materials, when somebody is buried, means it has to be forgotten. So, burying of the material objects means they have to be forgotten. The conflict has to be forgotten. So, everybody must forget it. So, no more conflict. The use of animals, like, for example, chicken, involves the principle of substitution, or a principle of repayment. For example, life that is repaid by the life of an animal, usually a carabao. It is called “bangon na” meaning to revive his strength, his service to his family and to his community, because the carabao is a symbol of service. Now the symbolic giving of and the use of blood is a symbolic washing of the country. It is also used as a symbolic revival, the giving back of life, and the peaceful relationships of the people.

When you pour water on a plant, it means you want to make it live. Man’s relationship is sacred. Water is used as a symbolic way to give back the life of the relationship. There is also the ritual of winning back destroyed relationships. The use of oil is a symbolic way of giving peace. If your hair is tangled, you can pour oil in your hand and apply it on your hair, and you can comb it easily. So, oil is a symbolic material for a peacemaker. That is why, when oil is used to refer to a place, it means the place is peaceful, a home to the peacemakers.

Now, Bulan-bulan, being also the center of the earth, is the place of people, of the leaders who maintain the balance, the harmony of the entire place. It is the center where everybody gathers around, mix together and talk about good relationships. So, Bulan-bulan, the center, the place of the peacemaker, is a source of hope for leadership. If you are from Bulan-bulan, you are expected to be a leader.

In the paper of Fr. Demetrio, there is much discussion about peace and harmony. But man’s relationship with nature, is that which causes conflict. In the course of man’s relationship with nature, or in his struggle for survival, he destroys the balance. He destroys the harmony. There is disturbance because the peace invested by Cod in this earth has been disturbed. So, there should be a repayment. If there is disturbance, it might cause illness.

The environment gives life to man. Man is to understand that there are seven aspects of the environment that will give him light. Man has seven spirits, seven sources of life. If man wants to live a long life, it is his responsibility. If he will not recognize his relationship with these things it means that his life may be shortened because these things will not help him, will not support him, will not contribute to his existence. That is why material things, plants, and animals are always mentioned. They are always involved when the life of man is discussed because man could not be separated away from these things.

Plants are used as symbolic elements to influence the story or the situation. For example, the Kilala plant is used as a marker, a marker of land. Since Kilala means to recognize, when you see a i Kilala, you will understand that this is a marker. So maybe this is the boundary or maybe somebody died in this place. Thus it explains the meaning of something. Another flower for example, like Kalanigyan has a bright yellow and reddish color. The symbolic meaning here is in the flower, the brightness of the flower. The beauty is easily identified because of the color.

Now, let us say something about earth as a home, and earth as an abode of man. The concept of home or a house is expanded. For example, a house has a center post and it has four corners. The earth is also believed to have four corners and it has also its own center post and it has its own roof, the sky, the heavens. It has its own room, the earth, and the pillars are the east, the west, the north and the south. So, it is actually like a home. So, earth is a place, earth is an abode of man, earth is a home. So, man describes his place. If he wants to expand it, he can move to the west, he can move to the south, north or east. He can expand upwards, which is the sky. He can expand downwards, under the earth.

The Beliefs of the Manobos of Maguling

Maguling, one of the farthest barangays of the Munipality of Maitum, province of South  Cotabato was the area of this study. This barangay is fourteen kilometers away from the poblacion and is accessible by land and water transportation. It is composed of nine sitios namely Sebeng, Mondan, Matolan, Takal, Fenayong, Tungeon, Lihik, Luan and Batel. The Manobos occupy the first seven sitios while the Christians and Muslims occupy Luan and Batel respectively.

The origin of the name Maguling may be traced back to the name of the big trees which grew abundantly in the place when it was still uncultivated. The first occupants of the place, the Muslims and the Manobos, called the said trees, Maguling. Maguling trees have pointed leaves about 7-8 inches long and 4 inches wide. They make good firewod for, even when newly-cut they burn long and brightly.

The boundaries of barangay Maguling are the Luan river on the east, barangay Pinol on the west, the
Celebes Sea on the South and barangay Ticulab on the north.

Maguling is inhabited predominantly by Ilocanos for whom farming is the chief means of livelihood. Other ethnic groups which reside in this barangay include the Ilonggos, Cebuanos, Maguindanaoans, Joloanos and Sangils. The cultural groups do menial jobs for the landed Ilocanos for their living. Some, like the Muslims who live near the sea, engage in fishing while other tribal groups, like the Manobos, plant corn and other root crops.

Maitum was formerly a part of the municipality of Kiamba. In 1928, homesteaders streamed into the place. During this time, Maitum was a virgin hinterland plagued by malaria. Nevertheless, migrants continued to settle in Maitum. Eventually, the people led by Francisco Gacal petitioned for an independent and separated municipality. By virtue of Republic Act No. 2189 enacted on May 7, 1959, the municipality of Maitum was created.

Beliefs About Marriage

The location of a sunem (mole on a Manobo woman’s body plays a vital role in determining her future, i.e., whether she will live in poverty and misery, or be rich and live happily. One of the reasons why a Manobo male is heavily indebted to others until he dies is the dowry that he gives to the woman he marries.

Having seen signs of good luck, as in the presence of a mole, a Manobo male will no longer work hard to earn a living for his family, for he firmly believes something good awaits his family. This is one reason why a Manobo man will carefully look for a woman with sunem in lucky places in the body, no matter what the circumstances may be.

Manobo society recognizes polygamous marriages. Any Manobo male with sufficient wealth to pay for the bride all at one time or by installment, may have more than one wife. While the Manobos practice polygamy, they cling to and practice the following beliefs on marriages gathered from them through oral testimonies.

The Manobo belief that going out of the house before the wedding day will make one sick means that the betrothed couple must stay inside the house most of the time. The woman is not to help in weeding the rice and cornfields. She is only allowed to do ordinary household chores such as cooking, washing dishes and occasionally cleaning the house. This practice makes the Manobos idle. From early in the morning till late in the afternoon, the betrothed Manobo male or female simply sleeps or plays cards.

Agadong bulan (full moon) is always the best time for marriage to take place. The size of the moon and its round shape signify good health for the prospective couple’s future children. The Manobos believe that wedding rites and rituals should be done very early in the morning (magtosimag) so that the couple will always understand each other and will seldom quarrel. This is related to the fact that early in the morning, atmosphere is still cool and refreshing hence, the newly-married couple will tend to have “cool heads”. If wedding rites are performed at kabusang (noon time), the couple will always quarrel. They believe this is so because the sun’s heat at noontime will make the couple hot-tempered.

The wedding day is postponed if there is udan lafos (heavy rain), fumulow (reddish sky in the afternoon), inog (earthquake), nilafay kayo (fallen tree), mifasa binangga (broken pot), and dumo agogfa (death in the neighborhood). To them, rain signifies tears so that a scheduled wedding day should be postponed if rain falls. The reddish color of the sky means sickness to the Manobos as this color suggests boldness and war. Earthquake means that a deity holding the universe got mad, hence the movement. So, the couple will get sick if they go on with the scheduled wedding because the wrath of the god will be upon them. A big fallen tree is a sign of bad luck for it stands for the groom a she is the stronger sex while a small tree that falls stands for the woman as she is smaller and weaker. A broken pot means that the prospective bride and groom will separate.

The Manobo wedding rites and rituals, no matter how simple they may be, entail significant expenses since the groom’s parents have to prepare a feast to entertain visitors. The postponement of it due to the occurrence of rain, earthquake, reddish sky, fall tree, broken pot, or death in the neighborhood would therefore mean many more expenses on the groom’s part since he would have to prepare the same things all over again. It is because of this that the Manobos would at times resort to carabao-rustling or stealing to meet wedding expenses. The rampant carabao-rustling and hold-ups in Maguling have been attributed to Manobos.

On Conception and Pregnancy

The conceiving or pregnant Manobo woman does not sleep during the day for fear that the placenta will stick to the uterus and she will have a difficult delivery. This because when one sleeps, one’s body seems to be glued to the floor or be. Cassava tubers which have not uniformly developed and in which the middle part has bulged may result to difficult delivery; therefore these should not be eaten by pregnant women. It is believed bad for Manobo women to be sitting or tarrying on stairs or in doorways because the baby will also tarry during childbirth. Rubbing things, like the first egg of hen or leaves wet with dewdrops, on the belly of a pregnant woman insures easy delivery. Eggs and stones roll; so when they are rubbed on the belly of a pregnant Manobo woman, this is taken to mean that the baby inside the womb will also be induced to roll or move smoothly during childbirth. The dewdrops on leaves signify lubrication, or again, an easy childbirth.

Rain, according to the Manobos are tears from God, so that if a pregnant woman gets wet with it, the baby inside the womb will get sick. The spider has a sticky saliva. If a pregnant woman happens to touch one she will have a difficult delivery as the baby will stick to the uterus during childbirth. A black fish signifies death, therefore a pregnant woman should not eat it as she and her baby will die. The Manobos believe that contract with a deer causes harelip because deers have cloven feet so pregnant women should not eat venison. A pregnant Manobo woman is not allowed to lie down on her back, for this will cause her to bear twins. The Manobos believe that there is a force inside the pregnant woman’s womb which could divide the baby into two. So pregnant women always have to lie down on their sides to prevent its occurrence. Because of the many beliefs of Manobos about pregnancy, pregnant women do not undergo prenatal check-up which accounts for the high mortality rate among them.

A Manobo husband with a pregnant wife is not allowed to cut trees for building a home. For them, the trees signifies life, therefore cutting it down will bring a curse. (Husbands of expectant mothers tend to be idle as building a house is taboo for them. They just stay with their in-laws or with relatives and be dependent on them.)

Childbirth

The umbilical cord of a newborn child determines its future. It is in the umbilical cord that life begins therefore the Manobos give meaning to its position and appearance. The Manobos believe that venison, tuna fish, eggs, bongolan (a banana specie), salmon, and eel contain powerful substances which can cause a relapse if eaten by a mother who has just given birth. On the other hand, the monkey’s meat is good for the mother who has just given birth because the female monkey recovers strength immediately after it has given birth.

When drunk, the water which dripped from the hair of Manobo woman after her first bath is believed to stop bleeding because it is considered sacred. The placenta of a newborn baby is to be buried where rain falls heavily. During heavy rains the buried placenta is released by the doft earth. This is like releasing the spirit of the child so that it will always be near its parents.

Death and Burial

When a Manobo who has killed someone dies, a bolo is place in his coffin so that he will have a weapon to defend himself when he meets the person he killed in baya (heaven). This implies that the physical body will still be present after death.

During a vigil for a dead person, kasila, (red pepper) timos (salt) and a bottle of water are carried by persons when they want to leave the house where the dead is lying in state because they believe that the busaw (evil spirits) is afraid of these.

Small pieces of mirror are placed in the coffins of Manobos to drive away busaw (evil spirits). Mirrors reflect light. The Manobos believe that the busaw, follower of Satan who walks in darkness, is afraid of the light which is reflected by the mirror. Rice is scattered right after the burial to prevent blagblags (nightmare). To the Manobos, rice serves as a magic charm that prevents nightmare. Placing the kalowen (stoven) at the door after coming from the burial grounds pervents the occurence of another death in that house. The Manobos believe that the stove is the “heart of the house “, where food is cooked; therefore, when placed at the door, it would prevent death. The Manobos also believe that there is life after death but they are not certain as to where one’s soul goes after death.

They recognize a myriad of other spirits whose influence controls every aspect of their society. Serious illness is a state one gets into due to a broken taboo or to the desire of the spirit or soul of an ancestor to communicate a need to a living person. The Manobos have a group of religious specialists called baylan. The function of the baylan is to communicate with the unseen world by means of a familiar spirit in order to interpret the message intended. Animal sacrifice is the usual remedy for a serious illness as well as the means for obtaining favors from the gods, such as for planting and marriage.

Work Ethic

The practice of stretching oneself (agfangalag) very early in the morning shows that Manobos are aware that a person should be physically conditioned in order to be fit of a tikos (vine) around the knees of a child to make him sturdy on his first visit to a relative’s house is supposed to enable him to do hard work later in life. The Manobos believe that going out of the house immediately after waking up in the morning makes one industrious while failure to go out of the house makes one lazy. This belief is the counterpart of the saying “early birds catch the worms”. This suggests that the Manobos are also aware that an industrious man is time conscious.

Sowing and Harvest

The Manobos have a way of determining a fertile ground for planting corn and palay. They choose a site with many earthworm wastes and black soil. Having found one, they will start clearing it by cutting down big and small trees. The Manobos wait for the trees to dry before they are burned. This takes about two weeks. After they have been thoroughly burned, the site is readied for planting.

During the planting, all the Manobos in the community are present to help, as they deem it a responsibility to bear one another’s burden. Before planting, an offering in the form of mama, composed of betel nut (buyo), betel leaves (kawed) and tobacco leaf is placed on a high pole at the planting site as offering to the god of the harvest.

Planting for the Manobos is fun. They do it in pairs. The Manobo man digs holes while standing using a long round piece of pointed wood while the female partner places about 3-4 grains of corn in the hole. If it is palay that it is being  planted, about 10-12 grains are placed in a hole. The pair who finishes their given parts first teases the slow ones who are left behind. There is shouting and boisterous laughter while this scene is taking place. In selecting ears of corn for planting, the Manobos select those with straight grains. As for the palay, they see to it that no chaff is mixed with the grains. The palay seedlings are preserved in containers made of barks of big trees whose ends have been sewed together.

Harvesting palay among the Manobos is a time of festivity as Manobos near and far gather to help one another, staying together until the work is over. After the harvest, only the palay for next year’s seedling is left, because much of the harvest is allocate for the food of those who helped, so that little is left to the owner. This is one reason why there are no rich Manobos as they share what they have to others, especially food.

The Manobos believe that the physical aspects of the environment, as well as the weather, are controlled by the spirits. They believe that rains will fall after the planting of palay because they think that it is sent by the god of agriculture. Signs in the sky like arrow-like clouds, dark clouds and reddish sky are all interpreted by Manobos as bringing rains, earthquake or drought respectively. They believe that a powerful spirit its present in an earthquake which explains why they have to waken all those who are sleeping and stand up to give reverence to that spirit.

Subanun Folklore

Introduction

Prior to the coming of the Spaniards, many Philippine ethnic groups already had epic singers, their songs being a part of their daily life and activities. During their revelries, those endowed with good voices sang or chant them. One group that possesses a rich lore is the Subanun of Sindangan. They are the descendants of Indonesians who constituted the first wave of immigrants from Eurasia that settled in our country. Their legends, tales and myths, which are elements of social cohesion with supernatural powers and their mythical rulers, usually showing their relationship with the life of their forebears.

The Subanun’s form of social organization is based on an agricultural  and culture that abhors foreign elements. Their social life, authority structure and customary laws fully satisfy their needs so that they are averse to outside power, thus fostering the continuity of their ancient culture. In the words of Datu Agdino Andus of Sindangan:

Tibaqan boq sasuko pagligawatan migsarabi ami, boq di
ami malyagdon bElongan nami sogposakaq nag
makaguran. Donig baliyan na Marikano na pabolongEn
siya di nami sog batad nami. Sugaq maqo si Datu Tangkilan
Andus, lingatan gopyaq boq migbaksay tanan sabaq
longatan. Daq ami pagpatod di nila, boq pidiyonan nami
sogbatad nami.

Freely translated, this runs:
Our family and our subjects are so closely bound together
we do not want our customs and traditions to die. Once
American missionaries came and proselytized us and told
us to do away with these traditional laws. My father, the
late Datu Tangkilan Andus, roared with anger, refused them,
and we continued our simple way of life.

For their livelihood the Subanun today raise enough food on the the hillsides through the kaingin method of cultivation(swidden agriculture) and engage in hunting wild animals and fishing. These activities allow them to store enough foods and permit them to have ample leisure for social and aesthetic pursuits. They have developed rituals and ceremonies where chants and folksongs have become essential elements. The folksongs also serve them in their daily activities, and as entertainment after coming home from work or during feasts.

The majority still live the way their ancestors did centuries ago. They still follow age-old customs and shun modem conveniences precisely because, economically speaking, they cannot afford the latter. Those who are already acculturated and educated have, however, adopted some modem conveniences of life whenever they are able to.

The Subanun are mostly cut off today from one another by mountains and rivers. They are usually found in the remote areas of Zamboanga del Norte and Zamboanga del Sur. In one local group, they may number only from 20 to 30 families. Their tools and weapons are primitive and include spears, traps, bolo, bow and arrow and poisoned darts. They raise a few pigs and other domestic animals.

It is saddening to note that among the present Subanun generation their folklore legacy seems to hold no binding and deep interest anymore. They are little by little corrupted by what they hear from the transistor radios and alienated from their cultural heritage. The present setup of society has changed their way of life to a certain degree. Most Subanun youth in Sindangan love to listen more to the radio programs after their work in their kaingin rather than sing their own songs.

Sindangan in the past was called Giyakowan. It is one of the important towns of Zamboanga and is now a very progressive
municipality composed of several barrios and sitios most of which are inhabited by Subanun. Every barrio has a river or tributary named after the place, except Mandin, which is the name of a former datu.

In Sindangan Bay alone, Subanun number more or less 2,500 and most of them are already educated. There is still a great number who are ignorant and suffering from poverty.

H. Otley Beyer (1911) describes the racial characteristics of the Subanun as being of very mixed physical type, with the Indonesian traits predominating. Both the short and tall mongoloid types are fairly numerous, but the Negroid types are rare. An exclusively Papuan Australoid mixture is evident, and in the Indonesian types the Caucasic element often predominates

The Subanun today are of slight and slender build, fair-complexioned, with high forehead but a rather flat nose. Their bodies are not deformed. They usually have well-rounded limbs, clean and supple. Young women are gracefully pleasing in person, very modest, shy. and industrious.

A Subanun has well-set, expressive and suspicious eyes. He can be temperamental when his pride is hurt, but stays calm when in his proper mood. Men have a peculiar way of standing while they converse. They lean on anything, on a post, or on a wall, standing on
one foot while the other rests on the knee like a heron. When tired,they just shift their weight to the other leg and resume the same position.

Although living in a fairly warm region, the Subanun are clothed colorfully, resembling the Muslims. The men at times wear turbans, tight-fitting shirts open at the chest, and loose, baggy pants. The women wear skin-tight, long-sleeved jackets and skirts, mostly in loud colors, and have their ears pierced. A great number of them  no longer wear the old kind of clothing today since they have found out that they can be comfortable with our modem way of dressing. In the past, both sexes grew long hair, tied into a knot and held onto the head by a colorful turban. Today, most of them sport short hair, but he turban remains in use by some. Young Subanun girls, unlike other ethnic groups, are not separated from their parents at the age of puberty. They stay home with their family, recognizing their father as head. The young women keep their virginity until marriage.

A Subanun obviously presents a culture more primitive than other ethnic groups like the Ifugao. His social organization is typical of the primitive type which moves freely from one large forest area to another, felling trees and cultivating the clearing as a kaingin, and after two or three harvest periods abandons it for another virgin forest. The Ifugao in this respect are superior, for they make their rice terraces and irrigate them; more importantly, they have permanent villages. On the other hand, a Subanun plants rice that needs no permanent system of irrigation. He depends on the rain. He calls this system of planting gobod or sawd. A Subanun cares little about his farm, leaving his rice to struggle for existence side by side with cogon. If the rice outgrows the cogon, he gets a good and abundant harvest. He spends a great deal of time hunting, fishing and gathering food for his livelihood. Aside from the rice, he grows root crops like gubi (sweet potatoes), ginampay (ubi), lampan (yam), and banggala (cassava). There are Subanun in Sindangan proper, however, who are already practising wet agriculture, a system which they have learned from the Visayans.

Most Subanun are outwardly friendly, although inside they are still suspicious of foreigners and fear outsiders. But most of them are hospitable, even more respectful than any Christian could be. There are however, among them turbulent and fierce individuals. These stay in the most remote places and are called Manggahat. Even the good Subanun fear the Manggahat, probably because these make no exceptions in their attacks. These Manggahat, deep in the night, bring bamboo spears which they use in piercing the floors of houses to satisfy their murderous proclivities. Very few of the Manggahat, however, are said to exist today.

Beliefs

The Subanun are polytheistic for they believe in different gods and spirits whom they worship the way they are conceived, either as malevolent or benevolent. Superior gods or spirits are called diwata who instinct the Subanun medicine man on how to perform and practitioner rituals. Their Supreme diwata is Gulay (Gulai) or Asog. The Subanun believe that the spirits of diwata possess the power of causing conception without any human intervention and the offspring becomes an efficient balyan.

They call their priest gulilegan (shaman) who is responsible for performing rites and ceremonies during feasts and other community activities. The Subanun have greater respect for the gulilegan (shaman) than the balyan. The gulilegan is consulted in case of epidemics when he performs a liqing. A gulilegan is also called to interpret the good omens when a new site for a house is selected and is consulted in the choice of a forest for a kaingin clearing. While the most important duty of the balyan is to cure the sick, they believe that the gulilegan also has powers to cure. Like the balyan the gulilegan also possesses a certain degree of knowledge of plants used for curative purposes. A gulilegan does not interfere in civil affairs. There is nothing that prevents a headman from becoming a gulilegan if he meets the qualifications; that is, he must be able to talk to spirits, cure the sick, and perform rites through the use of supernatural powers. The Subanun usually know the datu’s power and limitations and can easily judge the quality of a performance which is extraordinary.

A gulilegan is not only employed to drive away the evil spirits. He is also able to do good and evil, to cause a disease, to defeat an enemy or cause his death. People in the past believed themselves lost and helpless without them. In marriage, the datu performs the ceremonies. However, a gulilegan’s blessing, though not necessary, is at times asked for by the couple so that they will have a happy home and raise healthy and happy children. When a gulilegan dies, the Subanun believe that he is only asleep so he is not buried but is left in a little house built solely for him. They believe that some gulilegan attend conferences in heaven with the supreme gods and return after being dead for some time. Stories of resurrection have been told by them. Thus, when gulilegan Oknip, Liyo’s father, died, he was not buried for five days because he remained warm although he was no longer breathing. After five days, he came to life again. Only twenty years after this incident did gulilegan Oknip finally meet his death.

The balyan are wizards, both men and women, who have mysterious associations with the spirits of diwata and are believed to possess healing power for all forms of illnesses. In a Subanun society, a medicine man of repute is one whose eccentricity verges on insanity. This characteristic does not lessen the credibility of the balyan. It is taken as perfectly natural that a man possessed of spiritual power can be dominated by spirits and can be weak in concerns of ordinary things. A balyan s vocation is usually decided during some long period of sickness and depression in early life and even during adolescence. One balyan recounted that during an illness in his youth he heard a diwata calling and telling him that he would be his familiar spirit. As soon as he recovered from his illness, this man entered into a kind of discipleship under a balyan by learning the varied rituals for several years after which he himself became an expert. A medicine man of renown claims to have a special friend among the diwata and it is these spiritual beings that he calls on for important occasions. During festivals when many bukar (altars) are set up, he always builds one for his special diwata friend. Most balyans are sincere, but to impress people they sometimes overact and fake supernatural phenomena.

In treating a patient, several steps are observed. When the balyan is called, he listens first to the story about the ailment. He diagnoses based on his concepts of ailments and diseases. He can differentiate one skin disease from another except that no criteria of the diagnosis of the disease are considered. Then anything that the patient has done lately which the balyan thinks might have angered the gods or one of the spirits of his tribe is reviewed and interpreted for anyone of them might have brought vengeance on the patient. No one among them supposes or knows that the illness comes from something wrong in the bodily processes. The balyan is convinced that any disease is the work of an offended spirit.

Frake, in his 1961 study of the diseases of the Subanun, found out that their diagnosis does not measure up to etiological criteria. He explains it in this manner:

Etiological criteria are diagnostically significant responses
to questions of “etiology”, how did the patient encounter
his illness? These questions ask, “Why did it happen to
me?” rather than, “What causes this kind of disease?”
Diagnostic knowledge of the kind of disease does not give
knowledge of on “etiology” in this sense. Confident
determination of etiological circumstance requires
communication by divination or séance with the
supernaturals. Since this kind of communication seems to
be costly, patients reserve etiological searching for cases
when ordinary medical (kabulungan) treatments
premedicated on diagnosis have not met with success.
Etiological determination generally enables the patient to
undertake propitiatory rituals (kano) with therapeutic value.
But some etiological circumstances, notably those
involving human agency, cannot be counteracted by
propitiations of supernaturals. These cases require
treatment with specially acquired medicines such as charms
(pegbelingen), amulet (bulung penapu‘), potions (gaplas),
and antidotes (tekuli‘).

Consequently, if the patient has a stomachache, the balyan believes that a cruel spirit has entered the patient’s body and is tormenting him. The medicine man proves himself a good match for the enemy. He drives away the evil spirit by his spells, incantations, charms, and potions. He is really a wizard skilled in all magical devices for the protection of the human body.

As soon as the patient recovers from his illness, a kano (rite) is performed. Offerings like chicken, pork and eggs (cooked without salt and spices), betel chew, and pangasi are placed on the bukar (altar). The balyan performs the kano by calling and invoking the gods and goddesses to dine. He prays to them, thanking them for the recovery of the sick.

A balyan usually has two functions: performing at festivals and curing the sick. He can be in a trancelike condition when a spirit speaks through him. He perspires all over during the trance. Some can dance up to a frenzied state and then act as a medium. But very few have the power to communicate with a spirit.

If health is not restored through the interventions of the balyan, then the Subanun believe that the sins of the patient may be too difficult for the diwata or the spirits to forgive; otherwise, why were the offerings not given due importance? Under such circumstances, they believe that greater offerings must be made even to the extent of resorting to human sacrifice.

A balyan of repute may ask only for a minimal fee since the people feel it is his obligation to perform at rituals. The amount paid to a balyan for ceremonies is 16 panels of coarse imported cotton cloth and 4/5 of a picul of husked rice which is certainly enough for his needs. To earn a living, the balyan works on a kaingin like any ordinary Subanun.

The Subanun believe that Gulay or Asog, who lives in the heavens, is the head of all the diwata. Gulay and Asog is the Supreme Being, the greatest and the most powerful diwata, and creator of all things including people. He is well disposed toward people and defends them, their homes, and their crops from the attacks of evil spirits. he is the most just and good god who gives happiness to everyone. He has a keen foresight for the end of all, and ultimately, he is the “master of life and death, is very ancient and eternal.” He can punish evildoers since he possesses a power that controls lightning and thunder.

Supernatural beings, according to the Subanun, act according to their spiritual attributes. In most cases they cause illness because they want to be remembered with sacrifices and offerings. The spirits do not desire wealth but want sumptuous food and drink, particularly rice wine. They do not make extreme demands by causing illness or epidemics, but first give the people ominous warnings like the hooting of birds, dreams, thunder and other threatening events to remind the people of their obligations.

The Subanun believe in the existence of evil spirits which can be divided into three types: the munluh who are of gigantic size and who dwell in the mountains and forests; the gwak-gwak who are earth-dwellers, winged and devourers of human flesh, with the power to change themselves into a bird of unusual size and color; and the mitubu and mamanwa (goblins) who dwell in caves, trees, and rivers.

The call of birds of omen has much significance to the Subanun. The glimon (wild dove), which has a special relationship with people, is believed to be interested in human affairs. This belief originated from the Negritos who lived with them for some time in the past. This bird is believed to be the receptacle for the soul of the ancestral infant who died at a tender age. From the bird, the soul enters the womb of an expectant mother in order to give life to the infant she is soon to deliver. Aside from the glimon (wild dove) and the sibukok or kokok, the Subanun believe in two other birds as heralds of ill fortune: the bulatok and the tamiqang. If these birds alight on a new house, Subanun will abandon the new dwelling. They make sacrifices to the tiboghok and the ginaghaw, birds that take the shape of Dipuksaya, the goddess who dwells midway between heaven and earth. In these rituals, done by a balyan or a shaman, the favorite foods of that spirit one offered. The food they serve during the offering is not eaten; the Subanun believe that it is only the gimud (spirit) of the food that this spirit partakes of.

The kano-makers are simple and humble folks. The kano is their highest form of community gathering and their most artistic expression. Here, they bring the best that they are able to create like dances, music, songs, costumes, and ritual practices. The kano is a time for paying obligations for special favors and where there is more to eat and drink than usual. Kano performances require some sort of ceremonies. Some types of kano offerings are:

boklog – The most expensive of celebrations, it is a feast lasting five days or more. The celebration is grand, bewitching and interesting, and requires preparations of a month or two. During the celebration, the Subanun dance days and nights on a specially built swaying bamboo platform called the boklog. The shaman and the balyan take care of the rites and ceremonies.

gampang – This is performed at the mouth of a creek or river, the purpose of which is to appease the angered gods and spirits that bring illness to the people as a punishment for their offense.

• Marriage kano – This is the specific prayer of newlyweds entreating the gods and goddesses for good health and a happy married life.

• Baptism kano – This prays for the long life and good health of a child. The person who sponsors the child is called the minganak.

papilis – Before opening the forest for a kaingin, a Subanun asks permission from the spirits of farming ventures to allow them to work there.

kanolupa – While the plants are growing, they hold a prayer asking that the plants be spared from pests and other destructive forces of nature.

kano for the sick- Without the use of medicine, this kano is performed with the hope of appeasing the angry gods, asking them to heal the sick.

pasungko– This is held after harvest as a sort of thanksgiving to the gods and goddesses.

A ceremony may be complex or simple depending on whether one or more offerings are held. Ceremonies are named after a constituent offering, the boklog being one of the features.

It is only in the marriage kano where the chieftains accept money. The fixed amount for a wedding is fifteen pesos to be divided among the three chiefs: nine pesos for the datu, three pesos for the timuway, and three pesos for the saliling.

Food and Drink

Drinking plays a very important part in Subanun social life. Gasi or pangasi is offered to a visitor of rank whether a stranger  or not. Pangasi is considered as essential as food especially during feasts. To them, it is rude to refuse the drink offered. To make pangasi, rice is pounded and then mixed with parts of certain plants like the roots of the grampic, sili fruit (pepper), ginger, roots of onions, roots of jackfruit, tungog tree, bosiyong, leaves of lindang plant, roots or leaves of pineapple, and rice husks.

The mixture is first cooked and laid aside to ferment. Later, this is made into balls and dried. These balls, termed tapay, are stored. They cook again another amount of rice. They spread this cooked rice on the mat and while it is still hot, some powdered tapay are poured into it. The mixture is laid aside for some hours (24 hours being the most) until fermentation is well underway. This mixture is called ginamon. The ginamon is poured into the bandiq (big Chinese jars) and then water is poured in to cover the ginamon. Sometimes, rice husks are not used.

The resulting liquor is drunk sooner or later according to the desired taste. The longer the liquor is kept, the stronger the intoxicating quality becomes. They flavor it with vegetable ingredients to give it a pleasant odor. Wild ginger mixed with sweet smelling herbs are mostly favored. Subanun sometimes make some beverages from sugarcane juice and alcoholic drinks from honey and millet.

In the boklog, a drinking rivalry becomes an introductory part of the gaiety. Before the drinking begins, the datu designates an influential man to tie knots in various pieces of rattan attached to the wall, in a conspicuous place, each knot representing a certain unit of value of gongs, brass, jars, or pieces of cloth. The datu then shouts to the audience that the knots represent the amount of fines which will be imposed on any man who commits offenses during the feast such as quarreling, stepping on people, and hurting the women. In case trouble arises, the man offering the drink is punished along with the culprit.

In drinking, no glass is used. Before the jars are served, there are rice straws arranged nicely by cross-sticks to keep the reeds steady. The people sip the pangasi through the reeds. They drink one at a time and after each drink water is poured in to fill up the jar. This water is poured into the jar with cups of coconut shells, each of which has a hole in the center. The hole is plugged by a finger which can be released to allow water to flow into the jar. Several cupfuls of water are added to replace the amount of drink for each one. The amount drunk by each one is carefully recorded. The drink becomes more and more diluted as the drinking continues but the drink is transferred to a fresh jar before it becomes very weak.

As the drinking proceeds, the participants become less formal and the turban is allowed to fall off. When they are quite drunk, they start reciting verses and chanting songs, especially parts of the epic, Ag Tubig Nog Keboklagan. During the drinking, big gongs are beaten together with the kolintangs for many hours at a time. The younger men, after drinking awhile, sometimes jump and dance by pairs or in a ring. Men and women join hands and dance rhythmically around the Maypole in the boklog. Men, women, and children are allowed to drink, eat and sleep in the host’s home until the feast is over.

Rituals for the Dead

One finds the Subanun united most especially in death. When the balyan has exhausted all his means to cure the sickness which they believe is caused by evil spirits, there is loud wailing and weeping in the house for sometime. The datu is informed of the death. It would not take much time for everyone in the village to know. Soon every Subanun gives his contribution, either in cash or in kind. Preparation for the funeral is then started.

Funeral customs differ from one district to another, although differences may be slight. An example is the following ritual for a dead wife narrated by Datu Agdino Andus:

The dead was cleaned first and then wrapped with a
white cloth by the balyan and then placed in a coffin
(hollow log) with some provisions. The balyan burned
incense, beat the bowl and murmured prayers. A cock was
killed and its blood smeared on all parts of the room
including the feet of every person present. This is to drive
away the evil spirits who may be present. Next, the coffin
was covered and the widower went around the coffin seven
times and under the coffin also seven times. As the dead
was carried away, the widower held on to a stump to let
the dead proceed alone to her own destination.

The coffin was brought to a grave half a mile away. In
the early days, only the coffin bearers went with the funeral.
The graves were quite shallow so that wild animals could
dig them out. It was not uncommon to see bones scattered
all about. Friends and relatives did not go with the funeral,
only the coffin bearers. Today, most of them have adopted
the Christian custom of burying the dead.
Before the coffin is placed in the grave, pieces of wood
are placed under so that the coffin would not touch the
ground. Pieces of wood and leaves are placed over the
coffin before covering it finally with earth. The people
throw the loose earth on it until it forms a mound.
After the burial, all those who went with the burial
will have to get a piece of banana petiole dipped in ashes
and then throw it away before going up the house where
they would eat, to counteract any misfortune brought by
them from the burial place. The bearers of the coffin had
to take a bath in the river before coming up the house so
that bad luck which may have been brought along with
them will be washed away.

Henceforth, every time the widower eats, he always leaves a place at the table for his dead wife and invites her to eat with him for three successive evenings. He mourns for her for a week or two or until such time when he can hold a timala or pimala (a kano for recent death). Until he holds the timala he is under strict restrictions. The timala or pimala is held to appease the spirit of the dead and to save the soul.

Some restrictions on the widower are:

1. He is prohibited from remarrying before the timala.

2. Gong-beating, which is related to happiness and other gaiety,
is not allowed.

3. No gay or loud clothing can be worn, especially red, which is
a gala color. White is their mourning color. Black also can be
used.

4. The chief mourner should not comb his hair so he looks untidy.
He should not clean himself but put on shabby clothes. He
changes clothing only after the timala for the spirit of the
dead might be slighted.

5. He cannot operate any business.

6. The mourners must always stay in the house so that their labor
is uninterrupted.

Widows, just as well, have to observe the timala restrictions. All these restrictions compel them to give a prompt performance of the timala.

The Subanun believe in life after death. The souls of the good who die go to goliqan or langit (heaven), while the bad souls go to the Mekalang (a river). As a punishment, the soul keeps on swimming in this river continuously. To save and appease the soul, the timala is performed.

While still alive, the good feel rewarded if they have good health and good crops from their kaingin. As a reminder the old folks always tell this to the living:
“Pasiya kasungka adon, paglalatan
nagmagbabayaq.”

Translated freely as:
“Always be good and Heaven
will reward you.”

This ceremony is simple. A bukar (altar, about a foot square made of bamboo or twigs) is built and rice, chicken meat, cooked eggs, tobacco and wine are placed on it. These are all cooked without salt and spices. If they like to use a binabalay (a bigger altar) they may do so. After the rites, large gongs are hung in the house and Joyfully beaten and the widower goes outside, changing his clothes. His severe mourning is over. After the pimala, he can marry again.

Boklog Puluntuh (Causing the Dead to Rise to Heaven)

The boklog puluntuh is the Subanun’s most expensive feast so that only the well-to-do could perform it. A time comes when the datu calls the entire Subanun community to hold a common boklog. Everyone contributes and the feast is prepared. This boklog takes a month or more in the preparation and lasts from five days to one week. This is not held in a house but on a platform made of bamboo and raised 10 to 18 feet from the ground. This structure sways but is supported at the comers by upright beams. At the middle, a paglaw (beam) passes through like a Maypole. Below, it reaches to a durugan (a thick hollow log as big as a large coconut trunk and almost three meters long), laid horizontally on the ground. It lies over a number of large empty earthen jars sunk in the earth, which serve as resonators to the durugan when struck by the paglaw (beam). A few leaves and sticks intersperse to prevent the jars from breaking. A long pole, serving as a crosspiece, joins the long central pole and makes it go up and down with the latter when the Subanun dance, causing a very full, loud, booming sound which reaches up to some kilometers away.

The most important features of this boklog are the feasting and drinking. The balyan and the gulilegan take charge of the ritual ceremonies. The dancing, however, is only incumbent on the balyan and the gulilegan. As long as the two perform their duties satisfactorily, they believe that the spirits are kept in a good mood and will not interfere with their gaiety. The boklog is usually performed for a death anniversary, which they remember and celebrate like Christians do, and also for the recovery of the sick, the thanksgiving after a good harvest, and for the weddings of those who can afford.

Early in May 1969, this writer personally attended the Puluntuh nog Malinatay (puluntuh for the dead) in honor of the death anniversary of Datu Agdino’s father. Puluntuh is translated by the shaman as “causing to rise,” that is, causing the soul of the dead to rise to heaven. It takes a month or more to prepare for this because of the pangasi-making which requires a much longer time.

Two little altars are built in preparation for this particular ceremony, one under the dancing platform (boklog) and another one outside. One altar is reserved for the male mEnluh and the other for the female mEnluh, The mEnluh grows malevolent, they believe, when not treated with due respect. MEnluh becomes good at times and drives the manumad, who are evil, away from the boklog.

The ceremony done, the killing of a suckling pig follows. They smear blood on the posts of the swaying platform. They invoke the Diwata Dipuksaya, believed to dwell midway between heaven and earth. Here, another altar is made where food again is served. Five gulilegans take turns, two of them women, in making the invocation. After the invocation, the five dance at one time though not more than eight times around the altar. This is followed by a ceremony on the path going to the platform. An altar is erected on.

the pathway to the datu‘s house for two birds: the tibughok and the ginaghaw whose shapes Diwata Dipuksaya sometimes takes. There is no dancing here, but the birds are invited to partake of the food. The gulilegan take turns dancing in these ceremonies for they have to perform from sunset, through the night, until the next day. The performances are continuous.

The fifth altar stands in the house of the datu. It is for the spirits mitubu or mamanwa. Aside from the usual food prepared, the mitubu is served wine while the mamanwa only water, for it does not care for wine. Diwata mitubu, the source of the stream, defends the people from the manumad or manamat.

The sixth and the last ceremony is the most important and the most colorful, though in the olden times it included inhuman acts. In this ceremony, only the widow or widower gulilegan can officiate. A big altar is put up draped with men’s and women’s clothes in the belief that the spirits of the dead will wear them. Favorite foods are placed on the altar. Burning of the incense follows. The gulilegan wraps a stick with man’s clothes (like a scarecrow) while alluding to the deceased and dancing around the altar. He is followed by another gulilegan dancing, and bearing a stick wrapped in women’s clothes, in honor also of the dead. The three dance around the altar, then take a rest, and repeat the ceremony after some minutes.

A long pause occurs. The highlight of the puluntuh, the ceremonial killing of a white cock, is to come. The cock is tied to the floor. The principal gulilegan sits near it, then sings and chants inaudibly. Slowly he loses his voice chanting and with a large stick beats the head of the cock killing it instantly. His words are inaudible and unintelligible. He refuses to repeat for the record because it will counteract the ceremony.

In the rancheria of Ley, a part of Sibuguey Bay, the Subanun there possess a tradition concerning a great chief who frequently sought relief from physical exhaustion by the sacrifice of one of his slaves whose blood and heart he consumed while these were still
warm. A mound on a steep bluff overlooking the river at Ley is claimed to be the sepulcher of the famous and greatly feared Subanun chief. This tradition, however, died away with this chief for today these Subanuns no longer follow it.

Here are the general categories of those who are considered
participants in these ceremonies and rituals:

1. Getaw– These refer to any person or persons interested to attend the offering.

2. Kanaq-kilawan- Supernaturals. These are the diwatas.

3. Gimud– Souls. These are the spirits living in trees, rivers, streams, etc., who are invoked during the offering.

4. Getaw telonan– Demons. These are the spirits living in the deep forests.

5. Manumad (manamat)– Ogres. A collective name given by the Subanun to malevolent spirits. They are malicious and stupid. They live also in thick forests, big trees, in rivers and streams.

6. Getaw SindupEn– Sunset gods. The spirits who rule the region where the sun sets. They roam about and when they are hungry cause injury to people so they will be given some offerings.

7. Mamanwa or the mitubu (goblins). Good spirits who drive away the evil ones from the feast.

8. Diwata– Skygods. Gods and spirits living beyond the earth.

9. Ocean gods- gods or spirits who rule the sea.

10. Getaw SEbangan– Sunrise gods. They rule the region where the sun rises.

11. Getaw-bayag– Underworld gods. They rule the underworld.
12. Kilawan– Mortals. The people or the sinners.

13. Sug minanu don– Functionaries. They are the ones responsible for the performance of the ceremonies.

14. Balyan (balian)- Professional functionaries.

15. Bataq balyan– Invocators. They can invoke spirits but do not have the ability to talk to them.

16. Gulang balyan or shaman– Mediums. These are the ones who can speak directly to spirits.

17. Shaman– gulilegan – These are the priests.
18. Menindoway– Interviewers. Those people who get information.
19. Sug pikanuqan don– Beneficiaries. Those who are responsible for holding the kano.
20. Sug suminawop don– Audience. The general public.

Folktales

We get a glimpse of life’s canvas through the people’s folklore which gives us ideas on their concept of creation, customs and traditions, values, behavior or character, beliefs, and oral literature. The essence of folklore can hardly be contained in a definition for it exists side by side with the people’s experiences, their physical feats, and mental skills which have been handed down orally from one generation to another.

The Philippines, since ancient times, has been known to possess a rich folklore, though this remained uncollected and unrecorded for a long time. Dean S. Fansler, professor of English, and Professor H. Otley-Beyer, anthropologist, took turns in handling  the folktale courses in the University of the Philippines before the Second World War and did a great deal of collecting through their students. After collecting from 1908-1914, Fansler was able to put out Filipino popular tales in 1921. Since that time, collectors, notably E. A. Manuel (1955a and 1955b) and many others, have followed suit. They emphasize more, however, the collection of folklore from ethnic groups.

The Subanun, like other pagan groups, have their own folklore, little of which has found its way into print, though it forms a significant part of Philippine oral tradition. Their folklore includes accounts of their customs and traditions, folktales, accounts of festivals (kano), proverbs, poems, riddles (gatok), legends and myths, and numerous folksongs (babat).

BetabEt (Myths & Legends)

  1.   Ag Teriponan Neg Mona Buwaya

Don daw denganto dig benowa neg Gayan, Liloy, Zamboanga del Norte, don neg  gido don. Ag panday megabil ngalanen si Logoloqan sarabok daig bataqen.
sa negendaw balenen merigo dig tubigan. Sa metobos merigoq enig mitagen, tanowaqan neg gonap dig posoqen. Anig balenen merigo sa megendae poq milingasa togarang.
Dagid meteranta don sa tedo merigo don demaig mitowa neg gonap dig lawasen.
Mendali tenaroqen tog bataqen endiqen na migaya megenEng dig tasan (balay neran). Sinogoqen tog bataqen balan neg balay tog tubig poq dito na pegbenowa.
Mesaqel da isya sog gembataq ampora baig matanen saba sa alanen.
Dagid sogoqan ma nog ginaqen. Mendadi megbenowa na si Logoloqan ditog diyalem nag tubig.
Tenaroqen tog bataqen bendowan sog Timuway, endig meg pedlak neg mematay metetobo dig tubigan. Dagid meglangit sog Timuway sa medengEgen, patuloy sinogoqen sog goripEn meg peglak neg menatay metetobo tog diyalem galad ni Logoloqan. Mendadi sinilabat ni Logoloqan sog menatay neg bebaqen, dayon ginebEn sog galaden. Sa memitaqen sog bataqen bisan merat dig ginanen senomalem dig tubigan. Andayon nito ag teriponan neg buwaya.

Source:
Filemon Dagongdong
Liyos Ambog

Legend of the First Crocodile

Many years ago in the village of Gayan, Liloy, Zamboanga del Norte, there lived a widow. She was a weaver named Logoloqan. She had only one son.

One day, Logoloqan took a bath in the river. After her bath, she was surprised to see a fish scale on her feet. She continued taking a bath everyday since she always felt very warm. She was surprised to note that every time she took a bath, another fish scale grew on her body.

Finally, when she had so many scales all over, she told her son that she could no longer stay in their house. She requested her son to build a fence by the bank of the river where she could live.
With tears in his eyes and sadness in his heart, the poor boy obeyed his mother. So by the river bank Logoloqan lived by herself.
There she again requested her son to tell the Timuway and his followers not to throw any dead animal into the river. At this, the Timuway got angry and asked one of his slaves to throw a dead fowl over her fence instead. Logoloqan caught the dead animal in her mouth and broke out of her fence. She bade good-bye to her son and swam away into the river. There she wandered and became the first crocodile.

2.   Ag Teriponan Nog Mona Niyog

Don neg megdoway don neg batagan. Sog gembataq meyak neg sedaqan. Mengadoy yen sa endaq idon neg sedaqan. Gamaqen boq ginaqen megsokat neg sedaqan gendaw-gendaw.
Megsala delabong sog gembataq mengadoy. Megsak neg gemay. Megsak sedaqan. Megtaroq sog ginaqen, “andon tadon daidon sedaqan. Misekeg dopiq. Endiq ita mikepenengaw sedaqen, poq medelm na.”
Kini bataq kini endiq na mesek pa mengadoy. Mendadi sog gamaqen, sog Niyog, merarat boq meminog boq megsilabo dig lupaqan.
Mingadoy sog sawanen, “Megandon ka don?” Menalap sulo sog sawanen. Pikimaniman sog sawanen dig lupaqan, dagid endiq na meta nog sawanen. Meteranta na sog sawanen. Sog gembataq mesekpa na mengadoy. Sog gamaqen enda na dema puliq.
Megsesalem ig benowa meta nog sawanen merangas neg pegimolan ditog kileboqen ni Niyog. Don naig ganitan, panganten tubilen, boq bonganen.

Sog Niyog anda na uli. Mengadoy sa gid puli sog gembataq. Po daidon neg sedaqanan. Enalap nog ginaqen sog pegseboqananen. Beneklaqen, ma nanam neg sedaqan. Ba merengas. Benigayen tog bataqen. Boq megtaroq, “an mo yen. Yon merangas neg sedaqan niya. Kin lama sog gama mo.”
Tedo denganto en neg ngaran neg gayokuwin Niyog. Eningeranen neg Niyog tedo pa tog getaw denganto kito.

Source: Pulqueria Bentilan

The Legend of the Coconut

There was a family with an only child. The child wanted some viand. He cried when he ate without viand so the father and mother had to prepare some for him all the time. One day he asked for some viand. Mother said, “Sorry, we do not have any. It is raining. We cannot go and look for some. It is already dark.”
The child kept on crying. So Niyog, the father, pitying the son, went down. He hurried downstairs. But down he fell on earth.
Mother cried, “What happened to you?” Mother got a lamp. She looked for her husband downstairs. Mother did not find him. How worried Mother was! The child kept on crying. But Father did not come back.
Early in the morning. Mother saw a beautiful plant at the place where Niyog fell. It had roots, trunk and palms.
Niyog did not come back. The child cried for food again. But there was no viand. Mother got the fruit downstairs. She split and tasted the meat. It was good. She gave it to her son. “You eat this. This is good viand for you. This is your father.”
From that time on people called that tree Niyog. Niyog was named after the lost father, Niyog.

3.    Ag Teriponan Neg Gutong

Ag gasal neg Subanen gegoden megabEl. Bisan pa nemon megabEl da sog doma. MegabEl dag baka, megabEl dag gapas.
Sog denganto donig mona enaq. Don daw wig bataqen. Gembataq kini pengeranen si Gutong. Gutong meliyag meglimit. Gendaw-gendaw balenen meglimit. Sigi lak megleksowan, manek dig gatep. Endiq sog megpitod tog ginaen. Bisan alandon mitaqen alapanan. Donig gendaw  sog ginaqen megabEl. Laong nog ginaqen, “Gutong, peglemit ta tog liyo.
Donig baleng ko dini. Tog Iiyowa peglimit gopiya. Diya peg lEkso-lEkso dinig gopido. Diya pemenek dik gatepan. Melaboqa bos dini nan.”
Indaq meben milabo sog Gotong. Milaboqoren sog balenen. Mendadi liningitan sog ginaqen. Migbaksay neg langit, “Nema mesaba mo sog baling ko.”
Pegowaden sog goyanan. Pineglaken sog goyanan tog Gutong. Megtaroq soq ginaqen, “tamo pe tuboqan ka gikog tuboqan ka neg bok. Angaya tog gorangan. Ditang ka pagbenowa.”
Mendadi sa maniya! Sog gayanan mitana tog gembata. Andaq mesano tinoboqan na bok. Empangitig gongaren. Melega ig matanen. LinomEkso tog dongawan. Mekogog. Mendadi senomampak tog giyowanen. Megodas dayon tog ginaqen. Metaroqen, “Mangayo tog gorangan. Penengaw mo lak dito sa embogaqa dinaqen.” Mendadi enito ag tereponan neg gutong tedo dig bata neg Subanen garanen si Gutong.

Source: Conchita Perlada

The Legend of the Monkey

Weaving has long been a Subano industry. Even today they are still weaving. They weave abaca fibers. They weave cotton thread also. In a village there was a mother. The mother had a naughty son. The boy was named Gutong. Gutong liked to play. He played and played all day. He jumped and jumped. He climbed the roof. He did not obey his mother. He liked to get things he could see.

One day the mother was weaving. Mother said, “Gutong, please play outside. I have work here. Outside you can play. Do not jump and jump around my work. Do not climb the roof. You might fall on my work.”

In a moment Gutong fell down. He fell into the loom.
So mother got mad. She shouted with anger. “Oh, you destroyed my work!”

She took the shuttle. She threw the shuttle angrily at Gutong cursing him. Mother said, “I hope you will have a tail; you will have hairs. Go to the forest. You should live there.”

What evil luck! The shuttle stuck to the boy’s back. Little by little hair grew on him. His face became queer. His eyes became bright. He jumped out of the window. He jumped and jumped. Then he jumped down the trees. He bade goodbye to mother. He said, “I’ll go to the forest. Find me there if you miss me.”
Monkeys are called guiong in the Subanun dialect. They originated from the naughty boy, Gutong.

4.  Ag Kalibugan Tedo dig Subanun

Sa mangaya to Kipit, meta mo ig benowa megeranen Bayangan. Sog begoden pa kini Kipit mekepenglaw pa daidon nog layen meg benowa don longkan pag Subanun. Lak pa si Timuway Sukli boq sog ngodanen Memowan boq dalag peglegetawanen.
Si Timuway Sukli embero mekison asma pegendekan nog dalag gensakopanen. Poq bisan maganto metawar embetad mekison imbantay dig ginsakopan. Ig berogqanan boq kekesonen medepit dig kereyoqan beqowa. Metiba nag geranan besiyap denen dagid endiq da embaloy.
Mendadi don nog geranon boq dalag peglegetawanen tedo pa tog Meka. Ni iliyag geran domap dig dalag Subanun balen nog goripen.

Sapulo dekso na pegoberoberay dagid endiq malap si Timuway Sukli. Liyaganen don endiq da mekolangen nog dalag Subanun.

“Sa dan poq metas peg gomoro diyo meliyag don oripenan nog gensakopanen ko,” tenaroq ni Sukli, “di niyo ami oripenay poq don daig
mibiba dinami mani pasiyag.”

“Sa kiya meliyag mampo dinami dalag geranon megtagi ita sampay somol. Liyagen tag dagat nog Bayangan pametangan nog dalag getaw nog megaped sekayan. Ayen sog dagen dig tagi ta kini papas meg megpendag.”

“Edanan ta mendaqo,” taron si Sukli. “Yaqa mag mememoras yaqa pegona.” Kini Kipit kini enig teglenganta.

Sog Salip megona ag misilag sakayan putaw enig benalen neg gendanan, linolid tog dibabaw dagat. Duwa dekso empoliq dayon mipuli dito neran. Sog dalag geranon megbeksay poq ilan na daw ig megpendag.
“Nadaw, diyan niqa na gid,” tenaroq nog Salip. “Bal niqa gekteb megagamo, po sa dagengka amo ig goripEn namo,” sara tawan Geranan megtaroq.

Monday si Sukli, megendeg tog dagat dayon menenabi. Boq miseripot sog godanen si Memowan meniyan tog gopeden. Dayon menendeg tog dibabaw nog dagat. Mada minindig dig pesaqan nog geksoden. Mipanaw megdayon peglimbaylimbay. Pigilibidlibiden sog puro nog Bayangan. Pito dekso megdayon empoliq ditog pesaqan. Megbeksay sog dalag peglegitawanen sabe liliyag mendadi sog dalag Geranon endaq pegataroqtaroq.

“Nandaw, memendag gami. Pegtinoday niyo sog dalag pegligitawan. Amo nandaw goripEn na name,” megtaroq sog dalag Subanun nog Besowan. Sog Salip boq sog gensakopen endaq pegtaroq taroq.
” Bisan ita di name oripenan ba nyo”. Inig teroqeng ko. Awo bo dala gensakopen ko megbenowa dini niyo sampay omol. Amo pegbentay ko.”
Si Timuway Sukli, ito dan mekison ma, miliyag na donn sogtoro nog Salip. Mendadi mibantay iran na di Sukli. Mendadi sog dalag getaw megdipag boq megdipag dig tubig Kipit iran meg benowa.
Sa menatay na si Sukli, sog Salip enig megligemo don sasuko dalag remetar bo dalag kebebuwan megera neran emoway di Sukli. Merengas sog Kubolen. Benal pa dig bEto neg merayo dig tubigan. Sa meg maqanto na sog dalag Subanen nog Mebilin ditog Salip megiselam na iran nog pangilanan nog kalibogan. Domag  kalibogan meta ta dig  layen benowa. Sog genda peg geselam in nandaw ig mibelen nog Subanun. Ag subanon don nog begaden bow pekisonan.” Donig dalag lagaqen tedo dig pengapo pa nog pemgapoken nog don da demig kiliwat do dalag, geranon.

Source: Giobano Bernardo, Labason Zamboanga del Norte.

The Origin of Kalibugan (From a Subanun)

If you happen to visit Barrio Kipit, you can see an island offshore. This is Bayangan Island
Long ago, Kipit and tMs island were not inhabited by people other than the Subanun. Only Timuway Sukli, with his brother Snake, and his people lived there.
Timuway Sukli was such a powerful and brave man that he was respected by all people. Because he was kind and helpful, he was loved and honored by the people very much. His bravery and power were known in near and far away places. Many Moros attempted to capture him but in vain.
Soon a Salip (a Muslim title), with his men, arrived from Mecca. They wanted to convert the natives to Islam. Timuway Sukli refused. He wanted to preserve his Subanun beliefs.

“So long as I am still alive, my people and I cannot be made Mohammedans,” Sukli said. “I  have my own customs and traditions which were handed to me by my forefathers,” he continued.

“Well, if you don’t want to be converted to Mohammedanism, let us have a contest to prove our wit. We shall cross the sea to Bayangan by foot or any means with the exception of a boat. Whoever is defeated in this contest will become a slave.”

“Well, I’ll try my best,” said Sukli. “You are the invader so you have to cross first.” Kipit Beach was the starting place.

The Salip used a big iron bowl as a means of transportation. He started. The bowl moved fast across the sea towards the island. It went two times around the island and returned to the shore. The Moros shouted and applauded, feeling assured of victory.

“Now, this is your turn,” said the Salip. “You do your best or else you will get captured and be our slaves,” said the Moros.

So Sukli stood on the sea and prayed heartily. All of a sudden his brother Snake passed by him. Then he stepped on the surface of the sea. As he stepped one foot after the other dry sand received his feet. He walked on the surface of the sea easily and swiftly. He went around the island of Bayangan seven times and returned to the shore. His people applauded with happiness while the men of the Salip remained silent.

“Now, we won the contest,” said the natives in chorus. “Your chief went by some means while our chief went by foot. You shall all be captives and be our slaves.” The Salip and his men remained speechless.

“Neither one of us could be slaves anymore. I may have this to say. My people and I will live with you here for the rest of our lives. I may adopt your own way of life.”

Timuway Sukli, who was kindhearted, agreed to the appeal of the Salip. He adopted Salip. So the two people lived side by side along Kipit river for some time.

After the death of Sukli, Salip attempted to bathe the grave of Sukli. The grave cracked and there was a violent earthquake so Salip discontinued pouring water. Some of the natives, however, were baptized. Those who were baptized were made Mohammedans now called Kalibugan.

Some Kalibugan are found in many places of the Archipelago. Those who refused to be Mohammedans, have remained as of now Subanun.

 

5.   Uma Ig Baboy Man ma Pegemolan

Don daw denganto Subanen migbenowa dig geksod gorangen. Don neg meka benalanen pegimolan nog ratpenganen. .

Sala megendaw initaqen sog dala pegemolanen longkan na lak daw ganit. Paglikan na baboy talon. Sala bagiyen pegbintayanen sog benalanen. Eniglodanen boq megpitang nog terawanen. Andaq meben diya na sog dala baboy talon. Donot penongkalen sog dala gonEd enanen sog donen. Linengetan sog Subanen. Eninaten sog torawanen donot tenegbakanan sog meselagdon. Misogat soglawas nog baboy dagid mikegebek pa dig merayo.

Tenentol dema nog getaw sog dogo nog tenegbakanen sompay menatang dig lipo. Don meg goway mengentobo ditog lipo kini. Enowoten megdayon menangay tog diyalem pegonotenen ig dogo. Sa menatang na tog goksed nog lipo en neg menitagen ag mekigorang pegbelilid dig toroganen. Meteranta sog Subanim mansi don nog ganeren kini ma sog mekegorang. En meg meqenaqanaqen mansi meglekan tog benalanen kini megorang kini. Sambot kinayangen sog karisan penotolsinen agolo sog mekegorang.

Tebaqan domanen minita neran sog kepatay nog konotan neran. Mitaksiya da neran negembero da siya. Sa ma niya geneted neran sog Subanim. Dayon gomabek sog Subanun en lak mekita don sog gembata memenowa. Menatengaran tog dibabaw, en neg medengeg neran ag dala beksay subay daw endiq na mengentubo sog goway. Anen da neran ag pegemula nog Subanun.

Dito mesonay nog mona Subanun ig baboy menambelongen deg memenowa ditog kontan neran.

Source: Patricia H. Zamora

Why Pigs Eat Root Crops

There was once a Subanun who lived near a forest. He had a small farm planted to root crops.

One morning he found some dug-up roots. They were eaten by wild pigs. The following night he watched over his farm. He hid on a tree stump with his spear. At last the wild pigs came. They ate the root crops and even the leaves. The Subanun got mad. He took his spear and speared the biggest one. He hit the body, but the pig was able to run away.

The farmer traced the drops of blood from the pig till he reached a cave. There was a rattan growing at the bottom of the cave. He went down there and saw traces of blood. When he reached the bottom of the cave he saw an old man lying in bed. The Subanun was surprised to see the deep wound and fresh blood of the old man. He believed that this was the pig that ate all his crops. He drew his bolo and cut the neck of the old man.

All the relatives of the old man heard of the death of their leader. They avengened their brave leader. They chased the Subanun farmer. But when they were climbing, the rattan was cut by the Subanun. Only a mother fairy and her son survived. With a loud voice they shouted and promised to kill the Subanun and eat all his rootcrops when the rattan grows.

The Subanun believe that wild pigs are fairies that avenge the death of their leader.

 

6.   Sog Nonok tog Sicayab

Sog denganto pa, Diwata megregit digkilawan. Ag dala getaw megpematay. Sog dala gimud misigwag dig dala gembenowanan. Ag doma megbenowa dig Sinipaqan boq dig tubig. Sog doma ma pituboqen. Sog duma dig gorangen.

Dig Dipolog don neg baryo pengilongan Sicayab. Tog Sicayab don nog gembagel nonok don. Pengindikan nog dala getaw. Poq pegbinuwanen daw mEmenwa. Sa mendawan, medeng-eg tatengteng nog pangan sa linsag wala dig gabi. Megrimet nog piyano. Mekitawa eran, mengembarot ig gins.

Ag dalag getaw mendak meg perani dito. Megpitod iran don niyamEmenwa (mamanwa).

Source: Lourdes Torrino, Sindangan

The Balete Tree of Sicayab

Long ago, God punished the people. The people died. Their souls went to different places. Some lived in the brooks and rivers. Some lived as animals. Others lived in trees.

In Dipolog, there is a barrio named Sicayab. In Sicayab there is a balete tree. The people are afraid of it. They fear the spirits living there. During full moon the spirits make merry after the bell rings at eight o’clock in the evening. They make sweet music. They laugh. They dance. The air becomes sweet.

The people are afraid to go near it. They believe that there are spirits living there.

 

Gokayton (Folktales)

 

7.   Si Ibid boq si Likpaw

Don daw dengan to gibid boq likpaw megsambat boq migbales ilan daw patik. Denganto pa pengriroken ni Likpaw ag lawas nog gibid. Petangas ni Likpaw sog yanog gibid. Pengrirokanen sog gibid nog medarag, melonaw boq metem. Megtaro sog likpaw, “endiqa perigo sa gabi.”

Dadi sinmokle sog gibid. Rinerukanen dema sog likpaw. Ag kenoroken tog Likpaw metem boq gemputi.

Mitakaw neran medengog ag gosig. Andaq metobos nog gibid menlgkso iran dayon dig tubigan.

Tedo denganto sampay nandaw ig Likpaw sa mekedengig nog gosig gito menglikso dig tubigan sog gibid endaq empareng sog kosoken poq puti pase senomampak dig tubig menegan paig sa gabi. Mesanag gopya ay kerok nog Likpaw poq ma mogasay nog kisampak nog likpaw endiq ma nog gibid.

 

The Ibid and the Likpaw

(The Big Lizards)

Once upon a time Ibid and Lipkaw (two lizards) agreed to color one another. They gathered dyes.

Lipkaw painted the body of Ibid. Lipkaw used the best design. He painted Ibid yellow, green, and black.

Lipkaw said, “Do not take a bath for a day.”

Then Ibid did his turn. He painted Lipkaw also. He painted Lipkaw black and white.

Suddenly a dog barked. Ibid was disturbed and began to paint Lipkaw faster. They they both jumped into the water.

From that time on and the until now the big lizards swim in the water when they hear a dog bark.

Lipkaw’s design was coarse. It was coarse because it was hurriedly done. However, Lipkaw has a brighter color than Ibid because Ibid’s was washed before the day was over.

 

Source: Giobano Bernardo, Labason, Zamboanga del Norte.

 

8.    Ag Bulatok GoripEn Nog Koo

Sog begodan pa megsambat ma siyag Bulatok boq Koo.

Mendadi sogmegduway nog koo, meg balilan megsalag neran dig pokot nog belagen. Mendadi sa meningemo na sog koo, gilaqen may nog bulatok. Indaq meban mesonan nog koo boq mesekopanEm dayon. Migbisala iran dayon  tog tipole, endaq pekegaya sog bulatok. Endayon nog selaqan nog bulatok, megbal nog koo, megluwang nog gayo. En mendaqo ig bulatok megbal nog salag nog koo, menglowang nog gayo.

Source: Dyamelon from Sioran.

The Bulatok, a Slave of Kalaw

Once upon a time, the kalaw and the bulatok were close friends.

Once a kalaw couple made a nest among the vines. When the kalaw laid eggs, the bulatok took them. Not long after, the kalaw caught the thief. The case was brought before the eagle who was responsible for settling their problems.

The bulatok was found guilty and he was sentenced to be a slave of the kalaw. He was to make a nest for the kalaw as soon as the kalaw had bored a hole in the tree.

 

9.   MEngluh boq Maya

Endiq meketorog sog mEngluh saba taroq meg dala maya. Dayon daw okapay nog mEnluh sog sarabok maya. EnemenEn dayon sog maya kini. Laong nog maya, “diq mo daliqanay, kemEngluh.”

Metaroq sog mEnglu penginod poq mendek don sa mekegowa sog maya.

“Megoksog poq dali,” laong nog maya. Tenomko sog mEngluh.

Laong nog maya, “Nemong laong ito da ina torogtorog nilan.” Miginod sog mEnglu, “oo—oo—oo.”

“Nemon nito sa ina bebehlid na iran.” Mengenod sa gosay. Mengenod da gosay sog mEnglu.

“Nemon nito si ina boq amaq megikep na iran.” Meketawa sog mEnglu, ha—ha—ha—ha—ha—ha. Endiq do sinipitay poq meratan.” Lenomayog dayon sog maya sa meketawa sog mEngluh.

Source: Itip from Sioran.

The Giant and the Maya

The giant could not sleep because the maya were very noisy one day. So, he snatched one of them and put it in his mouth. The maya pleaded, “Please do not eat me yet.” The giant nodded, “Oo—oo—oo— 00,” for fear that the maya might escape. “I have a story to tell you,” and the giant nodded again. The maya said, “By this time Mother and Father must be going to sleep already.” The giant nodded. “Now Mother and Father must be lying down already,” and the giant nodded. “Now Father and Mother must be embracing already,” and the giant laughed loudly and said, “Don’t continue, that is indecent.” The maya immediately flew away.

 

10.    Susoq boq gosa magbanta

Begoden megsambat peg gosa boq susoq sog mona pag tempo. Sog gosa linomebog dig sapaq meteba susoq don.

Laong nog susog, “patEd, meglomba ita gomabak.” Meketawa sog gosa, “yaqa miliyag meglumbaq?” Laong nog susoq, “mata, sula megrikirado yaqa da gosay ig mesikad?”

“Andon meg bato ta? laong nog gosa. Daidon ma lak, basta iposan ta sa ita ig dagen dinita,” laong nog susoq.

“Sa somEbang ig bulan police dini poq meglumba ita.” laong nog susoq.

Megbisala dayon meg dala susoq. Sa meg baksay sog gosa, megsembag giran. Andaq meban senomebang ig bulan boq mitowa sog gosa. Laong nog gosa, “na patEd, toreponan ta na.”

“Wa-a ba menebEn na ami mengandam,” migtaroq sog susoq.

Dayon neran meglumba. Ginomabak dayon sog gosa dig pEntad nog sapa. Megebik sog gosa manga duwa binalan, megbaksay dayon, patEd susoq, ayenka ma? “Kini do,” laong sog susoq. KaliqEn iposay
mitaqen sog susoq tog sapa. Gumabak na giday, mga pat binalan dagid dito da padon sog susoq. Saba lingit nog gosa, pensotenen sog dalag susoq, poq dininlotEn na sog dilaqen saba baktosan. Inig tereponanen, neg susuq sa tempo sebang endiq gomowa poq mendek dig gosa.

Source: Monmon from Sioran.

The Deer and the Snail

A long time ago, the deer and the snail were close friends. Once, the deer went to the stream where there were many snails.

The snail said, “Brother, let us have a race.” The deer laughed, “You want to race with me?”

“Why not, is it because I am slow and you are fast?” said the snail.

“What shall be our bet?” asked the deer.

“Nothing, just to see who will win,” said the snail. “Come back during a moonlit night.”

At once all the snails gathered to confer. When the deer shouted at them, they shouted back.

At last the moonlit night came and the deer went to the snail saying, “Let us start our race, brother.” Oh, yes, we have been waiting for you.”

They started and the deer ran as fast as he could. When he had to run a Kilometer he shouted, “Friend snail, where are you?” The snail answered right there on the spot where he stood.

The deer ran again almost four kilometers. He shouted at the snail and there there it was before him.

The deer got angry and he squashed all of them. This is the reason why snails do not go out on moonlit nights.

 

11.    Ag Manok-Manok Kulago, Na Meg Tuyod Ma

Sog begadon pa gendaw don neg gido libon, megbenowa tog dadaqen. Pegorapan ma ni a sog gembataq, po daidon neg megorangen.

Donig teinpo, sinogo megorang sog gembataq, “angayaq tog lekaw,” laong nog Dadaqen. Sa mekaqEn dagid sog dala gutong dito, diyali dim poq pitayengko yaqa.

Mipanaw sog genbatag andaq tanan pegelemonsal, ito dan goripEn ma. Sa menatang tog mesan, inig medetenganEn sog dalag tugong dito peglekan na nog dalag mais. Benogaw nog gembatag dagid eni ma megpetod sog dala gutong.

Endaq meben diya na sog Dadaqen, migpataypatay lenget, poq moma endaqen ma bogaway sog gutong. Dagid mitakesiqan da tanan nog Dadaqan.

Pegbentolbentol nog Dadaqen sog gembataq taman endiq na mekegina. Meteranta sog Dadaqen poq sog gembataq tenoboqan mag bimbol, emgnga ig matanen, donig gektokan. Mibaloy dayon nog manok neg kulago.

Inito ig tereponan nog manokmanok kulago sog bata kini.

Ami dalag Subanun migpetod dig kulago sa megtaroq, di meben domg matay, poq megtuyod ma.

Source: Liyos, the informant.

The Owl, the Bird that Curses People

Once upon a time, there was an orphan living with his aunt. He was treated harsly by the aunt.

One day, he was ordered by the aunt to watch the cornfields. “Go to the cornfields and watch carefully for the monkeys might come and eat the corn,” said the aunt. “If the monkeys eat them I will kill you.”

The boy left without without breakfast. He was being treated like a slave. As he arrived, the monkeys were already eating the corn. He drove them away but the monkeys ignored him.

Not long after this, his aunt arrived and became very angry at the sight of the monkeys eating the corn. She whipped the boy so hard he  fell unconsious. She was surprised to see that the boy grew feathers, his eyes were big, round and sharp and he had a long beak. He became an owl. That was the beginning of the owl.

The Subanun believe that when the owl hoots it is cursing the people so that the death of someone in the community soon follows.

 

12.    Ag Melibegon Dinomato

Donig bego megdoway milibigon sog laki. Mendadi meglegebo iran dig buwid gorangen, adon daidon nog bawang neran. Sa maniya na kiya, megbenowa na iran dirog benowa neran poq endiq ma tonen miligay ig laki kini sa eponan pag langaw sog sawanen.

Don nog gindaw metektaken neran nog masin boq sadaqan. Laong nog sawanen, “Ale daidon nog masin ta boq sedaqan, usoga.”

Menosog dayon sog lakenan. Tog dalan iran don nog mesalag nonok. Maglanan don nog laki kini kenebit dig likod, dayon meglingay. Mitaqen ag merengas libon begat. Megtaroq sog libon diya mendak, donot tenendoqen sog nonok, sadarok mibaloy magbalay neselag. Laong nog dim poq pitayengko yaqa. libon kini, “ayenka anpy?” Laong nog laki, “Mangayo, menabo.”

“Pemonon ko yaqa”, laong nog begat ini, “Taroq mo tog lakeyo moliq di poq megbataqo mesait neg teyangko.” Donot tenoranan nog libon begat sog laki nog gangit bayo.

“Umani,” laong nog laki. “Inon sog mekawa nog rerong nog memenowa,” laong nong nog libon.

Mendadi endaq na pegeben sog laki, poq merart ma tog libon kini. Endaq mebEn medayag na nog laki sog taboqan. Mendadi eniginompitin sog tenoro nog libon kini ayen sog mitas getaw dito nog lumakpaw dig taboqan inito sog sawanen.

Midayag tito nog laki kini sog getaw nog mitas pagsobwat nog salapi belisanen nog don gayo. Pegtoqosan nog laki kini megpomping dig poq nog niyog. Enig metaqen telo lompokan nog salapi nog linompok nog laid memenowa.

Anda mebEn medelendem nog laki melegibon sog gangit benigay nog libon begat.

Kinebitan megdayon sog laki memenowa, meglanantan, “Mona mitamoniya?” laong nogmitas laki. “Bigayan mo nog sawamo nog gangit nog gayo, poq moliqa daw mesait tog tiyanen megbataq daw. “Ayan ma sog gangit gayo?” laong nog laki mitas. “Kini da,” donot pinita nog laki senogo sog gangit gayo.

Sinelabit nog memenowa sog gangit gayo, “uliq mo dinan,” alap mo na kito salapi kiya, tedo lumpokan. Dengan misilabit nog getaw mitas sog gangit gayo endaqen na dayon meta sog memenowa.

Gnmabak dayon moliq sog laki malibigon pagpisan nog sako mipeno nog salapi. Endaq na tanan saloy nog masin saba liliwagen. Inito dayon tereponanen dinomato iran, boq megawa Iran dayon tog bego neran poq mendek iran elapen poliq nog memenowa.

Source: Dyamelon of Sioran.

A Jealous Husband Gets Rich

Once there was a couple. The husband was a jealous man. They steyed in a cave in the mountain so they would not have neighbors, They lived a very miserable and lonely life. The husband wouldn’t even allow a fly to land on his wife.

There was a time when they ran short of salt and viand. The wife said. We have no more salt and viand; you go down and buy some.”

At once he left and passed by a big balete tree. He was surprised when someone touched his back. He looked back and saw a pretty pregnant woman. The woman said, “Fear not,” pointing to the balete tree which turned into a palace. The woman asked, “Where are you bound for?”

“To the cockpit to buy our needs,” he replied.

“May I ask you to tell my husband to come home. I am feeling labor pains.” She gave him three bundles of roots.

“What are these for?” asked the man.

“So you will see my husband, the mamanwa,” said the woman. He didn’t tarry for he pitied the woman.

Not long after that, he saw the man described by the wife as the tallest of all the people inside the cockpit. He was gambling. He received money and replaced them with leaves.

The man hid behind a coconut and looked at the mamanwa and went to him who exclaimed in surprise, “Why can you see me?”

“Your wife gave me roots to make you visible to me so I can relay to you the message that your wife is feeling labor pains.”

“Give me back the roots,” and the mamanwa snatched them from the man. The man could not see him an5nnore. He took the bundles of money and went home at once. The couple left their home in the cave and moved to another place where they will be away from the mamanwa.

Introduction to the Epic,
Ag Tubig Nog Keboklagan

During the first week of May 1968, this writer went to Sindangan to ask Datu Agdino Andus if they would be holding another boklog (this writer had already attended previous boklogs). At that time they were already preparing some pangasi, gagongs and kolintangs which were brought to the datu’s house, and many were giving their contributions for the great event. They told this writer to be back on the 14th of the month so she would have enough rest since the rites would be started on the16th.

Equipped with camera, tape recorder, and provisions, this writer, with her husband. Col. F. C. Ochotorena, proceeded to the place. It was in that revelry where she heard Liyos Ambog sing the epic which bewildered the audience, since the singing was continuous from early evening up to about one or two o’clock in the morning. She only stopped when she needed some pangasi to clear her throat. The song continued off and on for several days but the writer could not record the song because of the noise made by the Subanun when they shout and danced on the boklog, the sound of the gagongs and kolintangs, and the sound of the durugan. This writer proposed to record it in the house of Liyos in Bunawan, Salug (some 20 or 25 kilometers from Sindangan).

During the one week celebration of the boklog, she took time to interview the bEgelal (respectable men in the Subanun society). At times she had to stop the interviews to attend rites. Lieut. Lucas Sumaoy and Sgt. Galicano Enrico, whom her husband requested to come along, helped her in the interviews.

The epic was finally recorded on the third of November, 1968, during the semestral break. It took time to start since the singer at first seemed to show some discomfort and refused to sing. After some time, she got adjusted to the situation and the final taping was done.

The tapes used were small rolls so that frequent stops had to be made in the changing of the tapes; also, the noise of the crowd prompted us to go off and on for some time. Even if we made several stops the chanter never got lost. The whole epic recorded consumed forty-eight rolls of tapes. The taping started usually at seven in the evening and went up to one or two o’clock in the morning. Sometimes it was started at eight and ended at three. The writer lost no time in recording the song because the old woman was sickly. Just after the recording, the old woman had a breakdown. The writer had to take her to her home in Dipolog City to put her under the care of a physician. After a month, Liyos was able to go home.

A Family of Epic Singers. Subanun love to listen to this epic but no one else can fully sing it today. No one cares to memorize it. Mongkos, the older brother of Liyos, used to sing it but he is too old and sickly to sing now. Liyos’ children, Dyamelon, Lopya, and Minda can sing only little portions of the epic. Liyos’ ancestry takes pride in the fact that they are the only ones who can fully sing this epic.

Ocnip, the informant’s father, died a centenarian in 1962, while his wife, Anaya, died at the age of 80 in 1956. Today, Liyos, the thirteenth generation from their remotest ancestor, Banug, is the lone singer of this epic among the Subanun in Zamboanga del Norte. In her younger days, she sang to the accompaniment of a kutapiq (a two-stringed instrument) which she herself played. Now older, she seldom plays her musical instruments.

Liyos chants the epic with flair and relish during evenings, but she does it languidly at daytime. As a matter of fact, she does not want to chant the epic at daytime. In the evening the silence allows her voice to float in the air, which arouses in her the spirit to chant. She rarely uses an expressive modulation of her voice so that her chanting becomes matter-of-fact. But there are staccato effects in the chanting. This style of singing and the fact that the epic narrates an adventurous love story, full of the courage of their own people who were endowed with supernatural powers in the past, attract Subanun of all ages to listen to the epic. The audience keeps alive and gay so that the singer would not feel drowsy.

The epic Ag Tubig Nog Keboklagan identifies the Subanun in more than one, aspect of their culture, including their customs and religious beliefs, their manner of dress, speech, and character as a people with poetic insight and lyrical taste. It depicts the beginnings of their kinship with the Muslims.

Most of the places mentioned in the epic have more names than one, simply because it is traditional among the Subanun to name these places according to meaningful events, beauty, or the nature of the things or people therein. The various names given to a place in the poem render the lines more poetic, thus fitting their desire and poetic purpose at the same time that they are given more freedom of expression.

Sindangan is variously called Sirangan, Minirangan, or Limakwasan, all of which mean “land of the rising sun.” Keboklagan (refers to Cotabato) means “a kingdom that cannot be trampled upon by the ignorant” (here referring to the Subanun). The Muslims believed and were aware that they were more advanced in culture than the former.

Dibaloy (meaning “on the other side”) is Zamboanga del Sur province; Walo-Sabang or Tonagan (meaning “melting place”) is Lanao, the place of the Maranaw Muslims who are very famous for brassworks like brass trays, brass wall decorations, big brass vases, etc. As far as the informant and the Subanun people are concerned, this epic is an oral lore handed down from generation to generation since the time of their ancestor Banug, the earliest ancestor that Liyos can recall.

The epic depicts Subanun customs, beliefs, and traditions and also their social intercourse with the Muslims. Their customs and traditions are vividly and richly illustrated, giving the reader a clear idea of their lives in the past. Foremost among these is their belief in sacrificing a person as an offering to the spirits. Timuway suddenly cut off the head of one of his men in the boat when it refused to glide over the salty waters. Their boat was described as having a crocodile front and a snake-tail, with carved sides and fully decorated. This shows that the people are lovers of intricate designs and have an artistic taste and feeling. This artistic sense can also be seen in their colorful way of dressing which almost imitates that of the Muslims’.

In their daily activities, mamaq (betel chew) is indispensable to them, it being a symbol of their hospitality. It is even considered food by most of them and is shown in many parts of the epic. Most of them eat very little, then take their time for the mamaq.

Dowry in marriage is clearly shown when Taake offered his own to the bride. Polygamy is also practised, as evidenced when later determined based on the content and action when the epic was their God, Asog, announced that Taake will have a first and second wife.

Prominently shown is the relationship between the Magindanaw (Muslims under the sultanate of Magindanaw) and the Subanun. Though there had been conflicts in the past, many Subanun men have married Maguindanaw women and out of those unions came people known as the Kalibugans.

Trade with the Muslims, which has been going on for many years, is likewise depicted in the epic, their principal attraction and interest among the Subanon products being upland rice.

There is a vivid depiction of their boklog which still exists in all Its realism during the celebration of weddings and other feasts promised to the deities. The virtues of their women: shy, modest simple, and industrious are also described.

The epic is composed of 7,590 lines. This writer, for convenience divided it into eight songs: (a) Death and Birth in Two Families; (b) Childhood at Sirangan; (c) Love and Courtship at Keboklagan, (d) Taake and Tomitib’s War at Keboklagan; (e)Rendezvous with Death in Walo Sabang; (f) A Brief Sojourn at Pampang Gogis Bulawan; (g) Rest and Merriment in the Kingdom of Dibaloy; and (h) Return to Sirangan.

The stanzas, however, are irregular. Most of them are kilometric, ranging from four to thirty lines or even more. This is so because it is conversational, repetitious and full of stereotyped phrases. Much difficulty was met in the determination of stanzas because neither in the pausing, the breathing nor the halting in the chanting can the stanza be determined. The singer stops wherever her voice and her breathing, allows her to stop. The phrases Diyan ta padaw giday (At this time), Dayon (Then), Patuloy (Continue), Sadinan ta pema don (At this instance), and many others serve as leading words to start a line though this is not true in all cases. The stanzas were later determined based on the content and action when the epic was being transcribed.

In her interview with the informant the researcher was able to establish three generations of singers. Liyos, the informant, learned the song from her mother, Anaya; Anaya learned it from her mother, Sapar. Sapar was only six years old when she learned the song according to Liyos. Liyos usually sings this epic in festivals except when sometimes invited by some groups of Subanun to sing even if there is no important occasion at all because they enjoy listening to her. Oftentimes she is invited to sing at Sindangan proper by the Subanun there. According to Liyos, Ag Tubig Nog Keboklagan has another melody. She prefers however, the melody she used earlier. She shakes with laughter when asked to use the other melody. Asked why, she does not give any reason but keeps on refusing.

Liyos Ambog

Liyos Ambog was bom in Lipakan, Salug, Zamboanga del Norte to a known Subanun couple, Oknip and Anaya. The couple were bEgelal (that is, they held high positions in Subanun society), Oknip, being a gulilegan (shaman) during his time and Anaya, a gomanoman (minstrel).

The year of Liyos’ birth is not known because, during that time, the Subanun cared not about their birthdays. However, today she claims she is sixty-five or more. If this is accepted, then she must have been bom sometime in 1905. Her two brothers used to be good epic singers, too, but she is the only one persisting to this day, the two being too sickly and too old to sing.

Liyos had a great, great grandfather, Batug, who was gigantic, according to tradition, but whose brothers and sisters were of normal sizes. Batug was the fourth generation from their ancestor Banug, the remotest ancestor they could recall. Batug was not married because no woman of his size could be paired with him. Batug’s grave can still be found in Lipakan. This is marked by bamboo trees which serve to indicate his size. The grave is more or less ten meters. According to Liyos his breast measured seven palms in breadth from nipple to nipple. During the time when Subanuns were threatened by the Moros, Batug would go to the sea and seize the kumpit (Moro boat) and throw it away, drowning the Moros. The Moros feared this giant.

During the eighth generation of Liyos’ ancestry, the Spaniards came and Litan Banug became a Kapitan (captain). Their eleventh generation ancestor, Godok, was the first Subanun to pay his cedula dunng the Spanish regime. Liyos’ father, Oknip, was of the twelfth generation and was endowed with supernatural powers, for he could transform himself into any size he liked. Liyos partly learned the song Ag Tubig nog Keboklagan at the age of five and the whole of it at the age of eight but she was not allowed by her mother to sing alone in feasts until she was twelve. According to Liyos, this epic has been handed down from generation to generation until it was learned by their family. Since then, Liyos’ ancestry has been known in Subanun society for their ability to sing this epic.

Aside from epic chanting, Liyos also sings the Cambanaq and the Ginarong, plays Subanun instmments and dances well. She plays the following:

1. kutapiq – This is a two-stringed instrument.

2. killing — This is a bamboo instrument equivalent to a harmonica. Sometimes it is called suling.

3. tanggab – Sometimes this is called sanggab. It is an instrument of bamboo with three holes on the upper part and a hole below, aside from the mouthpiece. This is like a flute.

4. sigitan – This is a bamboo instrument with five strings made out of the bark of the bamboo itself. One end of the instrument has a node while the other has a hole. When playing, the hole is covered with the left hand in close-open motion, while the right beats the strings with a small stick. The instrument gives a bass sound.

Liyos married Selmo and has three children: Lopya, Minda, and Dyamelon, the youngest son who helped the writer in the transcription and the translation of the epic. Liyos lives with her son in Bunawan, Salug, Zamboanga del Norte where they found a good forest for kaingin until in 1970 they moved farther to Sioran.

Translation

The hardest problem encountered in translating Subanun is to adequately render meaning in English. The writer believes that a correct translation carries over both the sense of the original and the power of such originality.

A word-for-word translation was attempted at first but the writer soon became beset with difficulty since there are words that are untranslatable to English. What became more practical later was a line-by-line translation. In instances where a word had no English equivalent, a descriptive phrase or clause was used instead.

Untranslatable words, especially names, were retained and provided with footnotes. Some words are already archaic and are not used ordinarily in Subanun daily conversation. In such cases, the help of old Subanuns was asked. Mongkos, Kamoy, Baqeg, Iset, and others helped the writer in this regard.

Although translations cannot be fully exact because of the morphological and lexical differences of languages, and the different social and cultural backgrounds, yet, the writer feels confident enough to say that attempts at being faithful were made and so no major deviations from the original occurred.

The Summary of the Epic

Timoway, a datu of Sirangan, had a wife who was about to give birth. But he wanted to go to other places to sharpen the tools of chiefs and increase his source of livelihood. His wife refused because there was no one to assist her during childbirth. But her husband insisted, since they did not have anything to provide their child with. So the wife finally consented.

Timoway left with Kasanggolan (a datu of lower rank who acts as an assistant to a higher datu) and fifteen of his men from the kingdom. Upon arriving on the shore, he arranged his men and soon they were ready to go when the boat refused to move. They believed it wanted first a sacrifice. Timoway cut off the head of one of his companions and soon the boat glided over the sea as fast as it could.

They dropped by the place of Sakabandar whose wife was also pregnant. Despite her condition, he also departed with Timoway.

While they were on the deep sea, Diwata Pegdaraman, the goddess of the wind, lightning and thunder saw them. She invited them to her place but they refused. Pegdaraman got mad. She sent wind and thunder. Big waves appeared on the sea and their vessel broke into two. They all perished.

The boat, though broken, still sailed back to Sirangan and informed Timoway’s wife of the incident. The wife wept until she felt labor pains. She gave birth to a baby boy at the same time as the wife of Sakabandar.

Timoway’s son grew fast at night and became handsomer in daytime. At seven months, Taake cried aloud without stopping and this disturbed the whole of Sirangan. Gongs (gagong) were beaten and so each one went to their place to help. Just then the baby spoke and asked his mother if he had a father, and that if he had, what his occupation was, what he did everyday, and whether his death was caused by an offense committed by someone. When the boy knew the real story, he was glad that his father died without being killed by anyone.

His mother later gave Taake the hook and line, his inheritance from his father. With this he went fishing in their kingdom’s waters. With the help of some powers, he caught binfuls of fish. He was soon famous for fish.

One time, he asked clothes from his mother because he decided to go fishing in farther waters. This surprised the decided to go fishing in farther waters. This surprised the mother since he had gone fishing for a long time but never did he ask or some clothes. He told her he was ashamed because he often met some Visayan and Muslim girls.

He ventured to fish again. This time he sailed to the deepest water. There he saw a fish as big as a hill with golden scales. He caught the fish as big as a hill with golden scales. He caught the fish with his hook but it pulled harder. It pulled and pulled him for seven months on the water. On the seventh month Taake heard the explosion and roar of the big waves. He was then in the deepest part of the sea. An eel barred his way. The eel told him to go home for the place was dangerous  and added that it was willing to conduct him home to Sirangan. He struck the eel instead  with his sword and the eel drowned. More  big waves came and later Taake lost his balance and fell into the deep sea. He went down, until he saw a shore under the water and there saw a horse with his hook and line in this mouth. He ran after the horse with his bolo but it ran away.

Here, at Keboklagan he looked around and saw a high tow He ran up the ladder made of golden blades till he reached the top. He saw a beautiful girl almost undressed. When she saw him, the lady of Pintawan invited him and offered him mamaq (betel quid). They chewed, and day by day he wooed her. After seven days of wooing, she consented to his plea of marriage and they lived together.

The news about the Subanun was soon known by Towan Salip Satoron and Sorotan Domatong. Angered they were and they summoned the people through their gagong to make Taake their sacrifice.

The lady of Pintoqan who was like a sister to the lady of Pintawan (wife of Taake) told Taake and his wife to return to Sirangan. Taake refused on the ground that he had not done anything wrong. He wanted to face the datu and explain his presence there. But the people of Keboklagan were already preparing to kill him. So he had no other recourse but to fight, and with his strength, coupled with his supernatural powers, he fought.

Back in Sirangan, a datu named Tomitib Manaon, dreamed that he saw a Subanun fighting alone in the Keboklagan kingdom.  He prepared to leave in order to help him. He went to see if Taake was at home but the  sons of Balo Laki and Bata Tubig informed him that they had not gone to his home for sometime. He proceeded to Keboklagan while tlie other two datus followed. Immediately, Tomitib mshed to the place where Taake was fighting and fought hard and dashed at Soroten Domatong until Domatong fell. Taake saw Tomitib and stopped him. He confronted the latter and asked him why he immediately fought without inquiring about the cause of the fight.

Later, when the girls of Keboklagan saw Saulagya Maola, a datu of the place, coming, they explained to him the whole cause of the trouble. Maola remembered a promise he made to his sister, the lady of Pintawan, that anyone who can go up the ladder of karis will marry the girl, be it a dog or a pig. He then called all his datu to a conference and told them about the promise. But, the datu wanted to fight. So Saulagya divided Keboklagan into two, the other half belonging to him agreeing not to participate in the fight. On the other hand, Tomitib Manaon asked Saulagya Maola if he could marry the girl of Pintoqan. Before Saulagya could answer the lady turned Tomitib down for his rough manners. Without any excuse, Tomitib Manaon ran to the crowd and began to fight once more. When the datu of Liyo-Liyo saw the fight, he rode on his horse and went to the battleground. As the fight went on Saulagya Maola kept on beating the gong and the kolintang. The people fought hard while the datu of Liyo-Liyo and Tomitib Manaon were engaged in a hand-to-hand fight. They continued until all the people died. All the Sirangan datu then proceeded to other kingdoms to fight some more.

They marched to the kingdom of Dibaloy. They challenged its chief, Bataqelo, to a fight. Lilang Diwata, sister of Bataqelo, gave Taake a name. He called him Malopanyag meaning, “he fights in all places.” In this kingdom, Taake and Tomitib led the fight until half of the people died. Then they felt pity for the place so they proceeded to another kingdom. They passed by the kingdom of Pimarisan because the people of that kingdom were their kin. Then they went to the kingdom of Todongtodong. Here, they were invited first to a mamaq session before they started to fight. They fought hard until all in the kingdom became lifeless.

All the conquering datu convened and agreed to move on to the kingdom of Walo Sabang ruled by Egdodan Magsorat and Egdodan Sebagan. The eight datu refused to fight and instead they let only their subjects fight. The subjects fought hard but their datu just looked at them. The Sirangan datu were surprised to see that as many men as were cut became alive again. After seven months of fighting, Taake became tired and fell asleep on the battleground. Tomitib fought alone. Just then Taake dreamed of a pretty girl telling him to go to the Walo Sabang pintawan, in the guise of Towan Salip Palasti’s face to get their powerful medicines. He followed every instruction until he succeeded. When he came back, the people whom they felled did not retum to life anymore.

The datu of Walo Sabang knew that Taake had in his possession their powerful medicines so they were helpless. But then Tomitib fell dead on the battleground. Taake became depressed for he was alone, but with the help of the ladies of Keboklagan, who were equipped with supernatural powers, Tomitib came to life once more. The fight then continued until all the datu of Walo Sabang died.

Asog this time looked down and saw that the other world, the world of sinners, was very quiet for there was no life and no fire burning. He went down to earth and told Malopanyag to stop fighting and to return to Sirangan. Upon Arrival, Asog urged him to hold a boklog where each of them would be given his parter in life. Asog fanned the kingdom and all those who had died lived again.

All the datu finally agreed to go home. Upon their arrival at Sirangan, they saw that Taake’s mother was dying because she was pining and longing for her son. When Taake kisses his mother and told her he was her son, she recovered. The whole kingdom of Sirangan came to life, trees stirred, birds sang and everything became alive. They prepared the boklog afterwards. When it was through, all the datu of different kingdoms were invited and there they weregiven partners in life by their god, Asog.