Tag Archives: Davao

Profile of Street Children in Davao City

The street children phenomenon has been considered as one of the effects of economic distress in the Philippines. The increase in oil prices in 1979 and the 1980-1982 worldwide recession has exacerbated the poverty situation in the Philippines. In 1986, 70 to 80 percent of the country’s population of 54 million was considered poor. In the cities, eleven million urban dwellers were living below the poverty line. It has been observed that as an effect of economic and social crises in the eighties, an increasing number of street children adopted the streets, markets and other public places as their regular abode and source of livelihood. In the late 1980’s street children were estimated to be between one to three percent of the cities’ young population. In Metro Manila, 50,000 to 75,000 children were found in the streets. In Davao and Iloilo, the number was established to be between 2,000 to 3,000 children.

In the early eighties, street children were perceived to be anti-social. They were associated with juvenile delinquency, pick pocketing , begging and sniffing solvent. Many were subjected to old punitive measures like arrest and harrasments to prevent them from staying in the streets. However, in the mid-1980’s changes in the management of street children influenced Philippine policies and programs on street children. More humane and workable responses to the street children problem have evolved. In 1985, the UNICEF, in coordination with the Department of Social Welfare (DSWD), the National Economic Development Authority (NEDA), and the National Council of Social Development Foundation of the Philippines (CWAFPI) came up with an integrated program for street children. They established “The Joint Project for Street Children”. Priority cities and towns were identified and working committees were formed. Davao City was one of the priority cities identified.

At present, non-government and government organizations have undertaken activities and programs for the benefit of the street children in Davao City. These have been based on the past surveys and the experiences of implementors. The last survey was done in 1986 as part of a ten-city program set up by the DSWD-NCSD-UNICEF “Joint Project on Street Children”.

The seeming increase in the number of street children requires an update on their situation. This study hopes to provide current information on the nature of the activities, spatial movement, typology, aspirations and motivation of street children in Davao City. The data gathered will give attention and direction to the activities and programs that concern them. Hence, this study will provide bases for planning and implementation of activities, and monitoring and evaluation of programs. At the same time, this study can give rise to further studies that may be necessary.

Objectives

1. To determine the background and characteristics of street children in Davao City.
2. To find out their aspirations and motivations for staying in the streets.
3. To establish a typology of street children in Davao City.
4. To find out their spatial movement at different times of the year.
5. To determine their awareness, perceptions and experiences with programs and projects on street children in Davao City.

Methodology

Research Method Used. The study is descriptive, using the survey method. An interview schedule served as instrument of this study. It covered all areas where the street children converged in Davao City: main streets (San Pedro, Recto and Magsaysay), markets (Bankerohan and Agdao), and other busy public places which include the Sasa airport, bus terminals (Maa and Matina), service stations (Matina Crossing and Agdao), and Sasa wharf.

Unit of Analysis. Children of and on the street aging 18 years and below were the subjects of the study. Children on the street consist of working children who is still have a family connection of a more or less regular nature.. Children of the street consists of children who see the street as their house and it is there that they seek shelter, food and a sense of family with companions.

Sampling Procedure. The following procedures were followed in this study:
1. The sample size of 400 was determined using the formula:

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2. A listing of street children was conducted in all the areas of convergence in Davao city for almost one month by volunteer workers and street educators. Their familiarity with the street children was helpful in identifying them. The lists were validated by the street educators of the Inter-agency Working Committee for Urban Street Children. Duplication was also checked.

The assessment of the street educators showed that the proportion of street children by area of convergence was not realistic. Thus, in the absence of a realistic list, a percentage estimate of the number of street children by the areas of convergence was utilized to determine the distribution of samples. For example the sample size of San Pedro is equal to 22 percent of 168.

3. Individual respondents were drawn randomly using the lists of street children. The master list was useful in locating the respondents.

Instrumentation. The final interview schedule was formulated using the interview schedules of the past surveys on street children, suggestions given by the street educators and other related literature on street children. Pretesting was conducted to determine the reliability of the instrument. Validity was also confirmed by conducting a focus group discussion with the street children.

The interview schedule included the following variables

I. Background Characteristics
a. socio-demographic
b. Economic activities
c. Family background
d. Health and Nutrition
e. Peer relations
f. Gang membership
g. Arrest and detention

II. Typology of Street Children
III. Spatial Movement
IV. Values and Aspirations
V. Awareness of Institutions for Street Children

Data Gathering. Five field interviews and five street educators were given orientation on the interview schedule. The street educators were requested to assist the interviewers in locating the respondents and in establishing rapport with them. They also helped in the conduct of the interview.

Interviews were undertaken in the daytime and nighttime to enable the interviewers to catch the children in the streets. Some of the children who did not show up within their areas of convergence were interviewed in their houses. Street volunteers helped in locating the houses of the street children.

Some of the difficulties were:

1. Some street children in the list could not be found in the street. Some of them became street children only during summer but were in school during school days.
2. The lists were not complete, since some street children were not in the lists.
3. Interviews was difficult among children engaged in vending.
4. Some mothers interfered in the interview process. Some of them were suspicious of the interviewers. Trust was a very important factor in the interview. The street educators helped in convincing the mothers to submit their children for interview.
5. Some street children went to two areas of convergence. Difficulty of classifying them according was one of the limitations of the study.

Spotchecking was done by the research team in all the areas sampled.

Data Analysis. Simple central tendencies and percentages were used to analyze the data.

Data Analysis and Interpretation

Sex. Males generally outnumbered females. Out of the 400 respondents, males constitute 76 percent while females, 24 percent. This yields a sex ration of 3.16 males for every female.

Age. The ages of the respondents ranged from 5 to 18 years old, with those in the 13-14 age category comprising the modal class of 31.5 percent. Mean age was computed at 12.57 years.

Grade Level of Respondents. Respondents were asked whether they were currently studying or not. The majority (324 or 81%) were in school while 76 (19%) were out-of-school. Among those who were currently studying, 35.5 percent were in high school, 34 percent were still in the grade 1-4 level, 29.3 percent were in the grade 5-6 level. Interestingly, four of these street children claimed to be college students. Among the school drop-outs, those in the intermediate course (grade 5-6 level) reported the highest rate (35.5%) followed by those in grade 1-4 (31.6 %). At least two street children reported not having received any education at all, while eight others gave non-responses.

Reasons For Dropping Out School. For those respondents who were not studying, the major reasons for dropping out were economic in nature, i.e., financial problems particularly having no money to pay for tuition fees and to buy their schools needs (54%) and being preoccupied with earning a living since the family is dependent on them for their needs (20%). The other reasons given were their lack of interest in attending school (12%), their being run-aways (5%), peer-influence (3%), lack of encouragement or support from family members (1%) and embarrassment, i.e. respondent feels ashamed because he is older than his classmates (1%)

Grade Level and Ability To Read and Write. The respondents were also asked whether they could read and write. Their ability to read and write was determined by asking them to read a few lines from the survey-questionnaires during the interview sessions and asking them to write their names on the instrument. Among the 400 respondents, 354 (88.5%) could read while only 46 (11.5%) did not know how to read. Data on the respondents’ ability to read further cross-classified according to grade levels. Among those who could read, more than half (296) were in school while 58 respondents were out of school.

The high school level had the most number of respondents who could read among those who were in school (38.8%) and for those out of school, 40 percent of those who could read came from the grade 5-6 level. Among both the in-school and out-of-school children, those who could not read were in the elementary level. The respondents’ ability to write was cross-tabulated by grade levels. Except for two (2) respondents, all those currently in school (322) could write. On the whole, the respondents – whether in-school or out-of-school – generally had the ability to read and write (397).

Economic Activities. Generally, the street children belong to the informal sector of workers engaged in casual and unregistered work which is not covered by existing laws on wages and work conditions. This section presents a background on the respondents’ economic activities, such as their type and place of work, working hours, monthly income, family expectations regarding contributions to the family purse, amount and frequency of contributions, and reasons for giving money to persons other than family.

The survey data revealed that, generally, the street children of Davao City (77%) were involved in a single type of work with a few (17%) holding two, three or even more jobs, over and above their main work. Such arrangements, however, depend on the time and demand for their services. however, depend on the time and demand for their services. The highest number of respondents (148 or 39.4%) were the child-vendors invariably found in market places, shopping centers, terminals and streets of Davao City. The second highest group were those who worked as carwashers/carwatchers (31.6%), found mainly at gasoline stations (18.1%, shopping centers (6.6%), markets (5%) and terminals (1.9%). To a limited extent, the third highest group (13.3%) were the scavengers who were usually found in the streets of Davao City. Still, others earned their living either as shoeshine boys (9.8%) in shopping centers or terminals or as porters (6.4%). The rest were classified as factory workers, trisikad drivers , waiters or waitresses, beggars, errand boys, garbage collectors or even as a guide for the blind.

Type of Work and Working hours. Those respondents who were currently attending school, had either morning or afternoon classes. This arrangement allowed them enough time to go out in the streets and earn extra money. Data indicate that on the whole, most of these street children work in the afternoons, particularly the carwashers/carwatchers (23.1%) and vendors (22.3%). While scavengers predominantly work in the morning (5.8%), the rest reported various working hours. At least 26.4 percent claimed to be working whole day.

Reasons for Working. Asked why they were working, the majority of the respondents (64.4%) explained that the income of the family was not enough for their daily needs. Some respondents mentioned that their parents were unemployed (7.2%), separated (5.0%), or already dead (3.2%).

Monthly Income. The income of the street children ranged from less than P500.00 to slightly more than P1,500.00 a month.

Approximately half (51.3%) of the respondents earned less than P500.00 while less than a third (30%) reported incomes from P501.00 to P1,000.00. Less than a fourth reported an income of P1,001 to P1,500 (11.4%) and above (6.4%).

Parental expectations from their children, given the present economic difficulties, extend far beyond the regular domestic chores in the household. It now includes child labor and material support which has become the rule rather than the exception. This may be so when a family is not in a position to allocate a high proportion of family resources for meeting personal and material needs. When asked whether their families expected them to contribute to the family purse, close to two-birds (62.8%) of the respondents answered in the affirmative.

The respondents were likewise asked whether they gave money to their families regardless of being expected to or not. A large majority (90.2%) said they gave money to their families on a voluntary basis while 9.0 percent said they did not give at all.

Since a great number of respondents said they gave money to their families, they were also asked how much given and how often such amounts were given. Close to one half (49.2%) gave money on a daily basis while less than a third (31.2%) gave money at least once a week. The rest gave money either gave during weekends only (8.6%), once a month (3.8%) or on various occasions (7.1%). The amount of money given by the respondents to their families ranged from P1.00 to P15.00 or more. The trend shows that whether the respondents give money on a daily, weekly, weekend or monthly basis, the majority (210 or 61.0%) give P15.00 and above.

The respondents were also asked whether they give money to persons other than their families. The question was meant to determine whether this could be a factor why the child is out on the streets and is forced to earn a living. However, data indicate that only 12.8 percent claimed to have given money to persons other than their family. The rest of the respondents either answered negatively (85.6%) or gave no responses at all (1.5%).

Their reasons were largely due to kindness and generosity (60.8%). They extended help to friends so they could buy their basic needs, especially food to eat (47.1%). About 11.8 percent mentioned delihensya. Still others explained that it is both a form of reciprocity (7.8 %) and an expression of friendship(3.9%).

Occupation of Respondents’ Father and Mother. The data revealed that while 17.8 percent were unemployed, the single biggest group (21%) were craftsmen, production process workers and laborers (e.g., construction workers, shoe repairer, watch repairer, tailor, furniture maker, mechanic, electrician, and welder). The other dominant occupations were those engaged in “buy – and – sell” / trading activities (13%), workers of transport and communication (11%) like drivers, “dispatchers”, and other related occupations.

When asked about their mother’s occupation, more than one-third (36.2%) said they were unemployed. Those who had work were in services and related work (18.7%) (e.g., laundrywomen, house helpers), followed by those in buy and sell (14.7%). Interestingly, a number reported their mothers working as stevedores and freight handlers (13.8%). As observed, most of those who were working belonged to the informal work sector which usually provided unstable and low-paying jobs.

Difficulties in gathering information relative to parental income were observed, as shown in the low responses to income-related questions. Only 145 out of the 322 respondents (45%) whose fathers were working provided information on their fathers’ income and 110 out of the 255 respondents (43%) of those fathers were working gave similar data. Among those who did, the single biggest group (12.7%) of fathers who were earning reported monthly incomes ranging P500.00 to P1,000.00, while 9.9 percent of them were earning P2,501.00 to 3,000.00 per month. The lowest income received was P500.00 and below (4.7%) and the highest income was P3,001.00 and above (2.8%). As observed, among those who revealed their income, 93.7% were earning below the poverty line which is P3,864.00 per month for a family of six. The mothers’ income seemed to be insufficient to complement the fathers’ income because a large percentage were only earning PI,000.00 and below (24.4%). Taking the father’s and mother’s income together, the family income level was still below the poverty line;

Number of Children in Respondents’ Family. The family economic situation seemed to be aggravated by the fact that more than half of the respondents’ families (62.8%) had one to six children. The over-all average family size was 5.97 children – a figure above the national average of 5.2. One indication of existing coping mechanisms among the respondents’ families was the number of children working in the streets. More than half of the respondents (56.5%) reported that their siblings were likewise working. Half (50.4%) of the siblings working in the street were engaged in buying and selling goods and 30.1 percent were carwashers and “watch-your-car” boys. The data indicate a probable relationship between the siblings’ type of work and that of the respondents’. The respondents were predominantly engaged in buy-and-sell and carwashing and carwatching.

When asked “With whom do you stay?”, the respondents generally said they were staying with their parents (70.3%), with the rest residing either with their mothers (13.2%) or their fathers (3.0%). Only very few (6.8%) stayed with non-relatives. Such findings suggest that while the majority of these respondents live and subsist on the streets, there are continuous interactions with their families. Similar findings were observed in 1988 wherein it a as shown that 70 to 85 percent of the street children in the Philippines had regular contacts with their families. On the other hand, those who were staying with individuals other than their parents (e.g. siblings, relatives or non-relatives) revealed that they never went home at all (51.8%). Only a fifth (20.4%) admitted frequent home visits, with the rest (18.6%) rarely visiting their families.

The reasons most commonly cited in decreasing importance – were poor family life e.g., always bring scolded or punished (21.4%), being abandoned by parents (14.2%), or the anger they felt towards their parents (7.1%). The distance and costs involved (32.2%) were likewise mentioned.

Just as parents are to provide their children with love and affection, they are equally responsible for the inculcation of moral values, along with the proper upbringing and discipline of their children. A common mechanism to achieve these among Filipino families is to scold the children whenever they fail to do what is expected of them.

Such practices were revealed by the street children when asked about the common causes of misunderstanding with their parents. Almost three-fourths of the respondents (78.7%) claimed that the common cause of misunderstanding with their parents was refusal to do what was expected of them. Most of the expectations were related to inculcation of values required of them to be acceptable in society, such as not to lie, not to go out without permission, to go to school, not to quarrel with siblings, not to fight back, not to gallivant and others. Also mentioned were parental expectations that the children share in the household needs. Other causes of misunderstanding were: scapegoating of parents (11.7%), refusal of parents to give money for school requirements (3.4%), miscommunication (2.4%), tantrums (2.1%), and others.

In a related manner, the current study likewise sought information on how parents exerted control over their children. Respondents were asked the forms of punishment given whenever they failed to do what was expected of them or when they did something wrong. Their answers ranged from the mildest form of punishment, which was scolding, to the severest form of physical punishment. About 43 percent experienced mild physical punishment (e.g., pinching, slapping, spanking) and 30.5 percent experienced severe physical punishment (e.g., kicking, combination of slapping, hitting with a hard object and or striking).

Health and Nutrition

In this study, a scale of 2 feet – 6 feet and above was used to gauge the respondents’ height. Based on the height. Based on the height standards used by the Department of Health (DOH) , survey data revealed that more than 62.3 percent of the respondents fell below the set standard for height and 37.7 percent fell within standards. No respondents were observed to be above the required standards. Data gathered on body structure were classifies into four categories, i.e. skinny, slim, medium-built and stout. Close to 60 percent of the respondents were observed to be slim while 23 percent were of medium build. The rest were mainly skinny (13%) or stout (1%).

Data showed that respondents took the recommended three servings of energy-rich food, such as rice everyday. Breakfast, lunch and supper consisted of cheap sources of carbohydrates, proteins and vitamins. The common source of protein is fresh or dried fish, usually taken during breakfast (52%), supper (50.8%) and lunch (49.8%). Presumably, after a hard day’s work in the streets, the children want a better meal, thus a higher percentage of carbohydrates and protein-rich foods. The main source of vitamins is vegetables invariably taken during lunch (41.8%), supper (36.8%) or breakfast (17.2%). On the other hand, eggs and poultry were mentioned by a limited group, i.e. during breakfast (14.0%), lunc (2.8%), and supper (2.8%). At best, the low percentage intake of eggs, meat, and poultry and the limited choices for other protein and vitamin foods is but a reflection of the extent of the street child’s and family’s impoverishment.

Data show that 63 percent claimed to have more than 8 hours of sleep. About 21 percent sleep exactly 8 hours and 15.8 percent had less than 8 hours sleep. In addition, when probed where respondent slept, 92.3 percent said they slept at home, with the rest mentioning either in a center for street children (3.5%) or sleeping on the sidewalks or streets (2.5%). Such findings suggest the possibility of the respondents working close to their homes, thus allowing such sleeping arrangements. Relatedly, the findings that the majority of the respondents still had parents and were living with them, would reinforce such arrangements.

As another indicator of health, the respondents were asked about their bathing habits. More than three-fourths (78%) took daily baths, with more than a tenth (11.5%) bathing more than once a day, and still others reportedly taking a bath every other day (9.8%). Interestingly, two respondents claimed to bathe on a weekly basis (0.5%).

Illness for the Past Three Months. Recall data was subsequently utilized to investigate the health status of the street children, i.e. their ailments for the past three months. Physical health was measured by the prevalence of signs and symptoms of illness as reported by the children. Approximately 94.5 percent of the street children interviewed reported some form of illness during three-months preceding the study period. Symptoms related to upper respiratory were the most common, namely cough/colds (69.8%) and its related symptoms like fever (67.7%) and headache (46.3%). Gastro-intestinal ailments such as diarrhea (18.5%) and parasitism (7.1%) were similarly mentioned though at a much lesser extent. On the other hand, skin diseases (11.9%) in the form of prickly heat, scabies and ringworms ranked third, followed closely by the common flu (10.6%).

Significantly, the street children were found to have inferior physical health. This was manifested by a lower nutritional state and the tendency to experience more upper respiratory and gastro-intestinal disorders as well as skin diseases.

Field observations by the research team suggest that the conditions under which these children work could have predisposed colds, fever and flu may be the possible consequences of their exposure to bad weather and air pollution. High levels of dust have been known to lead to irritations of the respiratory system.

The family’s role of nurturance and sustenance is most evident and appreciated during one’s illness or moments of depression. Survey findings reveal such roles are most established among these street children’s families. While mothers were consulted by a significant majority (70.5%) whenever they were sick, the other family-members likewise provided such assistance, e.g. the fathers, grandparents, professional health workers (e.g doctors and nurses) and street educators were likewise mentioned though by a limited group. Likewise, mothers were identified as the main source of health care (77%).

The respondent’s use of toilet facilities outside their homes was likewise elicited as an indicator of health and sanitary practices. The respondents’ reported using those most convenient and closest to their place of work. A large percentage (36.7%) of the street children claimed using toilets of churches, hospitals, schools and other buildings. A bigger proportion of respondents (31.5%) went home to use toilets. Likewise it has been observed that some of these street children (27%) used those areas accessible behind the buildings or went to the river to relieve themselves.

Spatial Movement

Spatial mobility was ascertained by looking into the movement from place of birth to the place of residence at the time of interview and the movement of respondents in terms of the areas frequented.

The respondents were generally non-migrants (65.5%), having been born in Davao City and still residing in the same area. Close to a third (32.3%) were migrants most of whom being interprovincial migrants within Mindanao, e.g. the Davao provinces, Surigao del Sur and Norte, Butuan Iligan and Zamboanga.

The single biggest group of these respondents (55.8%) began their street life between the ages 8 to 11 years old. The mean age is 9.6 years old. Since then, they reported having stayed from one to two places (84.7%). They also reported having stayed from 12 to 48 months (1 to 4 years) in the first area frequented (66.3%). The same pattern was observed when asked about the second place stayed in. The data seem to indicate that respondents have not been very mobile.

It was observed that street children usually frequent places near their residences. As explained by the street educators during one focused group discussion, the street children exhibit some form of “territoriality” among themselves mainly as a means of protecting themselves from other street children who might belongs to another area. During the First Assembly of Street Children in Davao City, the children were observed to show some signs of antagonism towards non-group members.

Patterns of the geographical mobility of the children were likewise ascertained particularly during certain seasons of the year such as during the school terms, Christmas holidays, and summer vacations. The children were frequently in the market places during school days (24%) and the Christmas season (19%). An interesting finding was the large percentage (30%) who spend their summer vacations in the provinces.

Street children generally stayed near their residences and rarely frequented areas far from their residence for security and sense of belongingness. Close family ties were further strengthened by respondents’ summer activities, with many of them spending summer vacation with their families in the provinces.

Peer Relations

The street children had from one to more than six friends. The single biggest group (29%) claimed having one or two friends. Still others reported having three to four friends (25.3%) or five to six friends (25.5%). A smaller percentage (19.7%) mentioned having more than six friends. Asked about their activities with friends, at least 72 percent of these street children reported wholesome, safe and healthy outdoor activities. The more popular games mentioned by more than a fourth (26.7%) were “takyan“, “chinese garter“, “lukso“, and “tumba lata“. The second most popular activity was simply telling stories or swapping jokes, or taking walks together (23%). At least 15.5 percent were basketball-soccer fans while others enjoyed swimming and fishing (7.7%). Indoor activities were also reported like watching movies, betamax films, going to discos, studying, making assignments and hearing “mass”. On the other hand, a number of respondents reported negative behavior such as gambling (8 respondents) and drinking liquor (2 respondents), with one admitting that he was a bully.

The first three areas frequented by the respondents were the streets of Davao City (15%), recreation centers (12.8%) and market areas (11.2%). A cross tabulation by survey sites and areas frequented reveal that a high portion of the street children usually work and play in the same areas with their friends. For example, a large proportion of respondents in Sasa went to the wharf and airport, while those in the San Pedro-Magsaysay-Matina-Bankerohan areas frequented places where they coudl ply their trades, usually for carwashing, or as “watch-your-car” boys, or as itinerant vendors. On the other hand, Agdao respondents appeared to be an exception, usually visiting such recreations-specific sites as streetcorners, basketball courts, of neighborhoods with friends. In all six areas, almost half of the respondents (48.8%) reported spending at least two hours with friends, with a third (30.7%) spending from three to six hours.

Recreational Activities

Recreational activities are very important means of inculcating values of sportsmanship, for personality development, and preparations for ones’ roles as a future adult in society. The over-all picture of the respondents’ recreational activities shows that more than half (57.8%) engaged in children’s games like “taga-anay“, “tigso“, “tumba lata“, war games and hide-and seek. Other recreational activities were playing basketball (50.8%), movies (24%), billiard (19.8%) and others. While the activities mentioned were generally acceptable and healthy games and sports among children, the data likewise indicate that life in the streets had exposed them to vices. Gambling (16%) and drinking alcohol (7.8%) were also mentioned by respondents.

When respondents were asked about vices, close to a third (32.3%) mentioned either smoking, gambling and/or use of drugs. Among the respondents who had such habits, those engaged solely in gambling (48.8%) and those who both sampling and smoked (44.2%) predominated, with a much smaller group (7%) using illegal drugs. The use of drugs seemed to have included marijuana, rugby and gasoline.

To measure the economic cost of such practices, reveals that those who smoked (44.2%) were asked about their daily expenses for cigarettes. Close to a third (31.6%) reported spending less than P2.00 per day, while others (22.8% each) were given cigarettes by friends for free or spent from P2.00 to P15.00 daily for cigarettes.

Related literature show that habit formation and progression of a deviant career is reinforced by accessibility to the means. Being given free cigarettes tend to be the first stage in the habit formation. As children developed the desire for smoking through constant experience, they also learned to spend a part of their earnings for cigarettes. This is not only observed among smokers but also among drug-users and gamblers.

Survey findings suggest more than half of the respondents who gambled were already hooked on gambling, with about 56.9 percent claiming that they gambled often. The others (37.5%) reported that they gambled either once a week, twice a month or even rarely. Given the significant proportion of these street children engaged in gambling in varying degrees, appropriate attention is clearly needed to curtail its effects on the other children on the streets.

Findings of the present study revealed that only 10.8 percent of the respondents claimed to belong to gangs, with the single biggest group (67.4%) ranging from 12 to 15 years old. The two youngest gang members were from eight and nine years old while the eldest (five street children) ranged from 16 to 17 years old.

Asked why they joined gangs, sixteen respondents (out of 43 gang members) commonly identified the need for protection or to have sense of security (37.2%). The other reasons cited included peer-influence (11.7%) with one mentioning his desire to bully other street children (2.3%). The gang names are suggestive of the nature of the activities candidly undertaken by the group. Some of these were “Kat-Kat Bahay Gang“, “Strollers“, “Tunay na Standby“, “Kulata Gang“, “Apache Gang” and “Peacemakers“. Other names simply indicated the specific places where they converged like “Batang Lawaan” and “Osmeña Boys“. Most popularly mentioned were “Kat-kat Bahay Gang” (3), “Bad Company” (3), and “Tunay na Standby“.

A large percentage (30.2) of these gangs had more than 15 members each. They engaged in a variety of activities, ranging from the more high-risk types, which are detrimental to the socialization process of children, e.g. street brawls (11.6%) and bullying other street children (9.3%) to the more positive and healthy ones like work, disco-dancing and cooperative-type of pursuits (18.7%).

Streetlife generally poses risks to the personality of street children, e.g. possible bad influences of their peers. The present study, however, reveals some possible exceptions. Given the presence of groups who encourage cooperation among themselves and who group together while working in the streets, presumably for mutual protection.

Arrest and Detention

The Association theory of deviancy explains how exposure to group behavior influences an individual’s action. Thus children learn about adult behavior through their association and experiences with adults. Set withing the context of the street children’s streetlife, their experiences of arrests and detention are likely to expose them to deviants and/or criminals. Opportunities for learning about certain deviant skills or illegal trades may take place during their detention and experiences with other offenders.

Asked whether they ever experienced arrests and detention, their responses show that the majority (77.20%) of those arrested usually ranged 12 to 17 years old — particularly those in their early teens. 47.2 percent admitted that they have been arrested more than once and and almost equal percentage (47.1%) were arrested only once. These data indicate that a large percentage had the experience of being detained, with some being arrested often. Five of 7.1 percent had been arrested more than five times. The arrests were mainly made for offenses committed against property or theft (32.9%) and for curfew violations (27.1%) while the rest cited gambling (11.4%), participation in gang conflicts (10%), and illegal vending (5.7%). At least four street children were arrested for sniffing rugby.

Probing their experiences during detention, the children generally mentioned violence and torture-related incidentas e.g. being mauled (18.6%), whipped on outstretched arms (7.1%), hit with armalite butt (4.3%), hand pounded (4.3%), among others. About 10 percent, however, claimed that they did nit have any untoward experiences while being detained.

Asked whether they perceived any risks while staying in the streets, the majority answered in the affirmative (75.8%). The most commonly expressed risks included that of being run over by the passing vehicles (59.4%), being mauled by other street children (49.2%), of being implicated in crimes (44.6%), and being victimized by extortionists (37.3%). Others mentioned exposure to the changing weather conditions (18.2%). To a lesser degree, other risk mentioned were sex-related, i.e. being sexually exploited by homosexuals and pedophiles (17.5%), and being raped (13.5%). Appropriate 20 of the 34 respondents mentioned a more basic need, i.e. the need for shelter at night (6.6%).

To provide an empirical measure of their priorities in life, the respondents were asked to rank their needs according to priorities. The most commonly mentioned was financial, i.e. money for basic needs (71%) and for education (23.7%). The second was education (50%) and the third was a home (24.8%). More than half of the respondents (54.7%) were able to satisfy their basic needs and the rest claimed otherwise (45.3%).

Asked why such needs were not met, the absence or lack of money (67.4%) was frequently cited. To a lesser extent, others mentioned their father’s income as being inadequate (11%) or that their parents were unemployed (7.7%). On the whole, the reasons mentioned were basically related to the inability of parents to earn adequate income to meet the needs of their families. This is supported by the data on parents’ income; in both cases the incomes reported were below the poverty line.

Considering that the majority of these children generally stayed with their parents, they likewise perceived that their parents are responsible for their needs (37.3%). Interestingly, one notes that for some respondents, mothers (29.2%) – more than fathers (7%) – were perceived to assume such responsibilities. On the whole, the survey findings reveal the strong kinship bonds of the respondents. The respondents also show their attachment to their kin groups. More than half 59 percent mentioned their relatives as being likewise responsible for their needs.

Values, Aspirations and Opinions

This section presents the street children’s perception of their present situation, their reasons for being happy or unhappy with their present situation, what they plan to do to achieve their aspirations, and their perceptions of the ideal situation for street children. To solicit the street children’s perceptions of their present situation, they were asked about being “happy” or “unhappy” with it. While the majority (76%) of the respondents perceived their situation on a positive note and reported that they were “happy”, at least 96 children (24%) claimed otherwise.

The reasons cited for being unhappy by at least 96 street children (38.5%) were mainly economic in nature, e.g. no money to satisfy one’s needs, no school fees and respondents and parent’s limited income. Other reasons were family-related (15.6%), e.g. separation of parents and abandonment by parents and job-related (13.5%) like exhausting work and inability to study one’s lessons in the work place. Reasons relating to the personal and the family lives focused on parental separation and their being unable to pursue their studies, among others.

Respondents were also about their plans for the next five years. Education received the highest ranking, with more than two-thirds (68.5%) of the respondents desiring to continue or finish their studies and a limited group (3.5%) wanting to work while studying. Seventy-four (74) street children expressed their desire to work full time while at least seven respondents (1.8%) plan to engage in small-time business. Fifteen either failed to give responses or did not have any plans at all.

How would these street children attempt to achieve their aspiration, what means of opportunities are available to them so that their aspirations would turn into realities? A significant majority (60.2%) agreed that they would have to study hard in order to achieve their goals, while more than a fourth (26.8%)cited the need to work hard. Twenty-six (26) respondents (6.5%) mentioned that they would both work and study hard while others identified the need to save money or seek assistance from government agencies.

Respondents were asked to rank their preferences for their work of study based on three categories, i.e to study full time, to work full time, or to study and work. Given these three choices, more than half (55%) of these street children preferred to study and work at the same time while 40.7 percent chose to study full-time. Only 4.3 percent of the respondents like to work full-time. A highly significant group of these street children desired a high level of education, with 88 percent aspiring to finish college. The rest either hoped to finish high school (8.5%), their elementary education (1%) or to take up a vocational course.

Asked about their job preferences in the future, the respondents’ choices were varied (Table 72). On the whole, 51 percent chose white-collar jobs, 21.8 percent blue collar jobs, 11.3 percent vocational/technical and mechanical jobs, and 9.5 percent manual jobs. Among the more populat choices for white collar jobs were: nursing, medical doctor, office employee, army/military/policeman, and engineering. Preferred blue coller jobs were: salesgirl, waitress, driver/conductor and security guard. Vocational/technical/mechanical job choices were that of radio operator. Manual jobs mentioned were: construction worker/carpenter and porter.

Respondents were asked their reasons for preferring such occupations in the future. More than half (59.5%) preferred such occupations because they perceived these occupations are available and offer better-pay, it can help their parents and relatives (12.5%), the sick and the needy (7.5%), and help educate people (4.5%), among others. The data further indicated that while more than half of the respondents (59.5%) preferred these occupations as a means to alleviate their poor situation, less than a fourth (24.5%) were to consider these occupations as a means of helping others.

Given a choice, would these children desire to get out of the streets or simply continue such mode of existence? Survey findings revealed that the respondents were closely split in their responses, with 47.8 percent desiring to end their street life and 46 percent preferring to continue living in the streets. Asked why they (184 respondents) preferred to stay on the streets, the most common reason mentioned was economic in nature. Living in the streets meant being able to earn money (66.3%), thus having a daily income for one’s schooling needs and subsistence. It also meant being able to augment the family income, and in this way to help the family (15.2%) and supplement inadequate income of parents (2.7%). To a limited extent – though quite meaningful – thirteen respondents (7.1%) indicated their happiness being among friends in the streets.

Their perceptions regarding the ideal situation for street children were mainly centered on themselves e.g. satisfaction of their needs (63.2%) such as attending school full time (53.2%), being able to study (6%) and, being able to play (4%). The respondents likewise mentioned such ideal situations as receiving parental guidance (7.5%), living with parents (5%), and helping with household chores (2.8%). Only 5 percent reported that street children must seek assistance from government agencies.

Awareness and Experience in Street Children Institutions

This section presents the respondent’s knowledge and awareness of institutions that deal with street children, i.e. whether the respondents were ever referred to such institutions, the type of institutions they were referred to, whether they had availed of institutional services, and the type of services availed of.

Survey responses revealed that nearly two-thirds (62.5%) of the respondents had no knowledge of these institutions at all. The rest (37.5%) claimed to know about such agencies. The 150 respondents who professed knowledge about these institutions for street children were asked whether they had ever been referred to such agencies. Approximately a fourth of the group (26.7%) admitted having been referred to such institutions while the greater majority (73.3%) claimed otherwise.

The forty (40) respondents who claimed that they were referred to such institutions were asked to describe these insitutions. Two types were generally identified by these respondents, namely the drop-in centers (67.5%) and the temporary shelter-type (32.5%). Drop in centers refers to those institutions which cater to street children who simply drop in for their meals, bath and brief rest. The temporary shelters cover those institutions which rehabilitate street children for longer periods of time.

All respondents were asked whether they had availed of services from other agencies. Forty percent had availed of services from other agencies while 60 percent had not availed of my services.

Summary and Recommendations

The major research findings, briefly stated, are as follows:

1. Socio-Demographic Background

a. Of the total 400 respondents, males predominated (76%) over the females (24%). The respondents’ ranged from 5 to 18 years old with mean age computed at 12 years.

b. The respondents ranged from preparatory school to college undergraduate. The majority (324) were in-school while 76 were out-of-school.

c. Of those currently enrolled, more than a third (35%) are in high school, another third (34%) were in grade 1-4, and a limited group (1.2%) were in college.

d. Of the school drop-outs, 35 percent attended the grade 5- 6 level, 31.6 percent grade 1-4 and 18.4 percent had some high school education. Three percent had no schooling at all.

e. The majority of the respondents can read and write.

f. Poverty was cited as the major reason for a greater number of respondents foregoing their education. A number of them were either pre-occupied with their earning a living or simply lacked interest in studying. A few others were run-aways or were not allowed to go back to school by their parents. Still others either fell into the bad influences of the “barkada” or were ashamed to resume their studies because of age.

2. Economic Activities

a. Generally, the street children of Davao City had only one type of work. There were a few who were engaged in two of three different livelihood activities. Vending or peddling in markets place, supermarkets, shopping centers or terminals was the most common means of livelihood. A number also worked as carwashers/carwatchers in the same places. Other livelihood activities undertaken were scavenging, shining shoes, stevedoring, collecting garbage and a host of other odd jobs that would provide them their daily meals.

b. The majority of the vendors, scavengers and shoeshine boys worked the whole day after school. Most carwashers/carwatchers worked in the afternoon till late in the evening.

c. Monthly earnings of these street children ranged from a little less than P500.00 to slightly over P1,500.00. The family’s tight financial condition served as the single major reason their efforts at for earning a living. A few mentioned parental deaths, separation and unemployment.

d. More than half of the respondents were expected to hand in their daily, weekly and weekend earnings to their parents. The majority voluntarily gave money to their families. The amount of money given ranged from a minimum of P1.00 daily to as such as P15.00 and above. If there were other persons given money by these children, they were usually their friends.

e. A little more than 70 percent of the respondents claimed they were satisfied with their present means of subsistence while 27.1 percent reported otherwise.

3. Family Background

a. These street children’s parents were largely employed in low-paying jobs. A large percentage of their fathers were engaged in blue-collar, mechanical/technical and manual occupations. Close to one-fifth (17%) of these children reported their fathers as unemployed.

Their mothers were usually in household services or in vending/peddling.

b. Father’s earnings ranged from P500.00 – P1,000.00 monthly while the mothers’ income was P1,000.00 and below.

c. More than half of the respondents had siblings also engaged in ambulant vending, carwatching/carwashing, scavenging, etc.

d. More than 90 percent of the respondents went home to their families after work. Some went home only occasionally because of the high cost of travel and disharmonious relations with family members. A Few did not have homes to go home to.

e. The majority of the respondents were living with their families. The few who did not stay or live with their parents, particularly those whose parents were either deceased or separated, lived instead with grandparents, uncles and aunties.

f. Asking about family conflicts, the children admitted that these were often caused by their failure to perform family obligations and conform to family norms. The children were either scolded or received physical punishment.

4. Health and Nutrition

a. The majority fell below the standards set by the Department of Health for height, while 37.7 percent fell within them.

b. More than 60 percent were slim, 22.3 percent medium built, 13 percent skinny, and 1 percent stout.

c. Most ate three meals a day. Meals consisted of cheap sources of carbohydrates, vitamins and proteins.

d. More than 50 percent had at least eight hours of sleep and 15.8 percent less than 8 hours.

e. Ninety percent slept at home, 13.5 percent in a center of street children and 2.5 percent on sidewalks.

f. Most common complaints relating to the health of the street children were upper respiratory and gastro-intestinal ailments. Flu and skin diseases were also common.

g. Most respondents reported that whenever they got sick, their mothers usually took care of them. A few mentioned street educators, medical doctors and other relatives.

h. Public toilets, including those in schools, hospitals, supermarkets, or the back of buildings were used by the children while in the streets. Rivers and creeks were also used by those working close to these areas.

5. Spatial Movement

a. While sixty-six percent were local residents, approximately a third were migrants mainly from other provinces in Mindanao (27.5%), with at least 4.8 percent coming from the Visayas and Luzon.

b. Sixty-three percent started street life between the ages 6-10 years old.

c. The street children were not very mobile. Eighty-five percent had frequented only one or two places, while 48 percent had only frequented two places for at least 12-48 months.

d. Usual “hangouts” or “territories” were shopping centers, market places, terminals, 100 supermarkets of vendors peddlers, carwashers/carwatchers and shoeshine boys.

6. Experience on the Street

a. Seventy-six percent of the respondents perceived life as risky and hazardous, perceiving such risks as possible vehicular accidents and sexual, physical and financial exploitations.

7. Needs

a. Money for basic needs and access to education were the two most important needs of the street children. Some also expressed their desire to go back to their families and be protected from all forms of exploitation in the streets.

b. Fifty-four percent felt their needs were met while 45 percent felt they were not met.

8. Peer Relations

a. A Street child usually had friends ranged from one to more than six friends.

b. Activities with friends included wholesome, safe and healthy indoor and outdoor activities. Popular among the males were ball games and swimming. These were often done in nearby courts and open spaces in the community or in areas close to work. Very few deviant-type of activities were mentioned.

c. Majority reported that their common activities consisted of healthy games and sports. A few, however, reported smoking, drinking, and gambling.

9. Gang Membership

a. Of the 400 respondents, only 10.8 percent were members of a gang. Their ages ranged from 12-15 years old. Among the more popular reasons for joining gangs were protection and the sense of security gangs provided including the opportunity to bully other street children.

b. Seventy respondents admitted having been arrested and detained. The frequency of arrests ranged from one to more than five times. During detention, 90 percent of the respondents reported receiving physical and mental/psychological punishments, ranging from the mild to the severe ones. Most arrests were due to curfew violations and suspicion of theft.

10. Values and Aspirations

a. Seventy-six percent were happy with their present situation while twenty-four percent claimed the opposite. Reasons cited for being happy were predominantly family-oriented in nature. Reasons given for being unhappy likewise focused on the non-provision of personal and family needs.

b. Fifty percent desired to continue or finish schooling. Nineteen percent would like to work full-time and 3.5 percent preferred to work while studying. Furthermore, the majority of the respondents believed that studying and working very hard would greatly help in achieving their aspirations, not to mention assistance from government agencies and saving for the future.

c. As their work in the streets has served as their primary source of income, these pursuits would thus continue to help them achieve their goals in life. Because of the economic rewards of street life, close to half of the respondents still preferred to stay on the streets. However, if there were less exhausting, safer and better opportunities, respondents would rather stay otu of the streets because of the risks and hazards.

d. If given the choice, the respondents’ strongest desire was to earn a degree. to make this possible, more than half were willing to study and work at the same time. This goal was reflected in the respondents’ preference for white collar jobs over manual/mechanical/technical ones.It also reflected the street child’s desire to help in his siblings’ education, to find a stable, better paying and lighter work, and to be of service to his community.

11. Awareness of Institutions for Street Children

a. Two-thirds of the respondents had no knowledge of any institutions for street children. Among those (37.5% or 150 respondents) who professed knowledge of institutions for street children, a fourth admitted having been referred to such institutions while the rest claimed otherwise.

b. Two types of institutions were generally identified by the forty (40)respondents referred to such institutions, namely the drop-in centers (67.5%) and the temporary shelter-type (32.5%).

c. Of the 400 respondents, 40 percent had availed of services from other agencies while 60 percent reported they had not. Among these services, education (38.1%), food (31.3%) and clothing (30.6%) were the most common services availed by the respondents.

Recommendations

In the light of the foregoing findings, the following recommendations are proposed:

A. Policy

1. NGOs’ and GO’s should be able to coordinate well with the police to come up with guidelines and policies regarding the protection of the children in the street.

The children interviewed have reported security as a problem in the streets , specifically security from other street children and from police actions. There must be a better way of dealing with children who have been involved in theft and other deviant acts. They should not be given the chance to become criminals by associating with other criminals in the street or in any detention center.

2. The DECS, together with the other agencies concerned with educating the street children, should be able to design programs and policies to help street children who desire to complete their education. Many of them expressed their desire to become doctors, nurses, teachers and employees in other white collar occupations. Their education should not be limited to free tuition fees. Serious thought should be given to finding a way so that street children who want to attain higher education do not have to earn a living in the streets to be able to support themselves and do not have to worry about financial assistance from other agencies.

3. The government should also provide policies that would institutionalize alternative types of education that would cater to children who have difficulty submitting to formal educational structures.

Some considerations are literacy and numeracy, value formation, manpower development and employment needs.

4. The root cause of the proliferation of children in the streets of Davao City is poverty. Many parents have no or insufficient work and so children have been forced to go to the streets. Policies on the encouragement of cooperatives and private enterprises utilizing the unemployed or underemployed in depressed communities may be helpful. However, the program should also take into consideration manpower training programs to provide street children the appropriate skills. Better economic strategies should be considered to generate more employment. Respondents revealed that their parents have low income since most of their occupations are low paying.

B. Research

1. On the average, the respondents were 12 years old and had at least some education. They are potential manpower resources of our country who need to be polished and enriched. Some strategies must be used to make them more productive. However, a study on their willingness to be developed, to organize into cooperatives, their leadership capabilities and their productive potentials must be looked into for policy and action.

2. It is also worthwhile to evaluate the educational programs that have= been introduces by the GOs and NGOs. Have they contributed to the education of street children? What are the strengths and limitations of such programs? Cost benefit analysis of such programs needs to be undertaken.

3. The street children are basically community based. They live with their families at the end of the day and parents exercise control over their children. Given this background, a study on the attitude of parents towards their children’s future their role in shaping their future and their willingness to get involved in community endeavors would be worthwhile looking into. Are they receptive to a participatory approach to community development? Are they willing to volunteer their time in such undertakings? What are their attitudes towards cooperatives? What problems do they foresee with such an approach? This study will provide the program implementors insights on the strategies to utilize in assisting communities where street children proliferate.

C. Action

1. A Multidisciplinary team consisting of all the agencies involved with street children should be called to assess the program and policies on street children in Davao City. This would clarify the framework which government and the private sector should work on to respond to the needs of street children.

Appendix
[Refer to the PDF File]
Page 17-24

The Social Scene in Davao 1900-1945

The years 1900-1956 saw the coming to Davao of more and more foreign migrants, from far away lands, and domestic migrants, from other parts of the Philippine Archipelago, seeking wealth, freedom, and a better life. The population of Davao increased with the influx of these migrants. such a situation made Davao a society of immigrants, who dared explore new frontiers.

By the time the Americans came to Davao as a new colonial power at the turn of the 19th century, Davao was already peopled by the indigenous ethnic tribes found in the interior of hinterland; by the Muslim settlers, found along the the coasts; and by Christian Filipinos (the descendants of Davao’s first Filipino Christian settlers of 1818 and the Christian Filipino migrants from Luzon and the Visayas, who migrated to Davao to escape political persecutions in their provinces), army deserters, a few fugitives, and the foreign migrants (Chinese, Indonesians, Hindus, Bombays, Syrians, Lebanese) who inhabited the cabacera or town proper.

Davao is a province of many ethnic tribes. Ethnic division among the local population in the community arose as a matter of historical development. The different ethnic tribes had already formed their own communities. Each tribe is different from the other tribes. There was cultural interaction among tribal communities. Their activities were determined by the social practices within their communities. They retained their own languages and their traditional way of life.

The indigenous ethnic tribes are the Atas, Bagobos, Guiangans, Tagakaolos, Bilaan, Manobos, Mandayas, Mansakas and other who live in the interior or hinterland.

The Muslim inhabitants of Davao came from Maguindanao, Cotabato and other parts of Mindanao and Sulu. The Davao Muslims were observed to have the same customs as the other ethnic tribes except that they abstain from eating pork. they were not feared, because of their isolation and their small number. They inhabited the coast of navigable rivers because their homes were small boots. Davao Muslims were nomadic and scattered themselves along both sides of the river and did not form villages, unlike the other ethnic tribes. Their occupations were fishing and trading. Among the Muslims, the effects of public and private education were slowly felt. Although these Muslims regard the Southern Islands as their ancestral homeland, they are now minority in the area because of Christian migration, wherein they somehow suffered systematic social disadvantage.

Both the indigenous ethnic tribes and the Davao Muslims are now exposed to Western culture. Most of the indigenous tribes now dress like other Christian Filipinos and only wear their elaborate traditional clothing during rare occasions like fiestas. But the Davao Muslims, like those in other parts of Mindanao, remained faithful to their Islamic religion and native traditions, as well as to their native costume, the malong. They are no longer polygamus and slaveholders. There are no more juramentados among them. Even in their language, the indigenous tribes and the Muslims are now conversant in Tagalog, Visayan and English.

To promote community life among the nomadic indigenous tribes and the Muslims and to break their migratory habits, the newly arrived Americans, who were able to settle and acquire undeveloped lands, encouraged these tries to settle in fixed communities. Those who were in the highlands were transferred to the coasts and provided labor to the newly opened plantations of the Americans. But the natives, especially the Bagobos, did not like living in the plantations. The Chinese were far more numerous than the Americans and other migrants.

Established Communities and their Social Organizations

It is said that people are the greatest assets of a community. Without them there can be no society and without society no community can exist.

The early American community in Davao was composed of former soldiers-turned-settlers/planters, school teachers, Protestant missionaries, engineers who built bridges and roads, government officials and their families. They look active part in the different social activities in the community.

The socio-cultural influences of the American were the democratic way of life, public education and the Protestant Religion. In 1903, Rev. and Mrs. Robert Black were sent by their home church in the United States to Davao upon the request of the pioneer American planters and congregational missionaries in the primitive and pestilential Davao Gulf area.

More and more pioneer settlers acquired undeveloped lands. They developed the land into plantations that started the plantation economy in Davao. most of these plantations that started the plantations economy in Davao. Most of these plantations were located around the Davao Gulf area.

The Americans settled in their coastal plantations. The wives of some planters described life in the frontier community as joyful, despite hardships and deprivations. Every so often, they would board launches, which plied the Davao Gulf to make business with the native inhabitants in the interior. They bought abaca and sold things that they had.

Clubs were organized in the community to keep alive a vital and invigorating community spirit. In the town proper or cabecera, an American Club was organized where, on weekends, it served as the gathering place for lonely planters and their families coming from the coast plantations. The club became the center of social activities and a place for Americans to relax and share experiences with one another. People in the poblacion lived simply, with no hotels and no recreation centers, except one cinema house, owned by Jerry Roscom, an American Settler.

The town proper had for its inhabitants mostly the Visayan Christians, who were recruited by the American and Filipino migrant planters from the Visayas to work on their newly-opened plantations and the third generation descendants of the first Christian settlers of 1848. The other inhabitants were the foreign migrants like the Chinese, Hindus, Bombays, Syrians, a few Americans,and some Japanese.

American Cultural policies were heavily concentrated on public education. Public Schools were established and opened on both on the elementary and secondary levels in the town proper and outskirts . In the beginning, school officials and teachers were Americans, but later, the Filipinos took over after they were trained to teach. But most of the indigenous ethnic tribes resisted education. School officials and teachers exerted efforts to reach them for the education of their children. Extension classes were opened in the mirror to reach the most isolated tribes.

During the period, there was only one public elementary school and one public secondary school, the Davao High School, in the poblacion proper. Both schools were first located at Magallanes Street. The only elementary school in the poblacion proper, the Davao Central School, was opened in the early 1920. In the outskirts, the first school was put up to Daliao, being the center of development in 1918. When the Sta. Ana area in the poblacion was developed, another elementary school was established which was the Sta. Ana Elementary School.

The first private schools at the time were: the Immaculate Conception Institute (now University) for girls, founded by the RVM Sisters: St. Peter’s school for boys (first handled by the Jesuits and later by the P.M.E priests); and the Davao Institute which was established by Mr. Godofredo Duremedes. Now at Claveria Street in the vicinity of the Awad building.

The Immaculate Conception College was a Catholic school originally established for girls. It was managed by the Religious of the Virgin Mary (RVM), a congeregation founded by a Filipina, Mother Ignacia del Espiritu Santo. The ICC was founded by three pioneering RVM Sisters in 1905. These sisters laid the foundation for a Mission School here in Mindanao. A year after they arrived, a formal school, St. Peter’s Parochial School, was opened.

As the Population grew, more schools were opened. Fresh high school graduates were hired to teach elementary school pupils because of the shortage of teachers. The school’s Division Superintendent then, Mr. John Stumbo, even recruited fresh graduates of the Zamboanga Normal High School, Class 1937, to teach in Davao.

During the period of the 1920’s the Japanese community grew and developed in Davao. Ohta Kyosaburu became one the leaders of the Japanese community. It was also during this period that the Japanese colony in Davao continued to prosper. A self-contained community had developed. There was the Japanese School, built on one of the main streets (present site of the University of Mindanao along Bolton St.); clinics and hospitals (like the Mintal Hospital), staffed by Japanese doctors and Nurses, were opened; newspapers came direct from Japan; Japanese shops and banks were opened and Japanese-style houses were built and also Japanese entertainment parlors were opened. In March 1920, an annex of the Manila Consulate of Japan was opened in Davao and housed in the site where the present University of Mindanao Gymnasium is located.

The Japanese community was well-organized and self-contained. the Japanese settlers were observed by other inhabitants as industrious, cooperative, thrifty, and obedient to laws. The Japanese community established the Japanese Davao Association, which served as the center of their activities. The association coordinated the social interests of the Japanese settlers. It was organized to assure better living conditions for the members and their families. It also provided financial and medical assistance to those in need of help and extended educational benefits to the member’s children. Primary and secondary schools were built and maintained by the Japanese Davao Association in the town proper and on the outskirts, patterned after the prevailing system in Japan, with Nipongo as the medium of instruction.

Michael E. Dakudao, a Doctor of Architecture by profession (he finished his Masteral and Doctoral degree in Architecture at Tokyo University in Japan), had this to say about the Japanese in Davao…;

While in Davao, the Japanese adhered to the whole fabric of Japanese customs and traditions and they introduced dominant institutions towards maintaining a high consciousness of the Japanese way of life. The Nippon Jin Kai (Japanese Association), which functioned as the governing body of the Japanese nationals, was founded on May 1, 1916. The first Japanese Consulate building was constructed in 1920. By 1936, a total of 12 Japanese Primary Schools were established. Regarding the Japanese religion, shrines and several temples were built on the areas where the Japanese Settled. The first modern hospital in Davao, the Ohta Development Company Hospital in Mintal, was built by the Japanese.

Mintal was known then as “little Nagasaki” because there were more Japanese residents there than Filipinos. Japanese schools were opened where only Japanese children were enrolled. The Mintal Hospital was opened, with Japanese doctors and Japanese nurse employed. Only a few Filipino doctors were hired, like Dr. Santiago P. Dakudao, Sr. and Dr. Juan Santos Cuyugan, to name a few.

The Japanese community also constructed and maintained private roads which were also opened to the public without charge. The number of Japanese residents in Davao, ad recorded in 1937, totaled 15, 150.

There was communal exclusiveness among the Japanese settlers that prevented their integration into the mainstream of Davao society. Only a few married native women.

During the late 1920s and the middle of the 1930s, the town population was small. The Dabawenyos then active in social life were the third generations descendants of Davao’s first Filipino Christrian settlers of 1848, who came with Oyanguren in the latter’s “conquest”of Davao. These Dabawenyos, aware of the social role they had to play, put up organizations to embrace the natives of Davao, as well as the migrants who decided to make Davao their home. They organized the “Hijos de Mindanao“, which was later changed to “Hijos de Mindanao y Sulu“, to include the Sulu Muslims in Davao under the Leadership of Davao Kanapia with whom the “Hijos developed a strong brotherhood. These Dabawenyos had their annual affairs, usually held as picnics. These affairs were sort of a big family gatherings of Dabawenyos, attended by families and their children, including household helps and friends. They sang Dabaw folk songs under the talisay trees and coconut groves by the beach (as recalled by Noning Lizada, a Dabawenyo historian, in a write-up). the young Dabawenyos studying in Manila organized the “Davao Club”. Whenever the Governor of Davao, Sebastian Generoso, was in Manila he made visits to the Davao Club members.

In the 1930s and early 1940s, as groups of adventurous Filipinos from Luzon, Visayas and other parts of Mindanao came to Davao, after hearing of the good fortune Davao offered, the teen-aged children of the “Hijos de Mindanao y Sulu” formed the “Tayo-Tayo” Club in the town and took as members other children of their ages, regardless of regional origins. This club because the social group of the young and was regarded as the youth club of the time.

In the late 1940s (1945-1946), when World War II ended, the Dabawenyos who pursued their studies in Manila thought of organizing themselves and formed the Club Dabawenyo. Yearly, the members of the club celebrated in Manila the June 29 feast of St. Peter.

The late Atty. Manuel G. Cabaguio, a prominent Dabawenyo, who enroleld in the year 1915 at the San Pedro convent PARVOLITO class, has this to say about the San Pedro Parish, said to be the biggest parish then in Mindanao:

The San Pedro Parish included the present area of the City of Davao, Davao del Sur, the sea coast portion of Davao Oriented of what is now Lupon and Governor Generoso and of Davao del Norte up to the boundary of Agusan. And this parish was served by two and at times, by three priests and two brothers, whose duties were to take care of the church and the convent.

Every year one priest, usually it was the associate priest, went out to evangelized the natives. These visits usually lasted for ten days because of the inadequacy of the transportation. There were no vehicles and the roads were only trails through forest and ravines.

During fiestas, the priest said masses and baptized natives even without the benefit of religious instruction as required now. In the baptism it was the practice to use the surnames of the padrinos who were selected from the prominent people of the community. The trips of the priest to the coastal towns and the hinterlands were dangerous and tiresome. Of course food preparation was excellent and delicious but the priest and his inseparable sacristan had to sleep on bamboo floors. Marriages and baptisms were mostly free unless the padrino happened to be very influential in the community.

The town plaza in the cabecera called the Plaza Oyanguren, now known as Osmeña Park, was a part of the church property until the year 1917 when the first Civil Governor, the late Eulalio Causing from Cebu, requested Fr. Rebull to relinquish church claims on the said portion.

The random recollection of many events during the early Davao days narrated by old-time migrants helps one learn about Davao’s past. One such old-time migrant is Elena Iñigo, known as Aling Nena to the Dabawenyos and the mother of the present Dean of the College of Law of the Ateneo de Davao University. Atty. Hildegardo Iñigo. Aling Nena comes from a Tagalog family that migrated to Davao in the year 1905. She recalls that during the early 1900s there was peace everywhere in Davao. One could sleep soundly at night. People all over Davao seemingly knew one another. She talked of migrants from Luzon who permanently established residence hereabouts. She not only talked of people but also of activities like the arrival of ships from Manila once a month that gave Dabawenyos happiness.

The Cebuanos, Tagalogs, Boholanos, Ilocanos, and other domestic migrants put up their own social organizations. To quote former Judge Pedro C. Quitain, a Batangueño and a Davao old timer, in a written interview he stated that…

On or before 1927 life in Davao was rather dry in that there was not much social intermingling among the people. This could have been due to the diversity of the social outlook among people who come from various sectors of the country. The Visayans obviously socialized among themselves — the Cebuanos, Boholanos, Capizeños, Ilocanos and Antiqueños did the same. They kept themselves in a rather clannish way. Among those from Luzon, the Ilocanos displayed a more prominent clannish disposition compared to the Tagalogs, the Bicolanos, and the Kapampangans who appeared to have developed a certain degree of oneness in more ways than one.

As early years as 1924 the Caveteño migrants from Cavite in Luzon formed their social organization which was called the Buklod ng Cavite. The organization was established in order to help them intermingle among themselves during their free time time and also to help fellow Caviteños who came to Davao for the first time. After the day’s or week’s work, attending to their business of selling meat, fish, and vegetables in the market attending to their transportation business, they gathered in the residence of the transportation business, they gathered in th residence of the Angeleses in Claveria street (one of the three oldest street in Davao) to socialize. The residence was not along the main street but in the “looban” (interior) which served as the liason of all adventurous Caviteños who are the grandparents and parents and parents of the younger Caviteños now, imbued in their children the value of education and discipline. Parents sent their children to school for formal education. By 1926 up to the 1930s, according to surveys, there were already more or less 20,000 Caviteño residents in Davao.

The migrants from the Visayas also formed their social organizations, the purpose of which were also the same as those of the other migrant organizations. The Waray Waray Association was organized by the Leyteños and Samareños who speak the Waray dialect. Like the other migrants’ associations they met and had social affairs.

Masonic ideals and practices were introduced in the province of Davao during the early part of the American regime when Frank Carpenter, and American Mason, was Civil Governor and Celestino Chavez, a Filipino Mason, was Deputy Governor for Davao. It was in 1918 when a group of Masons met for the first time to discuss the idea of forming a Masonic Lodge in Davao. With proper dispensation from the Grand Lodge of the Philippine Lodge of the Philippine Islands, the Sarangani Lodge No. 50 was organized in 1919 in the town of Davao.

The members of the Masonic group (Sarangani Lodge No. 50) indulged themselves in charitable and humanitarian activities. The influence of Masonry in the Davao society became predominant and noticable. Their annual installation of officers had always been a significant social affair, attended not only by Masons but also by non-Masons with respect. They say Masons contributed much to the social and cultural development of Davao.

Another social activity of activity of great significance was the establishment of the Davao Mason’s Women’s Auxillary composed of wives of Davao Masons. This organization sponsored wholesome social gathering such as grand balls, picnics, excursions or birthday parties that promoted goodwill, unity and fellowship among Davao Masons and Non-Masons. Through this organization, the Davao Puericulture center and the Davao Women’s Club were organized to promote and advance the interest and welfare of mothers and babies.

Festivals were social affairs involving the community. The more popular festivals were religious in nature. The Catholics celebrated yearly the feast of St. Peter every 29th of June. When Fiesta time came people from the outskirts trooped to the town proper to hear Mass in the morning at San Pedro Church and stayed up to late in the afternoon for the procession in honor of the patron saint, St. Peter. Other religious festivals were held on New year, Christmas, and other holy days of obligation. The majority of the Filipino Christian migrants in Davao were Roman Catholics and only a few were Protestants. The foreign migrants also had their festivals. The Muslims also observed their religious obligations.

The organizer of the Protestant church in Davao, related to the United Church of Christ in the Philippines (UCCP), was Rev. Robert Black, the Evangelical Church, who was sent here in 1903 by the Board of Commissioners for Foreign Mission, now the United Church Board for World Ministries.

The Chinese migrated to Davao, earlier than the Japanese. They had already traded with the native tribes long before the Spaniards came to Davao. They first came as traders bringing with them goods in exchange for Davao Products. But later, when they found great opportunities for a better life and business, they settled here permanently at the turn of the 20th century–the early years of the American regime. These migrants from China intermingled with the other inhabitants of the town proper or cabacera.

The Chinese established their community in the capital town. They organized the Davao Chinese Educational Association with the aim of giving their group the opportunity to be educated. They also established and opened the Davao Chinese High School which was open to both rich and poor. Filipino children were also accepted as students.

By 1923, the Chinese in Davao increase to over a thousand in number, coming from the provinces of Fookien and a Kwangton (Canton), China in search of better opportunities and good life. On June 2, 1923, the Consul General of the Republic of China to the Philippines, Hon. Chao Kuo Shian, arrived in Davao for the first time on an observation tour. Upon seeing the big number of Chinese, school for the children. The proposal was welcomed by the populace. On June 6, a meeting of the Chinese residents was called by the Honorary Consul. During the meeting, the Chinese Educational Association was organized, with Mr. Chua Chin San elected as the First Board Chairman over a board membership of twelve persons. Later, both Mr. Te and Mr. Chua worked for the recruitment of funds and teachers and government approval for the school. On June 3, 1924, the school opened in a rented house on San Pedro Street, with two classrooms to thirty pupils. Because of the dire need for a school site to put up a school building, the Board approached Mr. Juan Lim Villa Abrille who immediately donated a one hectare lot in Sta. Ana Avanue which became the site of the Davao Chinese High School.

Davao is a cosmopolitan community where ethnic groups have preserve their languages and customs. The foreign and the Christian Filipino migrants in the town proper/cabecera maintained a social existence wholly different and distinct from that of the native indigenous tribes and Muslims. Many of the indigenous tribes encountered discrimination and suffered social disadvantages. The gap between the groups was caused by the differences in education, social background, wealth, and social standards. The native indigenous tribes lagged behind the Christian Filipinos and foreign migrants in matters of educational attainment. The Davao Muslims were in an intermediate position culturally between Christian Filipino migrants and the indigenous ethnic tribes.

As an immigrant society, Davao still attracted people from other parts of the Philippines and other lands until the later part of 1945. The people of Davao had proven that people of many different backgrounds could live together in peace and harmony.