Tag Archives: Muslim
A study on the political relations between the Muslim and Christians as perceived by the Barangay residents and Barangay officials in Barangay Sirawan, Toril District, Davao city
Development and Standardization of the Islamic Work Ethics Scale for Muslim Professionals in Davao Region
The Maranao and Nature
If a Maranao would be asked to give one word that would best describe Maranao identity, chances are that he would say Darangen. It means “song,” the classical epic of Maranao which relates in beautiful language their customs and traditions. It is a key to culture of the Maranao.
According to Dr. Mamitua Saber, sociologist, quintessential Maranao, the Maranao ancestors were hardy and adventurous, classified among the Malays who crossed the landbridges and came to the Philippines centuries ago. Conquering all human and natural adversaries, they came to settle in what is today the Lanao region endowed with rich natural resources. Here they built and nourished their indigenous civilization which they defended against all foreign invasions. Indeed, one had to be strong to remain in such a homeland so attractive to external invaders.
Reputed as brave warriors, the past and recent Maranao ancestors were either defenders or invaders during struggles often retold through oral traditions as well as through historical accounts of foreign writers. As sea voyagers, they were known in other parts of the Malay archipelago as the Ilanun, a name derived from ranao or lanao which means “lake” as they used to start their trips overland from Lake Lanao and cross the open sea from Illana Bay thence to distant lands.
Using an efficient seacraft called the padau (corrupted to parau or prau), they traversed the high seas for trade or raids. The efficiency of their boats (not as big as the Spanish galleon) is attested to by the fact that their extensive voyages were reaching the coasts of Luzon in the North as proven by the presence of Moro watchtowers in the Ilocos provinces, southeast to New Guinea and westward to Burma. The sailors were guided not by the compass but by the stars.
Today, in one of the districts of Sabah called Tampasuk, there is a sizeable community of Ilanun who maintain their ethnolinguistic and cultural traits akin to Maranao of Lake Lanao and the Iranon of the Moro Gulf. According to Dr. Saber, all three belong to one tribe, the Maranao, People of the Lake (Ma = people + Ranao = Lake).
The Maranao once constituted an independent nation from their immediate neighbors, as well as from the Spanish regime. Their gradual subjugation came only during the early inception of the American regime; but not without offering ferocious resistance to such foreign rule. They once claimed as ancestral or traditional property a wide territory over which the present-day provinces of the two Lanaos and a part of Misamis Oriental have been superimposed by the modem government. If the Darangen were the basis of their claim, it would include all of Mindanao and a part of the Visayas.
They considered this territory as the ancestral jurisdiction of the Pat a Pangampong or Four Principalities (states) of Lanao. These are: Bayabao, Masiu, Unayan, and Baloi. Each principality (pangampong) is subdivided into districts (soko), townships (inged) and smaller villages (agama). These four principalities are not rigidly tied together by a central authority, of which they have none. They are, however, connected by their common adherence to native laws, their blood and kinship ties, and, today, their consciousness of the universal brotherhood under Islam which was introduced in the 14th century. Any foreign invasion upon their land would cause a war of defense. Maranaos, already good fighters, become fierce in defense against external invaders, which they consider a natural right, basing their belief on the “example” of the ecological system where nature has provided some plants with thorns and poisons as their defensive armor against any aggressor : another plant, animal, or man.
The Maranao fought off the Spaniards and were nearly subdued had not the Americans come to assert their sovereignty and finally subdued them. They also fought off the Japanese, and, until now, some of them are still fighting the government as members of the MNLF, MILF, BMA, or the Lost Command, a euphemism for bandits.
Among the Muslim minorities, three great tribes shine out: The Taosug, the Maranao and the Maguindanao. Actually the last two are close and so the rivalry is between the Taosug and the Maranao. Because of their introduction to the American educational system they hold education in high esteem and today, there are more Maranaos holding high office in government : in the judiciary, and in Congress, or in the ARMM. One also finds Maranaos as peddlers in many parts of the Philippines, in particular in Manila, where they have their stores in Quiapo.
The Maranaos are sticklers to tradition so that change comes slowly. Added to the fact that they are living in a naturally enclosed region, they were faithful to their customs and traditions until the Americans came and opened the door to change. Today, the present-day Maranao is either highly westernized or easternized. Most of the religious leaders have studies in Arab universities and are being supported by whatever embassy sponsored their theological studies. Even if they have no supreme religious leader, they are united by the kind of Islam they practice. The majority of Maranaos are Shiite Muslims.
To give a good picture of the Maranaos, and how they relate to nature, I thought it best to base this study on the Darangen for here we encounter the traditional Maranaos. Thus it would be easy to see the difference in today’s modern Maranaos.
Judging by the words used and the descriptions found in the epic, Dr. Saber concurs with the findings of Dr. Frank Laubach, the American Protestant missionary who first translated a part of the epic, that it dates from the 10th century. It certainly antedates the arrival of Islam because the end of the story tells about how Bembaran was burned and the people petrified, having been cursed by the first Sharief who came because they rejected Islam
The epic is made up of several books belonging to one cycle. There are Darangens meant to be sung by men, Darangen a Mama and those for women singers, Darangen a Babay. The Darangen translated by the Folklore Division of the Mamitua Saber Research Center of the Mindanao State University is the second one. It is made up of 26 books published in 8 volumes. As of today, sbc volumes have been published through the sponsorship of the Toyota Foundation who provided a five-year-grant.
Geography and Genealogy
The setting of the epic is not just Lanao but all of Mindanao and the Visayas. The main characters, made up of five brothers and one sister, settled all over Mindanao, e.g. Iliyan, a Bembaran, is in the East, as its name implies, where the eldest brother, Diwata Ndaw Givon, settled. The Visayas is mentioned due to the so-called “Moro raids” where the king and his men went all around conquering territories because it was a question of who could capture which kingdom first. After Volume One had been published, a letter dated April 25, 1986, came all the way from Aklan, from Mr. Jose V. Macavinta, who informed us that his province has several towns carrying the names of some of the important characters of the epic, like Panay (from Paganay), Lawan, Achaeani Gibongon (Asalan i Gibonen – descendants of Gibon), Iliyan, Gibong, Odiongan (from Ka Adiongan), and Nalupa (the full name is Aya Diwata Mokom sa Kaddiyong a Lopa) – ancestor of the clan of Bembaran. Mr. Macavinta’s name itself is the name of the cousin of Bantogen, Madali, Macabengkas, and he thinks that Bembaran is Aklan. 1 think that Aklan is probably the place of the first wife of Gibon, Aya Paganay Bai of Minangoaw a Rogong, whom he met as he went sailing around looking for beautiful rich princesses to marry.
Other places in Mindanao pointed to are Agusan, the Rio Grande, Davao, Cotabato, and Jolo. Lanao is not mentioned but at the end, when the place was burned, only three people were saved because they were out hunting: the first was a prince, Batuanen Kalinan, a cousin of Bantogen and two of his men: Domalandelan Lena and Milidilid Pamaloy. Kalinan reached the Gamat River in Panalawan, now known 3S Bobong, Lanao del Sur, where he settled and became the ancestor of the royal house of Mala a Bayabao. Domalandelan Lena reached Cotabato but nothing is known about the third man.
Today, whenever I go to Balabagan and take the banca from Karomatan, I always look at the top of some mountains in Karomatan full of white stone figures of people, animals and houses. Even the big lamin (princess tower) of Minoyod is claimed to be there. These stone figures are found all over the place. In fact, it is said that one of the big stones near the Maria Cristina Falls is supposed to be the big magic boat of Bembaran, the Rinamentaw Mapalaw.
Cosmology
Heaven is called Daridayan a Langit, which literally means “flower or child of the sky.” The langit is a vast place called the Skyworld and has several regions. Immediately below it is Antar a Langit, which is just above the clouds. Next is the Aloyanan a Gabon, which is a movable place, being made up of clouds, where Walain sa Lekepam takes care that no one may enter except those allowed by the tonong. She is one of the five sisters in the Skyworld: Walain Katolosan, Walain sa Lekpan, Walain sa Poregan, Magaraay , Anonen, and Mataragandang Oray. There are also places between the earth and the sky. One is Oraonan a Lantoy, a garden of flowers and vegetables with a lamin for the princess and her ladies when they come to visit. Another is Magoyeda Selegen where the lamin of Walain sa Letingan (princess of the sky), the sole meeting place of Walain sa Letingan and Walain sa Doniya (princess of the earth) can be found. In the lamin are kept some of the royal heirlooms of Bembaran like the magic kampilan, etc.
The people who live in the Skyworld look like human beings; they can go up and down by using the rainbow. This rainbow is also used as a passageway of royalty, although it is more often the jinns, who live in the space between the sky and the earth, who use it. The jinn or genii (apparently of Arabian origin) are a sub- celestial category of creatures, created of fire and credited with superhuman powers. They punish men who do wrong either by bringing sickness or by beating them. Jinns cannot be seen but they see men. It is said that they eat the bones and skin of animals and like to eat the palay from the fields. They also sometimes marry human beings, hence some of the descendants of Gibon are half-jinns, having had jinns for fathers. These descendants have the privilege of going up and down the Skyworld, stay there for a while, and learn all the arts and skills of the tonong. This privilege IS granted to all those who have been bathed in the Dimalapang Dimasar, the river in the sky.
God is called Kadenan a Da Paeyag, literally, “Lord who has not been seen or felt,” uncreated, unseen, unrevealed, almighty, creator. The story of the creation is taken from the Makesod, the book of Beginnings, but I question its authenticity because of some Islamic beliefs inserted. God is presented as a lamp whose uniqueness is due to his wholeness. He decided to create because He was alone and as such no one would know about him. The first being was called Nur or light. For him, God first created Ho, a spirit or his soul, and taking his sacred sweat he joined it to Ho and made Nur. Then, on the great night of power (Islamic Lailatul Kadir), he created the angels, specifically Michael, Gabriel and apael. Nur died after seven days and his body perspired pro fusely. From the sweat on his head came the sky and all it contains. The sweat from his two feet brought about the earth and all It contains. The sweat from his five senses made him aware again and the resurrected Nur was told by God to go to the earth but he refused because it would mean separation from God. But God promised him that they would always be united, especially through prayers because God would always be present in his soul as his body would not be able to contain him. Nur then went down and lived on earth.
Tonongs are spirits created to serve, guard, and protect man. There are several kinds: 1) those who live in the waters are called diwatas; 2) each person has a twin spirit called inikadowa who guards his ward from danger and gives advice and instructions to him; 3) those who stay in the sky. Man, however, is free to obey his guardian or not.
The devils, saytan, are male and female who live by the sphere, or inhabit the balete tree. The balete tree is called nonok locally and is believed to be the favorite abode of the spirits, good or bad. According to the grandfather of H. Lawa Cali, our primary re source person, as soon as the balete tree, still small, has six leaves, it should be uprooted because when it has seven leaves, the spirits come to live in it. He also said that this tree was first identified by Radiya Indarapatra whose boat was stopped by something in the middle of the sea. Upon investigation, he found that the sudden stop was caused by a tree growing from under the sea. He then sent a diver to get some of its leaves which he brought along with him- in his journey until, upon reaching Constantinople, he found a tree whose leaves resembled the one growing in the sea. This was the balete or nonok tree, which is a killer tree, since it is parasitic and chokes the host plant or tree as it grows.
The devils are bad spirits sent to punish men or to tempt them, sometimes to play jokes on them. They are used to test a man’s character.
The earth and all in it have been made for man. As such, man is responsible for all creatures.
Animals are treated with respect as shown in the special relationships related in the epic. Even today, when an animal is slaughtered for food, its pardon is asked. A story told about Bantogen relates about his way of taming animals. He would fight them — lions, tigers, eagles — and as soon as he would see them weakening, he would stop fighting and give them a drink of water. Thus he would earn their gratitude and they would serve him always.
The nori, a species of the parrot family, has a tonong because this bird is kept as a pet of the royal family who sends her on errands and whose advice is asked when problems come. The nori appears in all the books of the Darangen.
The bolawan datomanong, or the golden two-headed lizard, is a treasure of the Skyworld, given as one of the posaka or heirlooms of Gibon. Its two heads are found, one at the usual place but the
other at the end, and its tail so that it moves only in circles, like the sagayan dance. Hence it is also called Somagayan a Oray. It can assume other shapes, such as that of a snake, a golden living doll
about a foot long. Whoever keeps this treasure will become rich because gold is attracted to it. It can also foretell the future. This treasure cannot be kept long on earth for its proper place is the Skyworld where it is kept by Magaraay Anonen. Whoever needs it may just call on her and she would come down to bring it. As soon as it is no longer needed, it just disappears. This is always part of the dowry asked of the Asalan i Gibonen to prove that they are really Gibonen.
The crocodile is described as mountain-high because it is really a tonong, a guardian of the kingdon of Bembaran, guardian spirit of Diwata Ndaw Gibon. When Gibon was born, he received two gifts: this crocodile called Pinatola i Kilid, in the form of a lizard and the magic boat, the Rinamentaw Mapalaw, given as a small boat. Both gifts grew as Gibon grew. The word Pinatola means “many colors” because of a varicolored belt worn around his body. This tonong assumes many shapes: on sea it appears as a crocodile; in the air it becomes a garuda or eagle; on land it becomes a giant. He is the chief of the guardians of Bembaran.
The two major kingdoms of the epic have each a guardian spirit who both appear as crocodiles. The crocodile of the other kingdom, Kadaraan sa Ndaw, is Masagolaing a Regatwhom Pinatola defeats when they fight.
The patola kaorayan means “belt which look like gold.” It is a magic belt embroidered by Magaraay Anonen and given to Gibon. Its wearer cannot be killed by a weapon and he can become invisible. The belt can fly by itself, can move in water and can multiply itself. When worn by any other person, it turns into a cobra and strangles him. When anyone in the family of Gibon needs this belt, he calls on Magaraay Anonen by turning to the left and makes his request soundlessly. A tonong is sent by Magaraay with the ongkop, a square brass container with four locks and its keys where the belt is kept, with the injunction to return the box and the keys after use.
Any abuse or disrespect shown to animals is severely punished. A legend of a mountain range in Lanao, which is called by modern Maranaos as the sleeping lady, a good example of folklore, tells that the people living in that place used to have lavish feast. Tiring of their long festivals, they decided to hold a banquet where all of them would come dressed as animals. As soon as they had all arrived, a big storm roiled the lake. There was rain, lighting and thunder and the waves rose to flood the whole place. After the storm, a huge mountain range was found in its place with all the people burried inside.
Respect is paid to plants, trees, mountains and nature in general. Some places are deemed sacred, like the Sacred Mountain of Marawi, a virgin forest there where folklore has succeeded in frightening men to keep them away and thus save the mountain from illegal loggers. The caves in the mountains are used by the tonongs to keep the weapons for war their respective royal families when not in use.
Plants are used for food and shelter. Some are used to identify rank and social status, e.g. the kilala plant, a beautiful ornamental plant with red-green leaves and bright pink ones on top is planted in from of a torongan, the royal palace, to identify the king.
One can plant crops anywhere because land, like air and water, is for all men as created by God. This is the crux of the problem of so-called land grabbing in Mindanao where there used to be no fences, no titles, for everything was communal. Anyone may plant anywhere and everyone may enjoy one’s harvest as long as it is for food, not commerce.
Nature is so bountiful because the soil is rich so that many a housewife can easily pick up tonight’s supper by the roadside since there is for all. A note of warning: No one may take a stray chicken; but if the chicken comes to your place, it is yours.
The resin or fragrant gum oozing from a trunk is deemed sacred and it is used as witness to a pact of treaty between two kings. The two swear allegiance to each other over a piece of rattan cut into two to signify what would happen to the one who would go against his friend. To mark the solemnity of the promise, it is sworn while the sacred resin is burning.
The rainbow, as mentioned earlier, is used by the tonongs as a bridge. When it appears, it means something bad will happen to royalty. When it is used as a metaphor to describe the face of a person, he is usually so angry that he is ready to kill anyone.
Water is a very powerful agent of the tonongs. The waters from the Dimapalang Dimasar, the river in the sky, give magic powers to all who bathe in them. These magic powers include the ability to fly on one’s shield; invisibility; the power never to be hit or wounded in battle; being blessed with a character that always demands respect; invulnerability to attack because of protection from the tonongs; the skill in speech and reason that cannot be challenged; the privilege to go up and down the Skyworld and stay
in the Antar a Langit by using the rainbow; the power to bring the dead back to life by sprinkling the face with water from this same river; and the power to change one’s appearance at will.
When the sea is calm and clear, it means everything is well and the clear water can be used to prophesy or foresee future events. When a spell is being intoned and an enchantment is coming. the waters are disturbed; waves are so high they reach the clouds and bring destruction. Another way of punishing is to flood the place by making the rivers run upstream or by changing the water into blood. When water changes color, it is being enchanted and anyone caught in it will remain there forever.
In all these trials/enchantments, all the characters in the Darangen ask the help of their personal/clan tonong. Prayers are always intoned before a big battle, a journey, an adventure and all throughout the incident, they pray. The relationship between tonongs, and man is very close. In fact, the proper place of the tonongs and man is very close. In fact, the proper place of the tonong is said to be the left shoulder of a person, near the left ear, to make it easy to whisper advice, technique, skill, etc. What happens then is a royal battle between tonongs.
However, tonongs may be rendered powerless by the character of the one praying. For example, in Book 3, the young boy, Madali, completely defeats the queen of Danalima a Rogong, a powerful enchantress who had succeeded in imprisoning all the datus of Bemberan, including the king, in huge stones on the shore of her kingdom. The king and his princes were defeated by this queen because thy were imprudent. But the queen, in turn, was defeated by a mere because, as the tonongs told her:
” O Walain sa Danangkap,
If you feel sad and tired of life,
Forget your anger and plans for
Revenge and put away bad thoughts.
Rather begin thinking of good
Things, make a new study, change your
Ways and be at peace with yourself,
For that is why you could never
Win in calling tonongs over
Prince Ladald a Madalil,
For you were ruthlesses in your ways,
You had no pity for others,
For Inayohan o Kampong
Of Iliyan a Bembaran.
Then, instead of negotiating,
You immediately imprisoned
Him, forgetting that all of us
Belong to the same family,
Yes, all of us, ourselves, indeed!”
Man, then, as the highest creature of the universe, is responsible for the earth. He is favored by tonongs, given an inikadowa i.e. special privileges, with special guardians for the family, the clan, the kingdom. On top of these privileges are duties and responsibilities and corresponding punishments. Man’s biggest punishment is to be exiled from his family and dearest relatives and made to wander in a foreign place; the biggest shame is the loss of honor or fame by being turned into stone. Thus is man punished by becoming that which he has abused.
Death is the end of all men. When a man dies, he is at once brought to Dadalian Karegan, the abode of death, where a dark river is found. Here he is examined by two judges: Nakir and Mongkar. He is then assigned to be punished in hell for all his wrong deeds. After the last judgement, he goes to heaven. In the meantime, his soul is kept by Inirandang a Baya in a beautiful bottle placed on the shelves in his house. As long as the soul is kept there, he can still be brought back to life. Otherwise he remains there until sentence is served and he goes to heaven. Only Kadenan Da Paeyag knows the time of death or where the soul will stay in the Skyworld. All his good works will be weighed agains his bad deed which will be the basis of the length of his stay in hell. Man thus is given this time on earth to do as much good as possible with the help of all the creatures God has made for him.
Today, what has man done to his environment? In Lanao, the mountains are bald, the lake heavily silted with all the good soil from the mountains running down into it, and the lake loses part of its waters yearly. Today, man is still punished in the same way by whatever it is he has abused. For cutting down trees, he is inundated with floods, the earth turns dry due to lack of rain, and what used to be described as enchantments are just natural calamities. However, in Lanao del Sur, the situation is not so bad because we still have some virgin forests. For the Maranao is understandably possessive of his natural resources, as witness the fight he put up to stop Agus 1 from being opened. His community spirit prevailed for the greater good of all.
With the entry of Islam, the Darangen has been forbidden, due to too much mention of spirit and superstitious beliefs. What a pity that this generation does not know the Darangen! They would have read about the special relations between man and nature and the respect owed to all creatures of God. They would have heard the beautiful stories of the great ancestors, not so much to bring back the pagan beliefs and practices but to remind them of their rich heritage : that once upon a time, they were men who cared for the creatures God had created for all their needs; that once they were very close to nature, exercising love and care for the beautiful world given to them; that they were a religious people, in the true meaning of the word, always relying on the help of the tonongs who Kadenan Da Paeyag had given to them and on whom they were always calling for help.
In fact, one priest has remarked that it was pity the the present religious leaders of Islam were committing the same mistakes as the early Christian missionaries who wiped away all that they thought were vestiges of pagan culture, including their songs and stories, thus destroying a rich culture instead of using the same as foundation to the building up of a truly dynamic Islamic faith it would have been based on what is truly their own.
This is one reason why we of the Folklore Division of the Mamitua Saber Research Center of the Mindanao State University have translated and published this great epic, because it is a beautiful way of looking back in order to reach our destination, gathering the jewels, the moral values, the fundamental characteristics that make up what is beautiful in a people. For what is literature but the rendering into language of what is held as true and precious by a people. Such is the Darangen.
Building the Lumah Mehe: A Moro Muslim Alternative to Seclusion and Integration
This is a sharing of my personal journey as Moro human rights defender and peace activist, and a reflection on the experiences of my organization as Muslim civil society, as well as that of our partner communities in our work in Zamboanga City and Basilan, Southern Philippines.
It’s neither the east nor the west
Islam is beyond the boundaries of culture, beyond because Islam is a way of life which inspiration permeates all religions and cultures. The universality of religious values and unity of religion is a recurring theme in the Qur’an. For one, it is a prerequisite for every Muslim to believe in all the prophets and the books of revelation.
It is in this context of the search for the universal message of Islam that I, as member of a minority ethnic and religious community is a predominantly Catholic state, have come to realize that it is neither in isolation and seclusion nor in superficial integrarion and mainstreaming that Islamic mission is accomplished.
The current social upheavals that have been convulsing the world have in many ways showed to us the ugly faces of globalization, westoxification, and its attending Islamophobia that rides on the bandwagon of world campaign against terrorism. Within the backdrop of the ongoing Moro Islamic Liberation Front-Government of the Republic of the Philippines (MNLF-GRP) 1996 peace agreement, and the aftermath of the events of 9/11, two streams of reactions among the Bangsamoro community emerged. Each reaction harnesses its own support from Muslim traditional leaders and political and religious intellectuals who have defined the Islamic flavoring for the Manila government, particularly in finding projects for peace and development in Mindanao and Sulu.
Isolation, seclusion, and superiority complex
On the one stream is the extreme tendency for isolation ism, seclusion, and persisting superiority complex among Bangsamoro Muslims.
Many Bangsamoro leaders and intellectuals have unfortunately(mistakenly) chosen culture, often that of the Middle East, over the universal ideals and values in Islam. With all due respect to my Muslim brothers and sisters, I take the risk of hurting a cultural sentiment —our famous Moro maratabba—and dare to criticize how often we have misused our identity as Muslims as an excuse for retaining old habits. Wecling to historical myths and refuse to reckon with the present realities of a multicultural and multi-faith Mindanao.
In the name of culture and religion, recalcitrant conservatism and orthodoxy have been preventing the ushering of genuine change by conveniently hiding the inadequacies of traditional systems of patriarchy and old ideologies, eventually perpetuating inequality and injustice in our very homes. The challenge to democracy and good governance last national elections is but one case in point. The world witnessed massive fraud in Philippine electoral politics under the blatant sponsorship of local leaders in the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM). Blind obedience in command voting is justified by misappropriating and wrongly attributing it to shura or consultation, and shamefully claiming it an Islamic obligation for literate leaders to rob the vote from illiterate followers. Outright cheating through vote-buying and hakot system is touted as exercise of democracy in Islam.
Mass ignorance of Islamic doctrine and the lack of knowledge of divine teachings even among progressive intellectuals have given full reign to ulamu and asatidz who arc vested the sole privilege of issuing opinions on contemporary political and social issues, which, more often than not, are characterized by deaf silence. Or, if ever any issuances are made, these are incoherent and confused mumblings.
A related issue to this is gender equality and reproductive rights where obscure and distorted Qur’anic texts and doubtful prophetic traditions have been carelessly quoted to disclaim that gender inequality exists in Moro society. Age-old a’dat or customary tradition persists because the voice of moral guidance is uncritical and silent. Meanwhile, women are routinely coerced to marry their abductors and rapists, or suffer in the hands of abusive husbands. Zeenah, otherwise known as crime of passion,is ambivalently defined. Having no adequate and proper legal assistance,women can be arbitrarily accused of tainting communal honor, providing enough reason for men to start a senseless war. Perpetually chained to their beds and kitchens, many Moro women, regardless of ethnicity or social status, continue to silently languish as they strive to be the ideal and submissive wives, daughters, and mothers. This culture of silence which draws approval by virtue of misappropriated Islamic wisdom has been a convenient excuse for denying women their rights in upholding their integrity as persons and in not entrusting them equal responsibility to lead and exercise reproductive roles in the family and society.
All these have continued because the Moro Muslims, on the veil of strangeness and given the mystery and sanctity shrouding its laws and culture, have the perfect excuse for impunity from scrutiny and criticism by rights’ groups or among the faithful who choose to use reason over blind submission to dogma and tradition. The same superiority complex has also persistently cast and excluded the non-Muslims as kafir.
Needless to emphasize, the challenge of the times is for us to come out from the shadow of this self-imposed seclusion and shed the false security in being of a different cultural mold.
Integration and mainstreaming Islam
On the other stream, we also have those who have succumbed to pacification and integration campaigns hook, line, and sinker. This strand comes from the Moro Muslim’s response to massive efforts toward Muslim integration in the peace and development projects in post-conflict Mindanao and Sulu, where most of the Official Development Assistance (ODA) and multi- and bilateral international donations go.Integration projects have taken the shape of mainstreaming the madrasa or including Islamic instruction in basic public education curriculum and in training teachers to teach Islam in the classrooms. It is also observed in the culture-sensitization of government programs by equally celebrating and promoting anything from the south that is Muslim,such as Muslim food, Muslim dances, and Muslim costumes, and in the legislative issuances for petty reforms such as public observance of Muslim holidays.
The more ambitious project of ushering in demobilized Moro combatants into national politics has proved to be a fiasco, exemplified by the incarceration of MNLF leader Prof. Nur Misuari and a number of MNLF ex-commanders now turned trapos. Though sounding magnanimous in name, these efforts have been lackluster, wanting in values and essence.
Time would not allow me to elaborate further than to say how the watered-down mainstreamed madrasa is faring in a national education system that is mired in its own crisis of quality and misdirected mission. The so-called Islamic values integration in the Revised Basic Education Curriculum (RBEC) are, at best, mere token of introductory Arabic grammar lessons, and in some cases, reducing lofty ideals of Islam to embarrassing antiquarian values. One clear fallout of this mainstreaming project has been the marginalization and the threatened obliteration of community-based religious education and home studies of Qur’an, where real value formation happens.
Yet another aspect of integration is in the power-sharing with Moro political aspirants and their participation in Philippine body politic. This prospered especially in turning Moro ideologues and mujahideens into politicians. As a result, we have dynastic monopolies entrenched in government positions where among the infamous cases in the island provinces in the ARMM have been husband-with-two-or-three-wives occupying choicest positions as congressman, governor, city mayor, and heads of strategic local government agencies.
In both streams of Moro Muslim responses, there seems to be a common denominator in demonstrating Islam as lame acts of external display of piety or as superficial cultural show of rituals and ceremonies. Worse, this Islam has become a mere dress code and stamps of clerical approval where to be Muslim or be Islamic is to be confirmed by the anointing powers of the ulama, the imams, the asatidz, or by just any male leader who identifies himself to be a Muslim.
Response from the Moro civil society
From where civil society stands in the periphery, these paradoxical streams of reactions put us at a crossroad. Our only choice as it appears now is to favor a stance allowing the voice of the grassroots to be heard. Without critically examining and reconstructing the local environment that breeds violence and injustice, the collaboration of Muslim religious leaders and intellectuals might have succeeded in accommodating a few into the Manila-centric government. However, such accommodation might fall into the trap of trivializing and diluting the mission in overhauling the system where the very roots of Dar-ul Kufur and human sufferings thrive.
On the other hand, the Bangsamoro nationalist cause has increasingly drifted towards elitism and isolation from the masses who come in and out of evacuation centers in hoards each time the Moro liberation fronts and the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) declare a resumption of war. The social and economic costs of a long and protracted war put the Moro liberation movement in danger of losing its mass base, as hunger and deprivation render multitudes of civilians into apathy and desperation. Its factionalism within has deeply cleaved a sense of otherness even among Bangsamoro majority and minority ethnic groups. In stubbornly straddling its high horse, the Moro liberation movement carelessly disregards the Lumad and Christian settler’s questions and stake in the homeland, what with its exclusively of the peace process and non-transparency of its political and economic agenda for the autonomous republic it wants to build.
Crisis in development framework
As part of the civil society, there are at least two significant experiences of the Lumah Ma Dilaut Center for Living Traditions that I could share. Lumah Ma Dilaut is an affiliate of the Asian Muslim Action Network in the Philippines (AMANPHIL), which is a local chapter of the Asia-wide umbrella where Dr. Chandra Muzzafar and Dr. Asghar Ali Engineer are the founding fathers.
Like any self-respecting organization, AMANPMIL and Lumah Ma Dilaut went through a period of discernment in the midst of a crisis of framework that came in the wake of the declaration of the all-out war in 2000 and the continuing militarization in most of the countrysides in Bangsamoro villages. Despite the supposed lull and post-conflict reconstruction scenario in the aftermath of the 1996 peace agreement, violence marked the communities we worked with. This dilemma was intensified by the 9/11 attacks on US cities in 2001 when Islamic extremism was at its re-surging peak.
The first realization which came out of this discernment was the need to shift gears: From focusing our work in supporting what we have come to perceive as narrow politics of Bangsamoro nationalism, to continuing and reaffirming our rights-based approach to development and advocacy for peace based on social justice and equity. The Bangsamoro nationalist project has no doubt been an important ground for the intellectual and political maturation of the Moro activists, yet it is disappointing to see that its ideology and claimed aqueedah or faith-inspiration have yet to be translated into action on the ground.
The second realization was not only the need to emphasize secular approaches to our activism but also to broaden our perspectives and to ground our work in deep knowledge of Islam. First and foremost was the need to actualize our being Muslims working for human rights and building lasting peace based on social justice and equitability as mission towards humanity. In the process, we experienced a painful period of ideological and spiritual self-examination and, hopefully, renewal. Some of us stuck to the old mission of da’wah in the purely the line of the Moro nationalist political agenda. A few of us who were caught in between hung in limbo to see through the birthing of a humble and oft-sidelined program on women and children in vulnerable minority ethnic Moro communities. This rebirth became the Lumah Ma Dilaut Center for Living Traditions.
The creation of Lumah Ma Dilaut necessitated the dramatic transition of our educational work which, in AMANPHIL Culture of Peace (COP) Manual (2001), we described as applying the jihadic paradigm in a da’wah jama-a, with the unspoken mission of inviting non-Muslims to turn to Islam. AMANPHIL committed itself to human rights and development work using the Islamic perspective. The COP module it developed in 2001explored the concrete applications of Islamic precepts in development work and initially siiaped and defined its methods of work based on the principle of social change in the jihadic paradigm. Its vision of peaceful co-existence and process of social reconstruction is anchored in the concept of Tawheed or unity and holism.
From Qalam to KAALAM
In more concrete terms, the reform included shifting from QALAM to KAALAM. QALAM (i.e., inspired by a Qur’an verse The Pen) stands for Qur’an based Alternative Learning and Social Action module that AMANPHIL implemented in Jolo as a pilot study of integrating Islamic values into mainstream public secondary schools by trign to model a pesantren-type education and volunteerism project. KAALAM, acronym for Katutubong Alyansang Lumad-Moro para sa Angkop at Mapagpalayang Edukasyon, is translated as Lumad-Moro indigenous alliance for appropriate and liberating education. Lumah Ma Dilaut does not describe its work to be jihadic and the da’wah in promoting indigenous knowledge systems and practices and in modeling appropriate and empowering program for reviving the spiritual and cultural energies of the Sama ethnic communities. It is nonetheless a self-fulfillment for its mostly Muslim staff as their own personal jihad and a way of da’wah. We take pride in our home-made curriculum for the three iskul-iskul ma Lumah ma dilaut that we are nurture in small Sama Dilaut villages in Zamboanga City and Basilan. At iskul-iskul, we teach the values of pag-omboh or ancestral reverence, a form of animistic practice by the indigenous Sama Dilaut; we also imbue the learners with the appreciation and valuing of extent cultural traditions of the rural Muslim communities, for example the Taitih or Nisfu’Shaban (or remembrance of the dead) and the Rabbana tradition during Isra wal mi’raj. Side by side with teaching the basic Islamic pillars of faith, we tell stories of the Prophet Jesus’ nativity as narrated in Surah Maryan in the Qur’an. More than being religious these traditions and practices have been perfect opportunities for reinvigorating the spirit and binding the force for forging communal harmony.
Implications and challenges in community development work and peace advocacy
In a nutshell, these two strategic moves have great implications in our community work and peace and rights advocacy. First, the Lumah Ma Dilaut refuses to blindly submit to integration or mainstreaming into the national systems without first ensuring a systemic recognition, empowerment, and institutionalization of traditional systems of governance and justice, and in ensuring a place for the perpetuation of our indigenous knowledge systems and practices where values and spirituality that our faiths teach are embedded.
Second, it is suspicious of isolationist and elitist-sectarian moves . by nationalists, especially of agenda that pit oppressed communities against each other, pitch issues of Muslim-Christian conflict, or endorse Bangsamoro nationalist unilateral interests without due respect for the Lumad and other inhabitants in still much contested Moro territories or ancestral domains.
Third, we realize the need to give voice to the most marginalized, excluded, and vulnerable Moro communities. So we chose to work with the Sama Dilaut or Bajau. The Sama Dilaut, considered a Moro people only because of their traditionally plying the Sulu seas, is an interesting case. Narratives from the remnants of this passing traditional society portray a nostalgic story of their transition from sea-nomadism to urban mendicancy. The Philippine Bajaus are largely practicing an indigenous religion. Although a growing number are Islamized, most are only nominally Muslims mired in massive poverty and illiteracy. By and large, they are not considered a political threat by the national government on account of their non-integration into the Moro nationalist movement and their non-inclusion in traditional politico-social structure such as the sultanate or data systems. As such, they stake the least in power and prestige in current politics. Remaining as fluid, free-spirited communities, they are free citizens of the Malaysia-Philippine-Indonesia-Brunei Darussalam sea basin.
To us, the unique position of the Sama Dilaut could be the ultimate test of the limits of our political and economic tools for empowerment, challenging our sociocultural, even religious and spiritual, constructs of human development and human rights. At the psychological and moral level, it measures the sincerity of our intentions and the degree of tolerance that we put to volunteerism. In sum, it challenges the appropriateness of our framework for development and grassroots empowerment and in establishing social justice.
In closing, I would like to reiterate that empowerment does not lie in the seclusion and isolation of Islam in a political or nationalist cause, nor in integrating or mainstreaming Islam to the mold of a particular culture. It is erroneous and presumptuous even to say that as Muslim civil society, our project is to evolve an alternative Islamic ideology or Islamic culture as Islam cannot be reduced to a particular theory or cultural face. Our mission is to rediscover the universal message in Islam as the common thread, a unifying force, for all religions and cultures of the world to be comfortable and accepted. Our humble mission is to build a Lumah Niche, a big home that brings together every culture and religion into one big family of the Islamic way of life.
The Social Scene in Davao 1900-1945
The years 1900-1956 saw the coming to Davao of more and more foreign migrants, from far away lands, and domestic migrants, from other parts of the Philippine Archipelago, seeking wealth, freedom, and a better life. The population of Davao increased with the influx of these migrants. such a situation made Davao a society of immigrants, who dared explore new frontiers.
By the time the Americans came to Davao as a new colonial power at the turn of the 19th century, Davao was already peopled by the indigenous ethnic tribes found in the interior of hinterland; by the Muslim settlers, found along the the coasts; and by Christian Filipinos (the descendants of Davao’s first Filipino Christian settlers of 1818 and the Christian Filipino migrants from Luzon and the Visayas, who migrated to Davao to escape political persecutions in their provinces), army deserters, a few fugitives, and the foreign migrants (Chinese, Indonesians, Hindus, Bombays, Syrians, Lebanese) who inhabited the cabacera or town proper.
Davao is a province of many ethnic tribes. Ethnic division among the local population in the community arose as a matter of historical development. The different ethnic tribes had already formed their own communities. Each tribe is different from the other tribes. There was cultural interaction among tribal communities. Their activities were determined by the social practices within their communities. They retained their own languages and their traditional way of life.
The indigenous ethnic tribes are the Atas, Bagobos, Guiangans, Tagakaolos, Bilaan, Manobos, Mandayas, Mansakas and other who live in the interior or hinterland.
The Muslim inhabitants of Davao came from Maguindanao, Cotabato and other parts of Mindanao and Sulu. The Davao Muslims were observed to have the same customs as the other ethnic tribes except that they abstain from eating pork. they were not feared, because of their isolation and their small number. They inhabited the coast of navigable rivers because their homes were small boots. Davao Muslims were nomadic and scattered themselves along both sides of the river and did not form villages, unlike the other ethnic tribes. Their occupations were fishing and trading. Among the Muslims, the effects of public and private education were slowly felt. Although these Muslims regard the Southern Islands as their ancestral homeland, they are now minority in the area because of Christian migration, wherein they somehow suffered systematic social disadvantage.
Both the indigenous ethnic tribes and the Davao Muslims are now exposed to Western culture. Most of the indigenous tribes now dress like other Christian Filipinos and only wear their elaborate traditional clothing during rare occasions like fiestas. But the Davao Muslims, like those in other parts of Mindanao, remained faithful to their Islamic religion and native traditions, as well as to their native costume, the malong. They are no longer polygamus and slaveholders. There are no more juramentados among them. Even in their language, the indigenous tribes and the Muslims are now conversant in Tagalog, Visayan and English.
To promote community life among the nomadic indigenous tribes and the Muslims and to break their migratory habits, the newly arrived Americans, who were able to settle and acquire undeveloped lands, encouraged these tries to settle in fixed communities. Those who were in the highlands were transferred to the coasts and provided labor to the newly opened plantations of the Americans. But the natives, especially the Bagobos, did not like living in the plantations. The Chinese were far more numerous than the Americans and other migrants.
Established Communities and their Social Organizations
It is said that people are the greatest assets of a community. Without them there can be no society and without society no community can exist.
The early American community in Davao was composed of former soldiers-turned-settlers/planters, school teachers, Protestant missionaries, engineers who built bridges and roads, government officials and their families. They look active part in the different social activities in the community.
The socio-cultural influences of the American were the democratic way of life, public education and the Protestant Religion. In 1903, Rev. and Mrs. Robert Black were sent by their home church in the United States to Davao upon the request of the pioneer American planters and congregational missionaries in the primitive and pestilential Davao Gulf area.
More and more pioneer settlers acquired undeveloped lands. They developed the land into plantations that started the plantation economy in Davao. most of these plantations that started the plantations economy in Davao. Most of these plantations were located around the Davao Gulf area.
The Americans settled in their coastal plantations. The wives of some planters described life in the frontier community as joyful, despite hardships and deprivations. Every so often, they would board launches, which plied the Davao Gulf to make business with the native inhabitants in the interior. They bought abaca and sold things that they had.
Clubs were organized in the community to keep alive a vital and invigorating community spirit. In the town proper or cabecera, an American Club was organized where, on weekends, it served as the gathering place for lonely planters and their families coming from the coast plantations. The club became the center of social activities and a place for Americans to relax and share experiences with one another. People in the poblacion lived simply, with no hotels and no recreation centers, except one cinema house, owned by Jerry Roscom, an American Settler.
The town proper had for its inhabitants mostly the Visayan Christians, who were recruited by the American and Filipino migrant planters from the Visayas to work on their newly-opened plantations and the third generation descendants of the first Christian settlers of 1848. The other inhabitants were the foreign migrants like the Chinese, Hindus, Bombays, Syrians, a few Americans,and some Japanese.
American Cultural policies were heavily concentrated on public education. Public Schools were established and opened on both on the elementary and secondary levels in the town proper and outskirts . In the beginning, school officials and teachers were Americans, but later, the Filipinos took over after they were trained to teach. But most of the indigenous ethnic tribes resisted education. School officials and teachers exerted efforts to reach them for the education of their children. Extension classes were opened in the mirror to reach the most isolated tribes.
During the period, there was only one public elementary school and one public secondary school, the Davao High School, in the poblacion proper. Both schools were first located at Magallanes Street. The only elementary school in the poblacion proper, the Davao Central School, was opened in the early 1920. In the outskirts, the first school was put up to Daliao, being the center of development in 1918. When the Sta. Ana area in the poblacion was developed, another elementary school was established which was the Sta. Ana Elementary School.
The first private schools at the time were: the Immaculate Conception Institute (now University) for girls, founded by the RVM Sisters: St. Peter’s school for boys (first handled by the Jesuits and later by the P.M.E priests); and the Davao Institute which was established by Mr. Godofredo Duremedes. Now at Claveria Street in the vicinity of the Awad building.
The Immaculate Conception College was a Catholic school originally established for girls. It was managed by the Religious of the Virgin Mary (RVM), a congeregation founded by a Filipina, Mother Ignacia del Espiritu Santo. The ICC was founded by three pioneering RVM Sisters in 1905. These sisters laid the foundation for a Mission School here in Mindanao. A year after they arrived, a formal school, St. Peter’s Parochial School, was opened.
As the Population grew, more schools were opened. Fresh high school graduates were hired to teach elementary school pupils because of the shortage of teachers. The school’s Division Superintendent then, Mr. John Stumbo, even recruited fresh graduates of the Zamboanga Normal High School, Class 1937, to teach in Davao.
During the period of the 1920’s the Japanese community grew and developed in Davao. Ohta Kyosaburu became one the leaders of the Japanese community. It was also during this period that the Japanese colony in Davao continued to prosper. A self-contained community had developed. There was the Japanese School, built on one of the main streets (present site of the University of Mindanao along Bolton St.); clinics and hospitals (like the Mintal Hospital), staffed by Japanese doctors and Nurses, were opened; newspapers came direct from Japan; Japanese shops and banks were opened and Japanese-style houses were built and also Japanese entertainment parlors were opened. In March 1920, an annex of the Manila Consulate of Japan was opened in Davao and housed in the site where the present University of Mindanao Gymnasium is located.
The Japanese community was well-organized and self-contained. the Japanese settlers were observed by other inhabitants as industrious, cooperative, thrifty, and obedient to laws. The Japanese community established the Japanese Davao Association, which served as the center of their activities. The association coordinated the social interests of the Japanese settlers. It was organized to assure better living conditions for the members and their families. It also provided financial and medical assistance to those in need of help and extended educational benefits to the member’s children. Primary and secondary schools were built and maintained by the Japanese Davao Association in the town proper and on the outskirts, patterned after the prevailing system in Japan, with Nipongo as the medium of instruction.
Michael E. Dakudao, a Doctor of Architecture by profession (he finished his Masteral and Doctoral degree in Architecture at Tokyo University in Japan), had this to say about the Japanese in Davao…;
While in Davao, the Japanese adhered to the whole fabric of Japanese customs and traditions and they introduced dominant institutions towards maintaining a high consciousness of the Japanese way of life. The Nippon Jin Kai (Japanese Association), which functioned as the governing body of the Japanese nationals, was founded on May 1, 1916. The first Japanese Consulate building was constructed in 1920. By 1936, a total of 12 Japanese Primary Schools were established. Regarding the Japanese religion, shrines and several temples were built on the areas where the Japanese Settled. The first modern hospital in Davao, the Ohta Development Company Hospital in Mintal, was built by the Japanese.
Mintal was known then as “little Nagasaki” because there were more Japanese residents there than Filipinos. Japanese schools were opened where only Japanese children were enrolled. The Mintal Hospital was opened, with Japanese doctors and Japanese nurse employed. Only a few Filipino doctors were hired, like Dr. Santiago P. Dakudao, Sr. and Dr. Juan Santos Cuyugan, to name a few.
The Japanese community also constructed and maintained private roads which were also opened to the public without charge. The number of Japanese residents in Davao, ad recorded in 1937, totaled 15, 150.
There was communal exclusiveness among the Japanese settlers that prevented their integration into the mainstream of Davao society. Only a few married native women.
During the late 1920s and the middle of the 1930s, the town population was small. The Dabawenyos then active in social life were the third generations descendants of Davao’s first Filipino Christrian settlers of 1848, who came with Oyanguren in the latter’s “conquest”of Davao. These Dabawenyos, aware of the social role they had to play, put up organizations to embrace the natives of Davao, as well as the migrants who decided to make Davao their home. They organized the “Hijos de Mindanao“, which was later changed to “Hijos de Mindanao y Sulu“, to include the Sulu Muslims in Davao under the Leadership of Davao Kanapia with whom the “Hijos developed a strong brotherhood. These Dabawenyos had their annual affairs, usually held as picnics. These affairs were sort of a big family gatherings of Dabawenyos, attended by families and their children, including household helps and friends. They sang Dabaw folk songs under the talisay trees and coconut groves by the beach (as recalled by Noning Lizada, a Dabawenyo historian, in a write-up). the young Dabawenyos studying in Manila organized the “Davao Club”. Whenever the Governor of Davao, Sebastian Generoso, was in Manila he made visits to the Davao Club members.
In the 1930s and early 1940s, as groups of adventurous Filipinos from Luzon, Visayas and other parts of Mindanao came to Davao, after hearing of the good fortune Davao offered, the teen-aged children of the “Hijos de Mindanao y Sulu” formed the “Tayo-Tayo” Club in the town and took as members other children of their ages, regardless of regional origins. This club because the social group of the young and was regarded as the youth club of the time.
In the late 1940s (1945-1946), when World War II ended, the Dabawenyos who pursued their studies in Manila thought of organizing themselves and formed the Club Dabawenyo. Yearly, the members of the club celebrated in Manila the June 29 feast of St. Peter.
The late Atty. Manuel G. Cabaguio, a prominent Dabawenyo, who enroleld in the year 1915 at the San Pedro convent PARVOLITO class, has this to say about the San Pedro Parish, said to be the biggest parish then in Mindanao:
The San Pedro Parish included the present area of the City of Davao, Davao del Sur, the sea coast portion of Davao Oriented of what is now Lupon and Governor Generoso and of Davao del Norte up to the boundary of Agusan. And this parish was served by two and at times, by three priests and two brothers, whose duties were to take care of the church and the convent.
Every year one priest, usually it was the associate priest, went out to evangelized the natives. These visits usually lasted for ten days because of the inadequacy of the transportation. There were no vehicles and the roads were only trails through forest and ravines.
During fiestas, the priest said masses and baptized natives even without the benefit of religious instruction as required now. In the baptism it was the practice to use the surnames of the padrinos who were selected from the prominent people of the community. The trips of the priest to the coastal towns and the hinterlands were dangerous and tiresome. Of course food preparation was excellent and delicious but the priest and his inseparable sacristan had to sleep on bamboo floors. Marriages and baptisms were mostly free unless the padrino happened to be very influential in the community.
The town plaza in the cabecera called the Plaza Oyanguren, now known as Osmeña Park, was a part of the church property until the year 1917 when the first Civil Governor, the late Eulalio Causing from Cebu, requested Fr. Rebull to relinquish church claims on the said portion.
The random recollection of many events during the early Davao days narrated by old-time migrants helps one learn about Davao’s past. One such old-time migrant is Elena Iñigo, known as Aling Nena to the Dabawenyos and the mother of the present Dean of the College of Law of the Ateneo de Davao University. Atty. Hildegardo Iñigo. Aling Nena comes from a Tagalog family that migrated to Davao in the year 1905. She recalls that during the early 1900s there was peace everywhere in Davao. One could sleep soundly at night. People all over Davao seemingly knew one another. She talked of migrants from Luzon who permanently established residence hereabouts. She not only talked of people but also of activities like the arrival of ships from Manila once a month that gave Dabawenyos happiness.
The Cebuanos, Tagalogs, Boholanos, Ilocanos, and other domestic migrants put up their own social organizations. To quote former Judge Pedro C. Quitain, a Batangueño and a Davao old timer, in a written interview he stated that…
On or before 1927 life in Davao was rather dry in that there was not much social intermingling among the people. This could have been due to the diversity of the social outlook among people who come from various sectors of the country. The Visayans obviously socialized among themselves — the Cebuanos, Boholanos, Capizeños, Ilocanos and Antiqueños did the same. They kept themselves in a rather clannish way. Among those from Luzon, the Ilocanos displayed a more prominent clannish disposition compared to the Tagalogs, the Bicolanos, and the Kapampangans who appeared to have developed a certain degree of oneness in more ways than one.
As early years as 1924 the Caveteño migrants from Cavite in Luzon formed their social organization which was called the Buklod ng Cavite. The organization was established in order to help them intermingle among themselves during their free time time and also to help fellow Caviteños who came to Davao for the first time. After the day’s or week’s work, attending to their business of selling meat, fish, and vegetables in the market attending to their transportation business, they gathered in the residence of the transportation business, they gathered in th residence of the Angeleses in Claveria street (one of the three oldest street in Davao) to socialize. The residence was not along the main street but in the “looban” (interior) which served as the liason of all adventurous Caviteños who are the grandparents and parents and parents of the younger Caviteños now, imbued in their children the value of education and discipline. Parents sent their children to school for formal education. By 1926 up to the 1930s, according to surveys, there were already more or less 20,000 Caviteño residents in Davao.
The migrants from the Visayas also formed their social organizations, the purpose of which were also the same as those of the other migrant organizations. The Waray Waray Association was organized by the Leyteños and Samareños who speak the Waray dialect. Like the other migrants’ associations they met and had social affairs.
Masonic ideals and practices were introduced in the province of Davao during the early part of the American regime when Frank Carpenter, and American Mason, was Civil Governor and Celestino Chavez, a Filipino Mason, was Deputy Governor for Davao. It was in 1918 when a group of Masons met for the first time to discuss the idea of forming a Masonic Lodge in Davao. With proper dispensation from the Grand Lodge of the Philippine Lodge of the Philippine Islands, the Sarangani Lodge No. 50 was organized in 1919 in the town of Davao.
The members of the Masonic group (Sarangani Lodge No. 50) indulged themselves in charitable and humanitarian activities. The influence of Masonry in the Davao society became predominant and noticable. Their annual installation of officers had always been a significant social affair, attended not only by Masons but also by non-Masons with respect. They say Masons contributed much to the social and cultural development of Davao.
Another social activity of activity of great significance was the establishment of the Davao Mason’s Women’s Auxillary composed of wives of Davao Masons. This organization sponsored wholesome social gathering such as grand balls, picnics, excursions or birthday parties that promoted goodwill, unity and fellowship among Davao Masons and Non-Masons. Through this organization, the Davao Puericulture center and the Davao Women’s Club were organized to promote and advance the interest and welfare of mothers and babies.
Festivals were social affairs involving the community. The more popular festivals were religious in nature. The Catholics celebrated yearly the feast of St. Peter every 29th of June. When Fiesta time came people from the outskirts trooped to the town proper to hear Mass in the morning at San Pedro Church and stayed up to late in the afternoon for the procession in honor of the patron saint, St. Peter. Other religious festivals were held on New year, Christmas, and other holy days of obligation. The majority of the Filipino Christian migrants in Davao were Roman Catholics and only a few were Protestants. The foreign migrants also had their festivals. The Muslims also observed their religious obligations.
The organizer of the Protestant church in Davao, related to the United Church of Christ in the Philippines (UCCP), was Rev. Robert Black, the Evangelical Church, who was sent here in 1903 by the Board of Commissioners for Foreign Mission, now the United Church Board for World Ministries.
The Chinese migrated to Davao, earlier than the Japanese. They had already traded with the native tribes long before the Spaniards came to Davao. They first came as traders bringing with them goods in exchange for Davao Products. But later, when they found great opportunities for a better life and business, they settled here permanently at the turn of the 20th century–the early years of the American regime. These migrants from China intermingled with the other inhabitants of the town proper or cabacera.
The Chinese established their community in the capital town. They organized the Davao Chinese Educational Association with the aim of giving their group the opportunity to be educated. They also established and opened the Davao Chinese High School which was open to both rich and poor. Filipino children were also accepted as students.
By 1923, the Chinese in Davao increase to over a thousand in number, coming from the provinces of Fookien and a Kwangton (Canton), China in search of better opportunities and good life. On June 2, 1923, the Consul General of the Republic of China to the Philippines, Hon. Chao Kuo Shian, arrived in Davao for the first time on an observation tour. Upon seeing the big number of Chinese, school for the children. The proposal was welcomed by the populace. On June 6, a meeting of the Chinese residents was called by the Honorary Consul. During the meeting, the Chinese Educational Association was organized, with Mr. Chua Chin San elected as the First Board Chairman over a board membership of twelve persons. Later, both Mr. Te and Mr. Chua worked for the recruitment of funds and teachers and government approval for the school. On June 3, 1924, the school opened in a rented house on San Pedro Street, with two classrooms to thirty pupils. Because of the dire need for a school site to put up a school building, the Board approached Mr. Juan Lim Villa Abrille who immediately donated a one hectare lot in Sta. Ana Avanue which became the site of the Davao Chinese High School.
Davao is a cosmopolitan community where ethnic groups have preserve their languages and customs. The foreign and the Christian Filipino migrants in the town proper/cabecera maintained a social existence wholly different and distinct from that of the native indigenous tribes and Muslims. Many of the indigenous tribes encountered discrimination and suffered social disadvantages. The gap between the groups was caused by the differences in education, social background, wealth, and social standards. The native indigenous tribes lagged behind the Christian Filipinos and foreign migrants in matters of educational attainment. The Davao Muslims were in an intermediate position culturally between Christian Filipino migrants and the indigenous ethnic tribes.
As an immigrant society, Davao still attracted people from other parts of the Philippines and other lands until the later part of 1945. The people of Davao had proven that people of many different backgrounds could live together in peace and harmony.