Tag Archives: profile
Profile of the elderly in Davao City
Readership profile of Philippine Daily Inquirer among selected communication arts students of Ateneo de Davao University
Previous Profile of the Employed and Unemployed Household Members of Selected Areas in Davao City
Profile of Street Children in Davao City
The street children phenomenon has been considered as one of the effects of economic distress in the Philippines. The increase in oil prices in 1979 and the 1980-1982 worldwide recession has exacerbated the poverty situation in the Philippines. In 1986, 70 to 80 percent of the country’s population of 54 million was considered poor. In the cities, eleven million urban dwellers were living below the poverty line. It has been observed that as an effect of economic and social crises in the eighties, an increasing number of street children adopted the streets, markets and other public places as their regular abode and source of livelihood. In the late 1980’s street children were estimated to be between one to three percent of the cities’ young population. In Metro Manila, 50,000 to 75,000 children were found in the streets. In Davao and Iloilo, the number was established to be between 2,000 to 3,000 children.
In the early eighties, street children were perceived to be anti-social. They were associated with juvenile delinquency, pick pocketing , begging and sniffing solvent. Many were subjected to old punitive measures like arrest and harrasments to prevent them from staying in the streets. However, in the mid-1980’s changes in the management of street children influenced Philippine policies and programs on street children. More humane and workable responses to the street children problem have evolved. In 1985, the UNICEF, in coordination with the Department of Social Welfare (DSWD), the National Economic Development Authority (NEDA), and the National Council of Social Development Foundation of the Philippines (CWAFPI) came up with an integrated program for street children. They established “The Joint Project for Street Children”. Priority cities and towns were identified and working committees were formed. Davao City was one of the priority cities identified.
At present, non-government and government organizations have undertaken activities and programs for the benefit of the street children in Davao City. These have been based on the past surveys and the experiences of implementors. The last survey was done in 1986 as part of a ten-city program set up by the DSWD-NCSD-UNICEF “Joint Project on Street Children”.
The seeming increase in the number of street children requires an update on their situation. This study hopes to provide current information on the nature of the activities, spatial movement, typology, aspirations and motivation of street children in Davao City. The data gathered will give attention and direction to the activities and programs that concern them. Hence, this study will provide bases for planning and implementation of activities, and monitoring and evaluation of programs. At the same time, this study can give rise to further studies that may be necessary.
Objectives
1. To determine the background and characteristics of street children in Davao City.
2. To find out their aspirations and motivations for staying in the streets.
3. To establish a typology of street children in Davao City.
4. To find out their spatial movement at different times of the year.
5. To determine their awareness, perceptions and experiences with programs and projects on street children in Davao City.
Methodology
Research Method Used. The study is descriptive, using the survey method. An interview schedule served as instrument of this study. It covered all areas where the street children converged in Davao City: main streets (San Pedro, Recto and Magsaysay), markets (Bankerohan and Agdao), and other busy public places which include the Sasa airport, bus terminals (Maa and Matina), service stations (Matina Crossing and Agdao), and Sasa wharf.
Unit of Analysis. Children of and on the street aging 18 years and below were the subjects of the study. Children on the street consist of working children who is still have a family connection of a more or less regular nature.. Children of the street consists of children who see the street as their house and it is there that they seek shelter, food and a sense of family with companions.
Sampling Procedure. The following procedures were followed in this study:
1. The sample size of 400 was determined using the formula:
[refer to the pdf file page 2]
2. A listing of street children was conducted in all the areas of convergence in Davao city for almost one month by volunteer workers and street educators. Their familiarity with the street children was helpful in identifying them. The lists were validated by the street educators of the Inter-agency Working Committee for Urban Street Children. Duplication was also checked.
The assessment of the street educators showed that the proportion of street children by area of convergence was not realistic. Thus, in the absence of a realistic list, a percentage estimate of the number of street children by the areas of convergence was utilized to determine the distribution of samples. For example the sample size of San Pedro is equal to 22 percent of 168.
3. Individual respondents were drawn randomly using the lists of street children. The master list was useful in locating the respondents.
Instrumentation. The final interview schedule was formulated using the interview schedules of the past surveys on street children, suggestions given by the street educators and other related literature on street children. Pretesting was conducted to determine the reliability of the instrument. Validity was also confirmed by conducting a focus group discussion with the street children.
The interview schedule included the following variables
I. Background Characteristics
a. socio-demographic
b. Economic activities
c. Family background
d. Health and Nutrition
e. Peer relations
f. Gang membership
g. Arrest and detention
II. Typology of Street Children
III. Spatial Movement
IV. Values and Aspirations
V. Awareness of Institutions for Street Children
Data Gathering. Five field interviews and five street educators were given orientation on the interview schedule. The street educators were requested to assist the interviewers in locating the respondents and in establishing rapport with them. They also helped in the conduct of the interview.
Interviews were undertaken in the daytime and nighttime to enable the interviewers to catch the children in the streets. Some of the children who did not show up within their areas of convergence were interviewed in their houses. Street volunteers helped in locating the houses of the street children.
Some of the difficulties were:
1. Some street children in the list could not be found in the street. Some of them became street children only during summer but were in school during school days.
2. The lists were not complete, since some street children were not in the lists.
3. Interviews was difficult among children engaged in vending.
4. Some mothers interfered in the interview process. Some of them were suspicious of the interviewers. Trust was a very important factor in the interview. The street educators helped in convincing the mothers to submit their children for interview.
5. Some street children went to two areas of convergence. Difficulty of classifying them according was one of the limitations of the study.
Spotchecking was done by the research team in all the areas sampled.
Data Analysis. Simple central tendencies and percentages were used to analyze the data.
Data Analysis and Interpretation
Sex. Males generally outnumbered females. Out of the 400 respondents, males constitute 76 percent while females, 24 percent. This yields a sex ration of 3.16 males for every female.
Age. The ages of the respondents ranged from 5 to 18 years old, with those in the 13-14 age category comprising the modal class of 31.5 percent. Mean age was computed at 12.57 years.
Grade Level of Respondents. Respondents were asked whether they were currently studying or not. The majority (324 or 81%) were in school while 76 (19%) were out-of-school. Among those who were currently studying, 35.5 percent were in high school, 34 percent were still in the grade 1-4 level, 29.3 percent were in the grade 5-6 level. Interestingly, four of these street children claimed to be college students. Among the school drop-outs, those in the intermediate course (grade 5-6 level) reported the highest rate (35.5%) followed by those in grade 1-4 (31.6 %). At least two street children reported not having received any education at all, while eight others gave non-responses.
Reasons For Dropping Out School. For those respondents who were not studying, the major reasons for dropping out were economic in nature, i.e., financial problems particularly having no money to pay for tuition fees and to buy their schools needs (54%) and being preoccupied with earning a living since the family is dependent on them for their needs (20%). The other reasons given were their lack of interest in attending school (12%), their being run-aways (5%), peer-influence (3%), lack of encouragement or support from family members (1%) and embarrassment, i.e. respondent feels ashamed because he is older than his classmates (1%)
Grade Level and Ability To Read and Write. The respondents were also asked whether they could read and write. Their ability to read and write was determined by asking them to read a few lines from the survey-questionnaires during the interview sessions and asking them to write their names on the instrument. Among the 400 respondents, 354 (88.5%) could read while only 46 (11.5%) did not know how to read. Data on the respondents’ ability to read further cross-classified according to grade levels. Among those who could read, more than half (296) were in school while 58 respondents were out of school.
The high school level had the most number of respondents who could read among those who were in school (38.8%) and for those out of school, 40 percent of those who could read came from the grade 5-6 level. Among both the in-school and out-of-school children, those who could not read were in the elementary level. The respondents’ ability to write was cross-tabulated by grade levels. Except for two (2) respondents, all those currently in school (322) could write. On the whole, the respondents – whether in-school or out-of-school – generally had the ability to read and write (397).
Economic Activities. Generally, the street children belong to the informal sector of workers engaged in casual and unregistered work which is not covered by existing laws on wages and work conditions. This section presents a background on the respondents’ economic activities, such as their type and place of work, working hours, monthly income, family expectations regarding contributions to the family purse, amount and frequency of contributions, and reasons for giving money to persons other than family.
The survey data revealed that, generally, the street children of Davao City (77%) were involved in a single type of work with a few (17%) holding two, three or even more jobs, over and above their main work. Such arrangements, however, depend on the time and demand for their services. however, depend on the time and demand for their services. The highest number of respondents (148 or 39.4%) were the child-vendors invariably found in market places, shopping centers, terminals and streets of Davao City. The second highest group were those who worked as carwashers/carwatchers (31.6%), found mainly at gasoline stations (18.1%, shopping centers (6.6%), markets (5%) and terminals (1.9%). To a limited extent, the third highest group (13.3%) were the scavengers who were usually found in the streets of Davao City. Still, others earned their living either as shoeshine boys (9.8%) in shopping centers or terminals or as porters (6.4%). The rest were classified as factory workers, trisikad drivers , waiters or waitresses, beggars, errand boys, garbage collectors or even as a guide for the blind.
Type of Work and Working hours. Those respondents who were currently attending school, had either morning or afternoon classes. This arrangement allowed them enough time to go out in the streets and earn extra money. Data indicate that on the whole, most of these street children work in the afternoons, particularly the carwashers/carwatchers (23.1%) and vendors (22.3%). While scavengers predominantly work in the morning (5.8%), the rest reported various working hours. At least 26.4 percent claimed to be working whole day.
Reasons for Working. Asked why they were working, the majority of the respondents (64.4%) explained that the income of the family was not enough for their daily needs. Some respondents mentioned that their parents were unemployed (7.2%), separated (5.0%), or already dead (3.2%).
Monthly Income. The income of the street children ranged from less than P500.00 to slightly more than P1,500.00 a month.
Approximately half (51.3%) of the respondents earned less than P500.00 while less than a third (30%) reported incomes from P501.00 to P1,000.00. Less than a fourth reported an income of P1,001 to P1,500 (11.4%) and above (6.4%).
Parental expectations from their children, given the present economic difficulties, extend far beyond the regular domestic chores in the household. It now includes child labor and material support which has become the rule rather than the exception. This may be so when a family is not in a position to allocate a high proportion of family resources for meeting personal and material needs. When asked whether their families expected them to contribute to the family purse, close to two-birds (62.8%) of the respondents answered in the affirmative.
The respondents were likewise asked whether they gave money to their families regardless of being expected to or not. A large majority (90.2%) said they gave money to their families on a voluntary basis while 9.0 percent said they did not give at all.
Since a great number of respondents said they gave money to their families, they were also asked how much given and how often such amounts were given. Close to one half (49.2%) gave money on a daily basis while less than a third (31.2%) gave money at least once a week. The rest gave money either gave during weekends only (8.6%), once a month (3.8%) or on various occasions (7.1%). The amount of money given by the respondents to their families ranged from P1.00 to P15.00 or more. The trend shows that whether the respondents give money on a daily, weekly, weekend or monthly basis, the majority (210 or 61.0%) give P15.00 and above.
The respondents were also asked whether they give money to persons other than their families. The question was meant to determine whether this could be a factor why the child is out on the streets and is forced to earn a living. However, data indicate that only 12.8 percent claimed to have given money to persons other than their family. The rest of the respondents either answered negatively (85.6%) or gave no responses at all (1.5%).
Their reasons were largely due to kindness and generosity (60.8%). They extended help to friends so they could buy their basic needs, especially food to eat (47.1%). About 11.8 percent mentioned delihensya. Still others explained that it is both a form of reciprocity (7.8 %) and an expression of friendship(3.9%).
Occupation of Respondents’ Father and Mother. The data revealed that while 17.8 percent were unemployed, the single biggest group (21%) were craftsmen, production process workers and laborers (e.g., construction workers, shoe repairer, watch repairer, tailor, furniture maker, mechanic, electrician, and welder). The other dominant occupations were those engaged in “buy – and – sell” / trading activities (13%), workers of transport and communication (11%) like drivers, “dispatchers”, and other related occupations.
When asked about their mother’s occupation, more than one-third (36.2%) said they were unemployed. Those who had work were in services and related work (18.7%) (e.g., laundrywomen, house helpers), followed by those in buy and sell (14.7%). Interestingly, a number reported their mothers working as stevedores and freight handlers (13.8%). As observed, most of those who were working belonged to the informal work sector which usually provided unstable and low-paying jobs.
Difficulties in gathering information relative to parental income were observed, as shown in the low responses to income-related questions. Only 145 out of the 322 respondents (45%) whose fathers were working provided information on their fathers’ income and 110 out of the 255 respondents (43%) of those fathers were working gave similar data. Among those who did, the single biggest group (12.7%) of fathers who were earning reported monthly incomes ranging P500.00 to P1,000.00, while 9.9 percent of them were earning P2,501.00 to 3,000.00 per month. The lowest income received was P500.00 and below (4.7%) and the highest income was P3,001.00 and above (2.8%). As observed, among those who revealed their income, 93.7% were earning below the poverty line which is P3,864.00 per month for a family of six. The mothers’ income seemed to be insufficient to complement the fathers’ income because a large percentage were only earning PI,000.00 and below (24.4%). Taking the father’s and mother’s income together, the family income level was still below the poverty line;
Number of Children in Respondents’ Family. The family economic situation seemed to be aggravated by the fact that more than half of the respondents’ families (62.8%) had one to six children. The over-all average family size was 5.97 children – a figure above the national average of 5.2. One indication of existing coping mechanisms among the respondents’ families was the number of children working in the streets. More than half of the respondents (56.5%) reported that their siblings were likewise working. Half (50.4%) of the siblings working in the street were engaged in buying and selling goods and 30.1 percent were carwashers and “watch-your-car” boys. The data indicate a probable relationship between the siblings’ type of work and that of the respondents’. The respondents were predominantly engaged in buy-and-sell and carwashing and carwatching.
When asked “With whom do you stay?”, the respondents generally said they were staying with their parents (70.3%), with the rest residing either with their mothers (13.2%) or their fathers (3.0%). Only very few (6.8%) stayed with non-relatives. Such findings suggest that while the majority of these respondents live and subsist on the streets, there are continuous interactions with their families. Similar findings were observed in 1988 wherein it a as shown that 70 to 85 percent of the street children in the Philippines had regular contacts with their families. On the other hand, those who were staying with individuals other than their parents (e.g. siblings, relatives or non-relatives) revealed that they never went home at all (51.8%). Only a fifth (20.4%) admitted frequent home visits, with the rest (18.6%) rarely visiting their families.
The reasons most commonly cited in decreasing importance – were poor family life e.g., always bring scolded or punished (21.4%), being abandoned by parents (14.2%), or the anger they felt towards their parents (7.1%). The distance and costs involved (32.2%) were likewise mentioned.
Just as parents are to provide their children with love and affection, they are equally responsible for the inculcation of moral values, along with the proper upbringing and discipline of their children. A common mechanism to achieve these among Filipino families is to scold the children whenever they fail to do what is expected of them.
Such practices were revealed by the street children when asked about the common causes of misunderstanding with their parents. Almost three-fourths of the respondents (78.7%) claimed that the common cause of misunderstanding with their parents was refusal to do what was expected of them. Most of the expectations were related to inculcation of values required of them to be acceptable in society, such as not to lie, not to go out without permission, to go to school, not to quarrel with siblings, not to fight back, not to gallivant and others. Also mentioned were parental expectations that the children share in the household needs. Other causes of misunderstanding were: scapegoating of parents (11.7%), refusal of parents to give money for school requirements (3.4%), miscommunication (2.4%), tantrums (2.1%), and others.
In a related manner, the current study likewise sought information on how parents exerted control over their children. Respondents were asked the forms of punishment given whenever they failed to do what was expected of them or when they did something wrong. Their answers ranged from the mildest form of punishment, which was scolding, to the severest form of physical punishment. About 43 percent experienced mild physical punishment (e.g., pinching, slapping, spanking) and 30.5 percent experienced severe physical punishment (e.g., kicking, combination of slapping, hitting with a hard object and or striking).
Health and Nutrition
In this study, a scale of 2 feet – 6 feet and above was used to gauge the respondents’ height. Based on the height. Based on the height standards used by the Department of Health (DOH) , survey data revealed that more than 62.3 percent of the respondents fell below the set standard for height and 37.7 percent fell within standards. No respondents were observed to be above the required standards. Data gathered on body structure were classifies into four categories, i.e. skinny, slim, medium-built and stout. Close to 60 percent of the respondents were observed to be slim while 23 percent were of medium build. The rest were mainly skinny (13%) or stout (1%).
Data showed that respondents took the recommended three servings of energy-rich food, such as rice everyday. Breakfast, lunch and supper consisted of cheap sources of carbohydrates, proteins and vitamins. The common source of protein is fresh or dried fish, usually taken during breakfast (52%), supper (50.8%) and lunch (49.8%). Presumably, after a hard day’s work in the streets, the children want a better meal, thus a higher percentage of carbohydrates and protein-rich foods. The main source of vitamins is vegetables invariably taken during lunch (41.8%), supper (36.8%) or breakfast (17.2%). On the other hand, eggs and poultry were mentioned by a limited group, i.e. during breakfast (14.0%), lunc (2.8%), and supper (2.8%). At best, the low percentage intake of eggs, meat, and poultry and the limited choices for other protein and vitamin foods is but a reflection of the extent of the street child’s and family’s impoverishment.
Data show that 63 percent claimed to have more than 8 hours of sleep. About 21 percent sleep exactly 8 hours and 15.8 percent had less than 8 hours sleep. In addition, when probed where respondent slept, 92.3 percent said they slept at home, with the rest mentioning either in a center for street children (3.5%) or sleeping on the sidewalks or streets (2.5%). Such findings suggest the possibility of the respondents working close to their homes, thus allowing such sleeping arrangements. Relatedly, the findings that the majority of the respondents still had parents and were living with them, would reinforce such arrangements.
As another indicator of health, the respondents were asked about their bathing habits. More than three-fourths (78%) took daily baths, with more than a tenth (11.5%) bathing more than once a day, and still others reportedly taking a bath every other day (9.8%). Interestingly, two respondents claimed to bathe on a weekly basis (0.5%).
Illness for the Past Three Months. Recall data was subsequently utilized to investigate the health status of the street children, i.e. their ailments for the past three months. Physical health was measured by the prevalence of signs and symptoms of illness as reported by the children. Approximately 94.5 percent of the street children interviewed reported some form of illness during three-months preceding the study period. Symptoms related to upper respiratory were the most common, namely cough/colds (69.8%) and its related symptoms like fever (67.7%) and headache (46.3%). Gastro-intestinal ailments such as diarrhea (18.5%) and parasitism (7.1%) were similarly mentioned though at a much lesser extent. On the other hand, skin diseases (11.9%) in the form of prickly heat, scabies and ringworms ranked third, followed closely by the common flu (10.6%).
Significantly, the street children were found to have inferior physical health. This was manifested by a lower nutritional state and the tendency to experience more upper respiratory and gastro-intestinal disorders as well as skin diseases.
Field observations by the research team suggest that the conditions under which these children work could have predisposed colds, fever and flu may be the possible consequences of their exposure to bad weather and air pollution. High levels of dust have been known to lead to irritations of the respiratory system.
The family’s role of nurturance and sustenance is most evident and appreciated during one’s illness or moments of depression. Survey findings reveal such roles are most established among these street children’s families. While mothers were consulted by a significant majority (70.5%) whenever they were sick, the other family-members likewise provided such assistance, e.g. the fathers, grandparents, professional health workers (e.g doctors and nurses) and street educators were likewise mentioned though by a limited group. Likewise, mothers were identified as the main source of health care (77%).
The respondent’s use of toilet facilities outside their homes was likewise elicited as an indicator of health and sanitary practices. The respondents’ reported using those most convenient and closest to their place of work. A large percentage (36.7%) of the street children claimed using toilets of churches, hospitals, schools and other buildings. A bigger proportion of respondents (31.5%) went home to use toilets. Likewise it has been observed that some of these street children (27%) used those areas accessible behind the buildings or went to the river to relieve themselves.
Spatial Movement
Spatial mobility was ascertained by looking into the movement from place of birth to the place of residence at the time of interview and the movement of respondents in terms of the areas frequented.
The respondents were generally non-migrants (65.5%), having been born in Davao City and still residing in the same area. Close to a third (32.3%) were migrants most of whom being interprovincial migrants within Mindanao, e.g. the Davao provinces, Surigao del Sur and Norte, Butuan Iligan and Zamboanga.
The single biggest group of these respondents (55.8%) began their street life between the ages 8 to 11 years old. The mean age is 9.6 years old. Since then, they reported having stayed from one to two places (84.7%). They also reported having stayed from 12 to 48 months (1 to 4 years) in the first area frequented (66.3%). The same pattern was observed when asked about the second place stayed in. The data seem to indicate that respondents have not been very mobile.
It was observed that street children usually frequent places near their residences. As explained by the street educators during one focused group discussion, the street children exhibit some form of “territoriality” among themselves mainly as a means of protecting themselves from other street children who might belongs to another area. During the First Assembly of Street Children in Davao City, the children were observed to show some signs of antagonism towards non-group members.
Patterns of the geographical mobility of the children were likewise ascertained particularly during certain seasons of the year such as during the school terms, Christmas holidays, and summer vacations. The children were frequently in the market places during school days (24%) and the Christmas season (19%). An interesting finding was the large percentage (30%) who spend their summer vacations in the provinces.
Street children generally stayed near their residences and rarely frequented areas far from their residence for security and sense of belongingness. Close family ties were further strengthened by respondents’ summer activities, with many of them spending summer vacation with their families in the provinces.
Street children generally stayed near their residences and rarely frequented areas far from their residence for security and sense of belongingness. Close family ties were further strengthened by respondents’ summer activities, with many of them spending summer vacation with their families in the provinces.
Peer Relations
The street children had from one to more than six friends. The single biggest group (29%) claimed having one or two friends. Still others reported having three to four friends (25.3%) or five to six friends (25.5%). A smaller percentage (19.7%) mentioned having more than six friends. Asked about their activities with friends, at least 72 percent of these street children reported wholesome, safe and healthy outdoor activities. The more popular games mentioned by more than a fourth (26.7%) were “takyan“, “chinese garter“, “lukso“, and “tumba lata“. The second most popular activity was simply telling stories or swapping jokes, or taking walks together (23%). At least 15.5 percent were basketball-soccer fans while others enjoyed swimming and fishing (7.7%). Indoor activities were also reported like watching movies, betamax films, going to discos, studying, making assignments and hearing “mass”. On the other hand, a number of respondents reported negative behavior such as gambling (8 respondents) and drinking liquor (2 respondents), with one admitting that he was a bully.
The first three areas frequented by the respondents were the streets of Davao City (15%), recreation centers (12.8%) and market areas (11.2%). A cross tabulation by survey sites and areas frequented reveal that a high portion of the street children usually work and play in the same areas with their friends. For example, a large proportion of respondents in Sasa went to the wharf and airport, while those in the San Pedro-Magsaysay-Matina-Bankerohan areas frequented places where they coudl ply their trades, usually for carwashing, or as “watch-your-car” boys, or as itinerant vendors. On the other hand, Agdao respondents appeared to be an exception, usually visiting such recreations-specific sites as streetcorners, basketball courts, of neighborhoods with friends. In all six areas, almost half of the respondents (48.8%) reported spending at least two hours with friends, with a third (30.7%) spending from three to six hours.
Recreational Activities
Recreational activities are very important means of inculcating values of sportsmanship, for personality development, and preparations for ones’ roles as a future adult in society. The over-all picture of the respondents’ recreational activities shows that more than half (57.8%) engaged in children’s games like “taga-anay“, “tigso“, “tumba lata“, war games and hide-and seek. Other recreational activities were playing basketball (50.8%), movies (24%), billiard (19.8%) and others. While the activities mentioned were generally acceptable and healthy games and sports among children, the data likewise indicate that life in the streets had exposed them to vices. Gambling (16%) and drinking alcohol (7.8%) were also mentioned by respondents.
When respondents were asked about vices, close to a third (32.3%) mentioned either smoking, gambling and/or use of drugs. Among the respondents who had such habits, those engaged solely in gambling (48.8%) and those who both sampling and smoked (44.2%) predominated, with a much smaller group (7%) using illegal drugs. The use of drugs seemed to have included marijuana, rugby and gasoline.
To measure the economic cost of such practices, reveals that those who smoked (44.2%) were asked about their daily expenses for cigarettes. Close to a third (31.6%) reported spending less than P2.00 per day, while others (22.8% each) were given cigarettes by friends for free or spent from P2.00 to P15.00 daily for cigarettes.
Related literature show that habit formation and progression of a deviant career is reinforced by accessibility to the means. Being given free cigarettes tend to be the first stage in the habit formation. As children developed the desire for smoking through constant experience, they also learned to spend a part of their earnings for cigarettes. This is not only observed among smokers but also among drug-users and gamblers.
Survey findings suggest more than half of the respondents who gambled were already hooked on gambling, with about 56.9 percent claiming that they gambled often. The others (37.5%) reported that they gambled either once a week, twice a month or even rarely. Given the significant proportion of these street children engaged in gambling in varying degrees, appropriate attention is clearly needed to curtail its effects on the other children on the streets.
Findings of the present study revealed that only 10.8 percent of the respondents claimed to belong to gangs, with the single biggest group (67.4%) ranging from 12 to 15 years old. The two youngest gang members were from eight and nine years old while the eldest (five street children) ranged from 16 to 17 years old.
Asked why they joined gangs, sixteen respondents (out of 43 gang members) commonly identified the need for protection or to have sense of security (37.2%). The other reasons cited included peer-influence (11.7%) with one mentioning his desire to bully other street children (2.3%). The gang names are suggestive of the nature of the activities candidly undertaken by the group. Some of these were “Kat-Kat Bahay Gang“, “Strollers“, “Tunay na Standby“, “Kulata Gang“, “Apache Gang” and “Peacemakers“. Other names simply indicated the specific places where they converged like “Batang Lawaan” and “Osmeña Boys“. Most popularly mentioned were “Kat-kat Bahay Gang” (3), “Bad Company” (3), and “Tunay na Standby“.
A large percentage (30.2) of these gangs had more than 15 members each. They engaged in a variety of activities, ranging from the more high-risk types, which are detrimental to the socialization process of children, e.g. street brawls (11.6%) and bullying other street children (9.3%) to the more positive and healthy ones like work, disco-dancing and cooperative-type of pursuits (18.7%).
Streetlife generally poses risks to the personality of street children, e.g. possible bad influences of their peers. The present study, however, reveals some possible exceptions. Given the presence of groups who encourage cooperation among themselves and who group together while working in the streets, presumably for mutual protection.
Arrest and Detention
The Association theory of deviancy explains how exposure to group behavior influences an individual’s action. Thus children learn about adult behavior through their association and experiences with adults. Set withing the context of the street children’s streetlife, their experiences of arrests and detention are likely to expose them to deviants and/or criminals. Opportunities for learning about certain deviant skills or illegal trades may take place during their detention and experiences with other offenders.
Asked whether they ever experienced arrests and detention, their responses show that the majority (77.20%) of those arrested usually ranged 12 to 17 years old — particularly those in their early teens. 47.2 percent admitted that they have been arrested more than once and and almost equal percentage (47.1%) were arrested only once. These data indicate that a large percentage had the experience of being detained, with some being arrested often. Five of 7.1 percent had been arrested more than five times. The arrests were mainly made for offenses committed against property or theft (32.9%) and for curfew violations (27.1%) while the rest cited gambling (11.4%), participation in gang conflicts (10%), and illegal vending (5.7%). At least four street children were arrested for sniffing rugby.
Probing their experiences during detention, the children generally mentioned violence and torture-related incidentas e.g. being mauled (18.6%), whipped on outstretched arms (7.1%), hit with armalite butt (4.3%), hand pounded (4.3%), among others. About 10 percent, however, claimed that they did nit have any untoward experiences while being detained.
Asked whether they perceived any risks while staying in the streets, the majority answered in the affirmative (75.8%). The most commonly expressed risks included that of being run over by the passing vehicles (59.4%), being mauled by other street children (49.2%), of being implicated in crimes (44.6%), and being victimized by extortionists (37.3%). Others mentioned exposure to the changing weather conditions (18.2%). To a lesser degree, other risk mentioned were sex-related, i.e. being sexually exploited by homosexuals and pedophiles (17.5%), and being raped (13.5%). Appropriate 20 of the 34 respondents mentioned a more basic need, i.e. the need for shelter at night (6.6%).
To provide an empirical measure of their priorities in life, the respondents were asked to rank their needs according to priorities. The most commonly mentioned was financial, i.e. money for basic needs (71%) and for education (23.7%). The second was education (50%) and the third was a home (24.8%). More than half of the respondents (54.7%) were able to satisfy their basic needs and the rest claimed otherwise (45.3%).
Asked why such needs were not met, the absence or lack of money (67.4%) was frequently cited. To a lesser extent, others mentioned their father’s income as being inadequate (11%) or that their parents were unemployed (7.7%). On the whole, the reasons mentioned were basically related to the inability of parents to earn adequate income to meet the needs of their families. This is supported by the data on parents’ income; in both cases the incomes reported were below the poverty line.
Considering that the majority of these children generally stayed with their parents, they likewise perceived that their parents are responsible for their needs (37.3%). Interestingly, one notes that for some respondents, mothers (29.2%) – more than fathers (7%) – were perceived to assume such responsibilities. On the whole, the survey findings reveal the strong kinship bonds of the respondents. The respondents also show their attachment to their kin groups. More than half 59 percent mentioned their relatives as being likewise responsible for their needs.
Values, Aspirations and Opinions
This section presents the street children’s perception of their present situation, their reasons for being happy or unhappy with their present situation, what they plan to do to achieve their aspirations, and their perceptions of the ideal situation for street children. To solicit the street children’s perceptions of their present situation, they were asked about being “happy” or “unhappy” with it. While the majority (76%) of the respondents perceived their situation on a positive note and reported that they were “happy”, at least 96 children (24%) claimed otherwise.
The reasons cited for being unhappy by at least 96 street children (38.5%) were mainly economic in nature, e.g. no money to satisfy one’s needs, no school fees and respondents and parent’s limited income. Other reasons were family-related (15.6%), e.g. separation of parents and abandonment by parents and job-related (13.5%) like exhausting work and inability to study one’s lessons in the work place. Reasons relating to the personal and the family lives focused on parental separation and their being unable to pursue their studies, among others.
Respondents were also about their plans for the next five years. Education received the highest ranking, with more than two-thirds (68.5%) of the respondents desiring to continue or finish their studies and a limited group (3.5%) wanting to work while studying. Seventy-four (74) street children expressed their desire to work full time while at least seven respondents (1.8%) plan to engage in small-time business. Fifteen either failed to give responses or did not have any plans at all.
How would these street children attempt to achieve their aspiration, what means of opportunities are available to them so that their aspirations would turn into realities? A significant majority (60.2%) agreed that they would have to study hard in order to achieve their goals, while more than a fourth (26.8%)cited the need to work hard. Twenty-six (26) respondents (6.5%) mentioned that they would both work and study hard while others identified the need to save money or seek assistance from government agencies.
Respondents were asked to rank their preferences for their work of study based on three categories, i.e to study full time, to work full time, or to study and work. Given these three choices, more than half (55%) of these street children preferred to study and work at the same time while 40.7 percent chose to study full-time. Only 4.3 percent of the respondents like to work full-time. A highly significant group of these street children desired a high level of education, with 88 percent aspiring to finish college. The rest either hoped to finish high school (8.5%), their elementary education (1%) or to take up a vocational course.
Asked about their job preferences in the future, the respondents’ choices were varied (Table 72). On the whole, 51 percent chose white-collar jobs, 21.8 percent blue collar jobs, 11.3 percent vocational/technical and mechanical jobs, and 9.5 percent manual jobs. Among the more populat choices for white collar jobs were: nursing, medical doctor, office employee, army/military/policeman, and engineering. Preferred blue coller jobs were: salesgirl, waitress, driver/conductor and security guard. Vocational/technical/mechanical job choices were that of radio operator. Manual jobs mentioned were: construction worker/carpenter and porter.
Respondents were asked their reasons for preferring such occupations in the future. More than half (59.5%) preferred such occupations because they perceived these occupations are available and offer better-pay, it can help their parents and relatives (12.5%), the sick and the needy (7.5%), and help educate people (4.5%), among others. The data further indicated that while more than half of the respondents (59.5%) preferred these occupations as a means to alleviate their poor situation, less than a fourth (24.5%) were to consider these occupations as a means of helping others.
Given a choice, would these children desire to get out of the streets or simply continue such mode of existence? Survey findings revealed that the respondents were closely split in their responses, with 47.8 percent desiring to end their street life and 46 percent preferring to continue living in the streets. Asked why they (184 respondents) preferred to stay on the streets, the most common reason mentioned was economic in nature. Living in the streets meant being able to earn money (66.3%), thus having a daily income for one’s schooling needs and subsistence. It also meant being able to augment the family income, and in this way to help the family (15.2%) and supplement inadequate income of parents (2.7%). To a limited extent – though quite meaningful – thirteen respondents (7.1%) indicated their happiness being among friends in the streets.
Their perceptions regarding the ideal situation for street children were mainly centered on themselves e.g. satisfaction of their needs (63.2%) such as attending school full time (53.2%), being able to study (6%) and, being able to play (4%). The respondents likewise mentioned such ideal situations as receiving parental guidance (7.5%), living with parents (5%), and helping with household chores (2.8%). Only 5 percent reported that street children must seek assistance from government agencies.
Awareness and Experience in Street Children Institutions
This section presents the respondent’s knowledge and awareness of institutions that deal with street children, i.e. whether the respondents were ever referred to such institutions, the type of institutions they were referred to, whether they had availed of institutional services, and the type of services availed of.
Survey responses revealed that nearly two-thirds (62.5%) of the respondents had no knowledge of these institutions at all. The rest (37.5%) claimed to know about such agencies. The 150 respondents who professed knowledge about these institutions for street children were asked whether they had ever been referred to such agencies. Approximately a fourth of the group (26.7%) admitted having been referred to such institutions while the greater majority (73.3%) claimed otherwise.
The forty (40) respondents who claimed that they were referred to such institutions were asked to describe these insitutions. Two types were generally identified by these respondents, namely the drop-in centers (67.5%) and the temporary shelter-type (32.5%). Drop in centers refers to those institutions which cater to street children who simply drop in for their meals, bath and brief rest. The temporary shelters cover those institutions which rehabilitate street children for longer periods of time.
All respondents were asked whether they had availed of services from other agencies. Forty percent had availed of services from other agencies while 60 percent had not availed of my services.
Summary and Recommendations
The major research findings, briefly stated, are as follows:
1. Socio-Demographic Background
a. Of the total 400 respondents, males predominated (76%) over the females (24%). The respondents’ ranged from 5 to 18 years old with mean age computed at 12 years.
b. The respondents ranged from preparatory school to college undergraduate. The majority (324) were in-school while 76 were out-of-school.
c. Of those currently enrolled, more than a third (35%) are in high school, another third (34%) were in grade 1-4, and a limited group (1.2%) were in college.
d. Of the school drop-outs, 35 percent attended the grade 5- 6 level, 31.6 percent grade 1-4 and 18.4 percent had some high school education. Three percent had no schooling at all.
e. The majority of the respondents can read and write.
f. Poverty was cited as the major reason for a greater number of respondents foregoing their education. A number of them were either pre-occupied with their earning a living or simply lacked interest in studying. A few others were run-aways or were not allowed to go back to school by their parents. Still others either fell into the bad influences of the “barkada” or were ashamed to resume their studies because of age.
2. Economic Activities
a. Generally, the street children of Davao City had only one type of work. There were a few who were engaged in two of three different livelihood activities. Vending or peddling in markets place, supermarkets, shopping centers or terminals was the most common means of livelihood. A number also worked as carwashers/carwatchers in the same places. Other livelihood activities undertaken were scavenging, shining shoes, stevedoring, collecting garbage and a host of other odd jobs that would provide them their daily meals.
b. The majority of the vendors, scavengers and shoeshine boys worked the whole day after school. Most carwashers/carwatchers worked in the afternoon till late in the evening.
c. Monthly earnings of these street children ranged from a little less than P500.00 to slightly over P1,500.00. The family’s tight financial condition served as the single major reason their efforts at for earning a living. A few mentioned parental deaths, separation and unemployment.
d. More than half of the respondents were expected to hand in their daily, weekly and weekend earnings to their parents. The majority voluntarily gave money to their families. The amount of money given ranged from a minimum of P1.00 daily to as such as P15.00 and above. If there were other persons given money by these children, they were usually their friends.
e. A little more than 70 percent of the respondents claimed they were satisfied with their present means of subsistence while 27.1 percent reported otherwise.
3. Family Background
a. These street children’s parents were largely employed in low-paying jobs. A large percentage of their fathers were engaged in blue-collar, mechanical/technical and manual occupations. Close to one-fifth (17%) of these children reported their fathers as unemployed.
Their mothers were usually in household services or in vending/peddling.
b. Father’s earnings ranged from P500.00 – P1,000.00 monthly while the mothers’ income was P1,000.00 and below.
c. More than half of the respondents had siblings also engaged in ambulant vending, carwatching/carwashing, scavenging, etc.
d. More than 90 percent of the respondents went home to their families after work. Some went home only occasionally because of the high cost of travel and disharmonious relations with family members. A Few did not have homes to go home to.
e. The majority of the respondents were living with their families. The few who did not stay or live with their parents, particularly those whose parents were either deceased or separated, lived instead with grandparents, uncles and aunties.
f. Asking about family conflicts, the children admitted that these were often caused by their failure to perform family obligations and conform to family norms. The children were either scolded or received physical punishment.
4. Health and Nutrition
a. The majority fell below the standards set by the Department of Health for height, while 37.7 percent fell within them.
b. More than 60 percent were slim, 22.3 percent medium built, 13 percent skinny, and 1 percent stout.
c. Most ate three meals a day. Meals consisted of cheap sources of carbohydrates, vitamins and proteins.
d. More than 50 percent had at least eight hours of sleep and 15.8 percent less than 8 hours.
e. Ninety percent slept at home, 13.5 percent in a center of street children and 2.5 percent on sidewalks.
f. Most common complaints relating to the health of the street children were upper respiratory and gastro-intestinal ailments. Flu and skin diseases were also common.
g. Most respondents reported that whenever they got sick, their mothers usually took care of them. A few mentioned street educators, medical doctors and other relatives.
h. Public toilets, including those in schools, hospitals, supermarkets, or the back of buildings were used by the children while in the streets. Rivers and creeks were also used by those working close to these areas.
5. Spatial Movement
a. While sixty-six percent were local residents, approximately a third were migrants mainly from other provinces in Mindanao (27.5%), with at least 4.8 percent coming from the Visayas and Luzon.
b. Sixty-three percent started street life between the ages 6-10 years old.
c. The street children were not very mobile. Eighty-five percent had frequented only one or two places, while 48 percent had only frequented two places for at least 12-48 months.
d. Usual “hangouts” or “territories” were shopping centers, market places, terminals, 100 supermarkets of vendors peddlers, carwashers/carwatchers and shoeshine boys.
6. Experience on the Street
a. Seventy-six percent of the respondents perceived life as risky and hazardous, perceiving such risks as possible vehicular accidents and sexual, physical and financial exploitations.
7. Needs
a. Money for basic needs and access to education were the two most important needs of the street children. Some also expressed their desire to go back to their families and be protected from all forms of exploitation in the streets.
b. Fifty-four percent felt their needs were met while 45 percent felt they were not met.
8. Peer Relations
a. A Street child usually had friends ranged from one to more than six friends.
b. Activities with friends included wholesome, safe and healthy indoor and outdoor activities. Popular among the males were ball games and swimming. These were often done in nearby courts and open spaces in the community or in areas close to work. Very few deviant-type of activities were mentioned.
c. Majority reported that their common activities consisted of healthy games and sports. A few, however, reported smoking, drinking, and gambling.
9. Gang Membership
a. Of the 400 respondents, only 10.8 percent were members of a gang. Their ages ranged from 12-15 years old. Among the more popular reasons for joining gangs were protection and the sense of security gangs provided including the opportunity to bully other street children.
b. Seventy respondents admitted having been arrested and detained. The frequency of arrests ranged from one to more than five times. During detention, 90 percent of the respondents reported receiving physical and mental/psychological punishments, ranging from the mild to the severe ones. Most arrests were due to curfew violations and suspicion of theft.
10. Values and Aspirations
a. Seventy-six percent were happy with their present situation while twenty-four percent claimed the opposite. Reasons cited for being happy were predominantly family-oriented in nature. Reasons given for being unhappy likewise focused on the non-provision of personal and family needs.
b. Fifty percent desired to continue or finish schooling. Nineteen percent would like to work full-time and 3.5 percent preferred to work while studying. Furthermore, the majority of the respondents believed that studying and working very hard would greatly help in achieving their aspirations, not to mention assistance from government agencies and saving for the future.
c. As their work in the streets has served as their primary source of income, these pursuits would thus continue to help them achieve their goals in life. Because of the economic rewards of street life, close to half of the respondents still preferred to stay on the streets. However, if there were less exhausting, safer and better opportunities, respondents would rather stay otu of the streets because of the risks and hazards.
d. If given the choice, the respondents’ strongest desire was to earn a degree. to make this possible, more than half were willing to study and work at the same time. This goal was reflected in the respondents’ preference for white collar jobs over manual/mechanical/technical ones.It also reflected the street child’s desire to help in his siblings’ education, to find a stable, better paying and lighter work, and to be of service to his community.
11. Awareness of Institutions for Street Children
a. Two-thirds of the respondents had no knowledge of any institutions for street children. Among those (37.5% or 150 respondents) who professed knowledge of institutions for street children, a fourth admitted having been referred to such institutions while the rest claimed otherwise.
b. Two types of institutions were generally identified by the forty (40)respondents referred to such institutions, namely the drop-in centers (67.5%) and the temporary shelter-type (32.5%).
c. Of the 400 respondents, 40 percent had availed of services from other agencies while 60 percent reported they had not. Among these services, education (38.1%), food (31.3%) and clothing (30.6%) were the most common services availed by the respondents.
Recommendations
In the light of the foregoing findings, the following recommendations are proposed:
A. Policy
1. NGOs’ and GO’s should be able to coordinate well with the police to come up with guidelines and policies regarding the protection of the children in the street.
The children interviewed have reported security as a problem in the streets , specifically security from other street children and from police actions. There must be a better way of dealing with children who have been involved in theft and other deviant acts. They should not be given the chance to become criminals by associating with other criminals in the street or in any detention center.
2. The DECS, together with the other agencies concerned with educating the street children, should be able to design programs and policies to help street children who desire to complete their education. Many of them expressed their desire to become doctors, nurses, teachers and employees in other white collar occupations. Their education should not be limited to free tuition fees. Serious thought should be given to finding a way so that street children who want to attain higher education do not have to earn a living in the streets to be able to support themselves and do not have to worry about financial assistance from other agencies.
3. The government should also provide policies that would institutionalize alternative types of education that would cater to children who have difficulty submitting to formal educational structures.
Some considerations are literacy and numeracy, value formation, manpower development and employment needs.
4. The root cause of the proliferation of children in the streets of Davao City is poverty. Many parents have no or insufficient work and so children have been forced to go to the streets. Policies on the encouragement of cooperatives and private enterprises utilizing the unemployed or underemployed in depressed communities may be helpful. However, the program should also take into consideration manpower training programs to provide street children the appropriate skills. Better economic strategies should be considered to generate more employment. Respondents revealed that their parents have low income since most of their occupations are low paying.
B. Research
1. On the average, the respondents were 12 years old and had at least some education. They are potential manpower resources of our country who need to be polished and enriched. Some strategies must be used to make them more productive. However, a study on their willingness to be developed, to organize into cooperatives, their leadership capabilities and their productive potentials must be looked into for policy and action.
2. It is also worthwhile to evaluate the educational programs that have= been introduces by the GOs and NGOs. Have they contributed to the education of street children? What are the strengths and limitations of such programs? Cost benefit analysis of such programs needs to be undertaken.
3. The street children are basically community based. They live with their families at the end of the day and parents exercise control over their children. Given this background, a study on the attitude of parents towards their children’s future their role in shaping their future and their willingness to get involved in community endeavors would be worthwhile looking into. Are they receptive to a participatory approach to community development? Are they willing to volunteer their time in such undertakings? What are their attitudes towards cooperatives? What problems do they foresee with such an approach? This study will provide the program implementors insights on the strategies to utilize in assisting communities where street children proliferate.
C. Action
1. A Multidisciplinary team consisting of all the agencies involved with street children should be called to assess the program and policies on street children in Davao City. This would clarify the framework which government and the private sector should work on to respond to the needs of street children.
Appendix
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Page 17-24
A Profile of the Urban Poor in Davao City
Introduction
Urban studies in the Philippines reveal that while the country is predominantly agriculture, “over one-third of its population as of 1984 are found in urban areas”. While the pace of national urbanization was describe as generally slow during the postwar years, the decade of the seventies saw its acceleration with such trends attributed to the relatives success of the government policy to develop the countryside, disperse industries to areas outside Metro-Manila, and population control in the rural areas.
Thus, even as Metro-Manila was developing with increasing primacy, other urban centers proceeded at a stable pace and the urban ward migration trends steadily continued. However, the gains from urban growth, burgeoning trade and commerce activities, infrastructures and the amenities of urban lifestyle were not equally accessible across the country and across socio-economic groups. Thus, with the resultant dichotomy of the rich minority and the poor majority, the negative indicators of urban growth, i.e. proliferation of slums and squatter communities, rising rates of unemployment and under-employment, and inadequate basic urban service, are major causes of concern not only for government policy and decision-makers and international and local development organizations but more so for the urban population themselves who have to contend with such everyday realities.
Based on the revised poverty threshold income estimated by the National Economic and Development Authority (NEDA) as of March 1991, a family of six living outside Metro Manila must earn at least P3,864 a month to be considered within the poverty threshold or barely above the poverty line. This suggest an income level way of the total population estimated to be living even below such a threshold. Unemployment figures provide a similarly bleak picture, estimated at 15.1 percent in the first quarter of 1991, with 4.2 million of the country’s 27.6 million workforce having no jobs during same period.
What about food and nutrition? What do the urban poor eat for sustenance? A comparison of demand for and supply of food reveals that while the country’s food supply over the years was adequate to meet the population’s overall requirements for calories and problem (the Philippines being the fourteenth largest food producer) ,80 percent of the Filipino Children are malnourished. A DOH-FNRI survey in 1982 disclosed that seven out of ten children suffered from some from of malnutrition.
In the area of health, existing public health programs have not been adequate in dealing effectively with the health needs of the population, particularly the larger majority who are poor. The estimated ratio of medical personnel was one for every 20,000 members of the population in the countryside. IN 1985, the hospital-bed ratio was 1:200; for the rest of the regions, the hospital-bed ratio range from 1:600 to 1:1,000. In 1983, more than 70 percent of death in the country did not receive any medical attention, with infectious and parasite diseases reported as major causes of death. On the other hand; poor environment conditions and poor quality of child-care has resulted in high rates in infant-mortality.
In the area of education, while Filipinos have a relatively high literacy level vis-a-vis other countries at a similar level of economic development (83.3 percent of the population above 15 years of age being literate in 1988), there are, however, such problems as inequities in the access to quality education among various socio-economic groups, including the low and declining quality of public schools. Low morale and low pay are issues besetting the country’s restive teacher-population in the 1990’s.
Housing , water supply and electricity are similarly dismal. The 1978-82 Philippines Development Plan reported with the national housing backlog totaling 1,125,000 units in 1977, about 16 percent of the population was either was either homeless or not adequately housed. On the other hand, while the housing problem in the rural areas is considered less acute because of low minimum stands and the ability to the rural population to construct its own housing , urban-dwellers face the pressures of rapid urban population growth and the declining availability of land for housing. Living in precarious housing conditions and congested areas and lacking basic facilities such as water and electricity, the urban poor increasing opt to live closer to work centers (e.g. trade and commerce areas or industrial zones) to save on transport costs despite the hazard of air and water pollution, traffic congestion, noise and urban violence.
Despite past and ongoing efforts of government agencies and non-government organizations addressing the plight of the urban poor in various parts of the Philippines, there are, however, no accurate statistics of the slum and squatter population of the country. Rough estimate suggest “over four million dwellers in slum and squatter colonies in the major urban centers”.
Davao City Situation Analysis
A survey conducted by the National Housing Authority (NHA) from April 1983 to July 1985 in various urban center throughout the country reveals that given its total population of 700,949,000. Davao City has only ten identified slum areas but the proportion of squatters is almost one-third or 238,332 of the absolute population of the city , a size that is almost as large as the combined figures of Metro-Cebu and Iloilo City. This comprises around ten percent of the national population and close to one-fourth of the entire 1980 urban population; they constitute the majority of what is termed as the urban poor. In Davao particularly, roughly 60 percent of the 1.9 population do not own land they live on and the city’s squatter-communities rank second to Tondo – the foremost slum-district in Metro Manila.
Given the worsening poverty and unemployment situation. Davao City along with other cities in MIndanao faces an acute need for housing, threats of dislocation and rising criminality, specifically: illegal gambling, kidnapping, illegal recruitment and white slavery. Recent figures describe the Davao region as the third largest supplier of “Japayukis”, ironically in a region that serves as the base for approximately 200 multinational companies, a gold-mining boom, and increase in investment characterized by new high-rise hotels and fine restaurants.
Objectives of the Study
On the whole, the present study aims to obtain an updated picture demographic and socio-economic make-up of the urban poor in the early 90’s Davao City. Specifically, it seeks to:
1. determine the demographic profile of the urban poor in Davao City
2. established the socio-economic characteristics of the urban poor in Davao City
3. to elicit recommendations for the improvement of the urban poor sector
Significance of the Study
While the immediate importance of the study lies in providing an updated demographic and socioeconomic profile of the urban poor per se, its long-term significance focuses on serving as the basis for policy makers and program planners to review, modify , and implement development programs and other related activities for the upliftment of such marginalized members of our society.
Methodology
Sampling Design. Using multi-stage sampling procedures and nothing Davao City’s high population density relative to other cities in Mindanao, Davao City was purposively selected as one of the three cities covered in the national survey on the urban poor. The barangays for the study were likewise selected purposively, the choice being based on the level of population, housing density and their being identified by the Philippines Commission on Urban Poor (PCUP) as “danger zone” , i.e. flood-prone, and swampy or easily-eroded areas along the sea-shores. Six areas in Davao City were subsequently selected as sample-barangays, namely, Agdao Bucana, Talomo, Talusa and Bunawan.
A sample of 400 households was determined using a statistical table indicating a 5 percent (plus or minus) confidence level and a margin of error for a population comprising 100,000 persons and above. The sample was then proportionately allocated among the six barangays. The final household-respondents were chosen systematically, i.e. every fifth house from the first street corner was considered as the respondent.
Data Collection Procedures. A structured interview schedule consisting of the following topics was utilized during the field interview of respondents:
I. Respondent’s Identification
II. Demographic Characteristics/Employment and Income
III. Household Monthly Expenses
IV. Property Ownership
V. Residency and Tenure
VI. Future Plans
VII. Membership in and Benefits Received from Organizations
VIII. Perceived Problems and Solutions.
IX. Value Contributing and Hindering Community Development
X. Perceived Positive Traits that Would Make a Good President of the Philippines
Specification of Variable. The following variables were considered in establishing the demographic and socio-economic characteristics of the urban poor sector:
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Data Analysis. Measures of central tendency (e.g. means, percentage and frequency distributions, and modes) were used in the analysis of the data including mean rank measures.
Research Findings*
Demographic Characteristics of the Respondents
The demographic characteristics of the respondents include age sex, educational attainment, civil status and province of origin. The respondents were household heads or their spouses. Since interview were conducted during the day, the male household heads were not usually available. Consequently, the sex distribution of respondents shows that majority were female (65%) with at least 35 percent males. Furthermore, the respondents were generally married (92.2%). The majority of the respondents were middle-age, i.e. 78.8 percent belonged to the 20 to 49 age-bracket. Only 9 percent were elderly (60-70 age-bracket). Ninety percent of the respondents had receive formal education, having attended either the secondary (45.8%) or the elementary (35.7%) levels. Approximately 18 percent were in college while those enrolled in vocational courses were a limited group (1%). Similar trends were observed among the spouses of the respondents’ with regard to educational attainment.
This present study, indicates that close to half (44%) of the respondents were non-migrant, i.e. having indicated origins from Davao City itself. On the other hand , among the migrants, those from the Visayas region constituted the single biggest group (32.5%). Short-distance migrant,i.e. those mostly coming from the nearby provinces within Region XI, ranked second (15%).
Household Profile
Household Type and Size. The majority of the respondents (67.5%) had nuclear-type of families while 32.5 percent had extended families. The present study indicates similar findings with, more than half of the respondents (56%) having five(5) to eight (8) household members
(See Table 4). On the average, the respondents had 5.99 household members.
Number of living Children. While national estimates place the mean number of children in urban poor families at 5.2 in 1985 the present study has a computed mean number of 3,67 living children. Our respondents thus to have fewer children relative to the national average. The data further reveal that a significant majority of the respondents (65.8% had from one to four living children. The 400 respondents taken together indicated a total of 1,417 children in these survey-sites. The children of the respondents were relatively young , with three-fourths (75.5% or 927 children) belong to the 0-14 age-bracket. The rest (24.5% or 301 children) are older, ranging from 15-21 years old. Among the 927 children ranging from 1-14 years old, 58.1 percent were in-school and 41.9 percent were out-of-school.
Employment and Income
This section provides the various household employment and income-related variables, i.e. focusing on the respondents and their spouses, their children.(0-14 years), the youths (15-21 years) and other adults – including contributions by other family members residing elsewhere. Occupations were classified based on Gelia Castillo’s occupational categories. Close to half of the respondents were unemployed (47.5). Over a fourth of the respondents spouses (28.5%) were likewise unemployed. Over a third of the respondents (33.7%) and their spouses (40.5%) were regularly employed.
Occupation data revealed a proliferation of respondents engaged in the lower-paying service industry, particularly in trade and commerce activities (32.4%), e.i. vending selling either as itinerant hawkers, tending “sari-sari” stores, or engaging in such “buy-and-sell” activities as fish, salt and anchovies. Other primary occupation pursuit included those related for farming to transportation and communication (11.9%), craftsmen, production-process related works (10%), service workers (9.5%), and clerical jobs (2.8%) . A very limited group was engaged in the practice of their own professions (1.9%), including those employment in administrative (1%) and mining-related occupation (0.5%).
Skilled worker (both highly skilled and semi-skilled) were likewise present likewise present, e.g. drivers, carpenters, dressmakers or tailors, construction workers, mat-weaver, mechanics, technicians, sawmill workers, furniture-maker, and factory-workers, including teachers.
At the same time, survey finding provided evidence regarding the extent of couples sharing in their income-earning roles within the household, with more than half (63.8%) of the spouses likewise pursuing various occupations. Again, the single highest group were engaged in trade and commerce, “buy-and sell” activities and acting as sales clerks. The second highest group were involved in transport and communication related works (17.6%) such as drivers, welders, mechanics, radio operators and repairmen. Skills and other crafts and likewise present, e.g. driving, carpentry, dressmaking or tailoring , welding, construction, among others.
Sales-related activities provider the main source of household income (22.3%) such as vending, sari-sari stores, sales clerks and “buy-and-sell”, followed by manual laborers (17.5%), and farm-related occupations (15.5%). Others mentioned those related to transport and communication (15.2%), services such as technical and beautician, (9.7%), craft-making and production (6.2%) , clerical (4.5%), administrative works (2.3%), practice of profession (2%), and mining (0.3%). These sources of income indicate that the respondents mainly relied on wages and salaries (95.5%). The rest (4.5%) relied on the salaries of their children, financial support from children and pensions.
Only a few of the respondents (30.3%) reported secondary sources of income mainly on sales (57%). The other types of secondary sources of income were services as beautician (13.2%), farming and fishing, and craft making and production related jobs (6.6% each), manual laborers (5%), administrative and managerial (3.3%), transportation and communication (2.5%), as teachers and employed in clerical jobs (0.8% each).
Total Monthly Income from Primary and Secondary Source.
The total monthly income from primary sources ranged from P200 to P9,000, with about half earning between P1,801 to P3,400 monthly (48.7%). They earn an average of P2,404 a month from such sources. On the other hand, the earning from the secondary sources range from P100 to P6,000 monthly with almost three-fourths (74.4%) reporting income between P100 to P2,460 a month. They earn an average of P1,670 a month.
Child Employment (0-14 Years Old). The research findings revealed a limited number of working children among the household covered for the study,i.e. one percent or 4 respondents claiming to have children contributing to family income. A total of seven (7) children were reported working at the time of the survey or an average of 1.75 working children per respondent.
These children were employed either as fishermen, vendors of pandesal and/ or fish and as laborers, earning an average of P38 a month.
A total of 37 or an average of 1.3 youths were reported working primarily as service workers (43.2%). Other were employed either as sales workers (29.7%) like fish vendors “sari-sari” store owners, and salesclerks, as transport-related workers and manual laborers (10.8% each) or a fishermen (5.4%). They earned from as low as P100 to as high as P4,500 monthly, with modal income concentrated in the P100-980 income bracket (59.5%). The earned a monthly average of P1,110.
Adult Employment. Data finding revealed that less than a fifth (16%) of these household had employed adults residing with them (64 respondents), with a total of 94 or an average of 1.47 working adults per household. The majority of those households with employed adults have at least one working adult (67.2%). These adults worked primarily as laborers (29.8%) or as sales workers (24.5%). The rest in descending order were employed either as office clerks (13.8%), service-related workers, (11.7%), or drivers and factory workers (5.3% each). Administrative workers, teachers, and miners constituted approximately 3.2 percent each.
On a monthly basis. the employed adult earned from P50 (minimum) to P3,500 (maximum), with more than (69.1%) earning less than P1,800. The computed monthly mean income for these employed adults was P1,496.
Fifty four respondents (13.5%) reported having unemployed adults within their household,i.e. a total of 102 or an average of 1.89 unemployed adult per household. The finding likewise revealed that more than half of the respondents had at least one unemployed staying with them.
Monthly Income Contributions by Other Family Members. Less than one-fifth (16.3%) of the total respondents reported having receive income from other family members residing elsewhere. i.e. siblings, friends and other relatives. Such contributions ranged from as low as P25 to as high as P6,000 monthly (62.2%). On the average approximately P1,432 was received monthly as contributions from other family members.
Monthly Household Income. Given the various income sources total mean household income was P3,154. This was significantly lower relative to the NEDA estimates (As of March 1991) that a family of six must earn P3,864 month or P46,368 a year to survive. Regional variations in commodity prices and cost-of-living indices provide little consolation. The average monthly income was likewise lower than the poverty threshold (P3,916) established by NEDA as of May 1991 for the whole country. Given the poverty threshold figure for the whole country (P3,864), the research finding revealed that the incidence of poetry among the respondents was 71 percent (or 284 respondents)- a figure higher than the national figure of 60 percent – meaning that almost three-fourths of the respondents failed to meet the daily needs for survival.
Monthly Household Expenses
Comparing the mean household income figures (P3,154) and expenses (P2,804) of these urban poor households, however, suggest the possibility and saving at a monthly average of P350.00 (representing 11 percent of total monthly household income). On the other hand, how do these urban poor households spend their income? what values and priorities are reflected in their mode of expenditures?
Food expenses constituted the single highest expense-item,i.e. 52 percent of the average total household income on a monthly average of P1,623.50. Amortization payments (either for lots appliances, or other types of loans) ranked second at 38 percent or an average are likewise spent on fuel and other energy-sources (at least P542.7 per month) not a by liquefied petroleum gas (LPG), charcoal, kerosene, electricity and firewood, in the order. Still other alternative fuel-source used are rice husks and saw dusts. Insights into these urban poor’s priorities in life are further provided by finding on expenses for leisure and recreation e.g. Christmas holidays, fiestas and birthdays, and money spent for liquor, cigarettes and gambling. These constitute approximately 25 percent of total income or an average of P630.50 per month. On the other hand, monthly expenditures for other basic needs like transportation (304.90), education (P128.00) and clothing (P111.10) make up roughly 18 percent of total household expenditures.
Appliance and Property Ownership
What tangible and physical assets do these families own? What ,odes of ownership prevail among urban poor households? Televisions (black and white), tape-cassette recorders, electric fans, sala sets, and cabinets – in that order – were the most popular possessions (ranging from 30% to as high as 41%) among the respondents. To a limited extent, wall clock, radios and colored televisions were likewise reported. Lot ownership, on the other hand, were claimed by at least 25 respondents and included either residential or agricultural lands (3% percent).
Nearly two-thirds of the respondents (61.7%) were local migrant, i.e. 34.5 percent moved from areas within the residence-barangay and 27.2 percent from within Davao City. About 18.5 percent may be considered as original occupants in the survey sites having claimed they had not lived in any other places. The rest (16.3%) claimed to have resided outside of Davao City mainly on other regions in Mindanao.
The reasons cited for leaving their previous residence generally suggest the strong “pull” factor of the cities,i.e. the attractions of the new area given its perceived economic opportunities (26.7%), including opportunities to own a house and lot (10.1%) and change of work (1.2%). On the other hand, “push”-factors are similarly present: the bad conditions of the previous residence (18.0%), eviction/demolition (13.5%), natural calamities (8.3%), and family-related reasons like marriage (6.1%).
Close to half respondents (47%) have stayed from one to 90 months in their residence or approximately 7.5 years. More than half (53%) have stayed in their current residence more than sever years. They resided in their current residence for an average of 156.65 months or 13.05 years. The top-three reasons most cited for staying in the current residence consisted of 1) the opportunity to own a lot and house or at least a place to stay (50%),2) access to work and other social amenities like education and health(39%) and 3) family-related reasons like living near their relatives (25.0%). Still other mentioned the security provided by the place (8%), or having been convinced by relatives and friends to squat i the area “(5.5%), or the area their place of birth (3%). A common perception is that security of land tenure would easily be the most crucial problem confronting squatters. Survey data, however, revealed that the respondents were divided on the issue. A little more than half claimed they had no fears of being evicted from their current residence (52.5%) while 47.5 percent expressed otherwise. Among those who admitted feelings of insecurity, the predominant explanation cited was either the absence of land tenure or any assurance of ownership, including alternative places to go to (76.3%). Other mentioned the problematic acquisition procedures (10.5%), the constant fear of possible plans and actions by the landowners regarding the place (10%), and government action itself (6.3%). A limited group noted the consequences eviction would have on their livelihood activities (1.6%), including the cost of moving to another area and the lack of unity among residents (0.5% each).
On the other hand, those who claimed to have no fears of eviction mainly explained that opportunities were present for eventual land ownership given their length of stay in the area, the increasing population of squatters, the absence of other claimants and their urgent land-renter status (58.1%). Still others mentioned their land owner’s assurance of land use(36.7%), their existing community organizations and the support of PCUP (5.2%), the assurance of government assistance (1.9%). Four admitted that they would resist eviction (1.9%). Four admitted that they would resist eviction (1.9%). Four admitted that they would resist eviction (1.9%) while two other reported that they have not received any notice of eviction as yet (1%).
Despite the insecurity in land tenure and the dangers posed in residing in slum areas, only a few of the respondents (25 or 6.3%) expressed plans to move out of their current residence. Most of those who planned to move out of their current residence however failed to identify where they would transfer to (36%). Those who did, mentioned mainly areas within Davao City (28%) or at least just within the barangay (8%). The rest identified such destinations as Davao del Norte, Surigao del Norte, Region IX, Region X, Visayas(4% each) and Luzon (8%). Such plans of moving from their current residence were mostly influenced by the desire for better job opportunities (40%). Other mentioned their insecurities regarding possible land ownership (12%), opportunities for land-purchases possible and ownership (12%), opportunities for land-purchases(8%), including the need to be independent from parent (8%) and to have a decent place for their children who are studying (4%).
Respondents responded negatively when asked whether they had ever experience being relocated. About 95.5 percent had no experience of relocation. Only a few (4.5%) did. Those who were relocated were mostly transferred to the Mandaya Village-Talomo (83.2%). Still other mentioned transferring simply within their barangay (5.6%). Asked about the circumstances which their barangay (5.6%).. Asked about the circumstances which brought about their eviction, the majority pointed to the use of the land for a church-building (83.2%). Other reasons cited were: having lost the case regarding the land-disputes, the area being appropriated by the government, or the area being burned (5.6% each). The majority were located in September 1990 (72.0%) while others moved during the period 1972 to October 1990 (28%). Asked what agency was responsible for their relocation, the majority mentioned the church (83.2%), while others mentioned the city government (11.1%).
Health and Nutrition
The majority of the respondents (93.7%) claimed that households members were afflicted with illness during the last two years, with the rest (6.3%) claiming otherwise. Some data of this study, however, do not specify the specific disease. Asked to rank the disease from the highest incidence to the least within their households during the preceding two (2) years, the respondents identified the top three ailments as fever, cold and fever, cough and fever for children, young adults, and adult respectively. Such illnesses being symptomatic of pulmonary diseases, research finding suggest the needs for such ailments to be diagnosed properly by medical personnel. Other disease most prevalent among children were diarrhea (Rand “4”), measles (Rank “5”), pneumonia (Rank “6”), brochitis (Rank “7”), gasto-intestinal problems (Rank “9.5”). Young adults were most commonly afflicted with diarrhea (Rank “4”),pneumonia (Rank “5”), and gastro-intestinal diseases (Rank”%”), hypertension (Rank”^”), tuberculosis(Rank “7”) and bronchitis (Rank “8”).
The majority of the respondents (84.7%) had available of various medical and health services, either from the government health center and personnel (68.7%) or from private clinics or practitioners from the public health centers were more accessible, available and affordable to the majority of the community residents that the private health services.
Organizational Membership
Survey finding showed a high level of organizational participation by these respondents, with more than three-fourths (81.2%) of the respondents belonging to various community organizations and with a total of 475 community organizations identified by the respondents (or an average of 1.46 organizations per respondent). The respondents usually belonged to from one to four types of organizations. More than half (64.9%), though, were member of at least one community association. Other belonged to two organizations (25.5%), with the rest either three (8%) or four (1.5%) organizational affiliations each. Roughly three-fourths (75.4%) of these were people’s organizations. The rest were either non-government (23.8%) and government organization (0.8%).
Most of the respondents (60.4%) generally to either the urban-poor/cause-oriented types of organizations, with a smaller group (22.5%) mentioning religious groups. The rest invariably belonged to either economic-based/income-generating types (5.3%), civic (4.4%), socio-cultural (3.6%), youth (2.9%), political (0.8%), health (0.4%) and land based (0.2%) types of organizations. On the whole , less than a fourth (20.9%) of the respondents reported having receive some form of assistance or benefits from the organizations they belonged to. The other (79.1%) claimed otherwise. The 68 respondents-beneficiaries received mainly either technical (85.3%) or financial assistance (76.5%). Other forms of assistance were materials (32.4%),spiritual development (23.5%), being organized (7.5%), assistance in land-negotiations (2.9%),cooperation (2.9%), gifts (1.5%) and value-formations (1.5%).
A very limited group (53 respondents representing 16.3%) claimed having received some form of training from their organizations, with the majority (83.7%) claiming otherwise. Training activities received were usually in the acquisition of various skills (43.4%) and leadership training (32.1%). The others mentioned marriage enrichment seminars (5.7%), family-planning seminars (5.7%), membership seminars (5.7%), orientation on Community Mortgage Programs (3.8%), community-organizing seminars (1.9%), charismatic seminars (1.9%),drug prevention (1.9%) and loan application seminar (1.9%). The training were mainly sponsored by government (43.4%) and people’s organizations (41.5%).
Perceived Community Problems
The respondents were asked from a list of at least seven types of community problems and to rank such problems according to their perceived urgency,e.g. land tenure, livelihood, water, sewerage/drainage, peace and order, among others. As ranked , the top three major problems were insecurity in land tenure (Rank 1.23), water (Rank 1.92), and livelihood /unemployment (Rank 2.00). The other problems mentioned included poor sewerage/drainage systems (Rank 2.03), peace and order (Rank 2.29), and light(Rank 2.35).
Other community problems mentioned by the respondents in varying degrees were subsequently re-classified as physical/infrastructures-related, e.g. poor roads, no bridges, swampy flooded areas, erosion due to high tides/tidal waves, foul smelling canals,lack of any sea wall protection , congested areas and others. The rest were health/sanitation-related, e.g. limited toilets, poor sanitation practices, poor garbage disposal, inaccessibility of a health center, poor health, and a limited supply of medicines; economic-related, as lack of food supply, inadequate capital, and limited fish catch; and social, as lack of unity, rampant gambling and non-ownership of their house.
Given such community problems , what solutions were offered but these respondents? Focusing on the top two mentioned solutions, a variety of recommendations were given: For problems relating to land tenure, the respondents mainly mentioned seeking the assistance of the government /barangay officials (27.7%) and for the organizations to negotiate with landowners to sell their lands to the squatters (26%).
Livelihood /unemployment problems, on the other hand, were likewise perceived as capable of being solved by seeking the assistance of the government (43.4%) while water-related problems were expected to be remedied by putting up a water system (51.1%) . Problems relating to light and electricity would hopefully be resolved by requesting Davao Light and Power Company (DLPC), i.e. the Davao City -based electrical company to install light facilities (63.2). Sewerage and drainage problems may be solved by harnessing the “bayanihan”-system, e.g. organizing the community members are best resolved by participating in barangay-tanod (volunteer neighborhood security forces) activities (38.1%) and by respecting one another (33.3%).
Irregardless of the community problems indicated, survey respondents consistently mentioned manpower, specifically volunteer manual labor,as the most available resources that could to be tapped to solve community problems. Varying resources were, however, indicated for solving such problems as unemployment, light, or those relating to peace and order. Majority of the respondents (62%) are aware of some form of assistance provided in solving the community problems, with 38 percent claiming otherwise. Such assistance generally came from government organizations (86.2%), with the rest non-government (16.4%) and people’s organizations (10.5%). Political organizations served as the single biggest group (29.6%) providing assistance in solving community problems. The rest consisted of religious-types of organizations (19.1%), and land-based groups (10.5%), among other. The assistance provided in solving community problems was generally technical (53.9%), or in terms of material assistance (36.2%). Other mentioned being provided immunization services (28.3%), financial assistance (11.8%), and, to a limited extent, skills development (0.7%).
Future Plans of the Respondents for the Next Five Years
The respondents were asked regarding their plans for themselves, family, community and country for the next five years.
The respondents’ individual plans were basically economic in nature, i.e. improvement of their economic conditions (32.3%), security of land tenure/land ownership (17.3%), and employment (14.8%). Other plans mentioned included the provision of a good life for their children and family (5.5%), and the improvement of living conditions as in the improvement of house or appliances owned (3.3%). To a lesser extent, eight respondents expressed their desire for good health (2%) or transferring to other place e.g. a farm or their birthplace (1.3%). Twenty-four percent of the respondents failed to indicate their plan for themselves at the time of the survey. The respondents further revealed their beliefs that such plans could be primarily attained either by looking for jobs here and abroad (25%), working hard (17.8%), putting up or expanding business (14.8%), and saving money (14.1%).
Asked about their plans for their families, the respondents expressed mainly their desire to second children (including brothers and sisters) to school (63.3%). Such finding may be explained by the general perception that education provided the best opportunities for higher salaries and decent lives. Still others mentioned for higher for improved economic condition (12.8%) and the acquisition of their own lots and houses (10.5%). To a lesser extent, other plans cited included the renovation improvement of their houses (5.5%), putting up/expanding sari-sari store business (3.3%), good health (1.3%), spending on vacation with the whole family in one’s birthplace (0.5%). The strategy most mentioned by the respondents to attain such plans for the family was to apply/look for better jobs (34.4%). The other strategies cited included putting up/sustaining/expanding business (23.7%), hard work (21.9%), and saving money (17.3%), among others.
While the respondents were squatters in the survey sites, most of them (25.5%) expressed of developing their areas,as,for example,through having concrete roads. They likewise planned to improve the economic conditions of the community members by helping them acquire their own houses and lots (17.0%), putting up promoting peace and order (5.3%), among others.
The respondents revealed their belief that their plans for the community could be attained through cooperation among all members in various community activities (24.6%), not to mention organizing community members (16.9%), giving little cash donations (9.2%), and helping one another (8.8%), among others.
Data further revealed personal plans as a strategy to realize community plans such as , for example, looking for jobs (2.3%),borrowing money as capital (1.2%), and “beautifying and cleaning my surrounding” (1.2%). Other indicated dependence on the government (18.1%) regarding attainment of their community plans.
The singular most mentioned plan for the country was to maintain peace and order (27%), followed to a much lesser extent by reducing prices of basic commodities and helping recover from economic crisis or improving economic conditions (7.3% each). Other plans mentioned for the country included minimizing the nation (2.3%), changing governmental management style or engaging in democratic management (2.0%) – including having capable honest president or even a male president(1%).
Again most of the respondents believed that such plans for the country could be attained by fostering unity or cooperation (27.9%). The rest identified the strict observance of government rules and regulations (20.7%), monitoring or prosecuting corrupt officials (15.9%), and providing employment opportunities (6.3%), among others. The respondents individual plans were basically economic in nature, i.e. improvement of their livelihood , water, sewerage/drainage,peace and order, and others.
Values Perceived as Facilitating (or Hindering) Community Development
The respondents were asked about values perceived as contributing to community development and those that would hinder such development. On the whole, the respondents mentioned at least 22 types of values that would promote community development, with cooperation (711.8%), unity (46.5%), understanding (18.5%) and the “bayanihan”-spirit (13%) as the four most mentioned values. On the other hand, the respondents indicated even more values – at least 49 – which hinder community development. The top two most mentioned were misunderstanding (61%) and non-cooperation (39.5%).
Finally, the respondents were made to identify the positive traits that would make a good President of the Philippines based on a pre-identified list. The most mentioned trait was honesty (98%), followed by being public-service-oriented (89.3%) and intelligent (81%). The other traits included being just and decisive (80.3%). Graft-busting (77.5%), being nationalistic (76.3%), democratic (75.3%), and fearless (74
%) were likewise mentioned. To a lesser extent , others identified having good public -speaking skills (64.8%), and having international stature (51%).
Summary of Findings
The majority of the respondents were females (65%), married (92.2%), had formal education (99.8%), were between 20-49 years old (78.8%) and hailed from region XI (59.0%), particularly from Davao City. The preponderance of female-respondents as attributed to their availability during the survey period, being mostly unemployed and hence in their households.
The majority of the respondents (67.5%) had nuclear families. They has an average of 5.99 household members -such findings being consistent with those of Jimenez (1986) that urban poor families are large with an average of six members per household. They had a total of 1,417 living children or an average of 3.67 per family three-fourths (75.5%) of the children were in the 0-14 age bracket indicating the predominance of a relatively young population. More than half of these children (58.5%) were in school.
Close to half (47.5%) of the respondents were unemployed due to the high proportion of female-respondents. The employed respondents and their spouses were mostly employed in sales-related works i.e. 32.4 percent and 20.4 percent, respectively like vending or selling either as an itinerant hawkers or engaged in the typical “sari-sari” store and other “buy-and-sell” activities. Less than a third (30.3%) reported secondary sources of income, mostly from sales-related works (57%). They earned an average of P2,404 and P1,670 monthly from the main household and secondary sources of income, respectively.
Four household-respondents at least seven children as a fisherman, pan de sal peddler, fish vendor or manual laborer and earning as average of P38monthly.
A total of 37 working were reported by 29 households, usually as service workers (43.2%) and earning an average of P1,110 monthly.
Similarly, 64 households indicated at least 94 adult workers, usually as manual workers and laborers (29.8%) and earning an average of P1,496 per month.
Furthermore, less than a fifth of the respondents (16.3%) receive financial support from other family members not currently residing with them, usually at an average of P1,432 monthly.
Sales-related activities provided the respondents main source of household income (22.3%). The household earned a monthly average of P3,154, i.e. an amount slightly lower than the P3,864 minimum household income Filipino must earn to survive. Survey figures further indicated the relatively high incidence of poverty among the respondents receive high incidence of poverty among the respondents, with 71 percent or 284 respondents-households receiving even less than the poverty threshold figures.
Relating the respondents’ average monthly household expenditure of P2,804 to the average total monthly household income of P3,154 yield an average unexpended amount of P350 per household (approximately 11 percent of the average total monthly household income).
Food expenses constituted the single highest expense item (52 percent of the average total monthly household income at an average of P1,623.50), with amortization payment (38.1 percent of the average total monthly household income) ranking second. The sizable portion of the income spent for fuel and their energy-sources (17.2%) is likewise worth noting.
The five most mentioned appliances owned by the respondents included black and white television (41%), tape/cassette recorders (38.5%), electric fans (34.5%), sala sets (30.8%), and cabinets (29.5%). Lot ownership among the respondents was minimal (25 respondents or 3percent).
More than three-fourths of the respondents (326 respondents or 81.5%) indicated having lived in various areas but mostly in areas within the barangay serving as the survey-sites (42.3%). Residential moves were mainly motivated by the “attraction to the new place due to economic reasons and access to work, education and other physical amenities”(26.7%). In a related manner, close to a fifth (18.9%) of these respondents mentioned being “forced out due to (the) bad conditions of (their) previous residence (such) as high cost of rental and unstable peace and order situation among others.
These survey-respondents have resided in the survey sites for approximately 13.05 years on the average. Furthermore, decisions to stay in their current residences have been explained incariably by the presence of “opportunities to own lots, build houses,purchase lot-rights, rent houses” and the “accessibility of the workplace and other social amenities and the desire to stay in the city”.
Despites problems relating to the security of land tenure, roughly half of the respondents (52.5%) did not fear possible eviction mainly due to the “assurances given by landowners regarding the use of the land “(58.1%). Those who feared eviction, on the other hand, mostly expressed their insecurities given their squatter- or renter-status, including the lack of alternative places to go to (76.3%).
Likewise, only a few intended to move out from their current residence (25 respondents or 6.3%). When asked about their possible destinations, most (36%) had no specific places in mind. Furthermore, such desires to transfer residence were mainly influenced by the need to find better jobs (40%).
Finally, less than a fifth of the respondents (18 respondents or 4.5%) had undergone relocation, mostly in the Mandaya Village, Talomo (83.2%) in September 1990 (72%) as initiated by the local parish of the Catholic Church as a church construction site.
There was a high incident of illnesses (93.7%) reported among the respondents, mostly relating to disease typical in underdeveloped among depressed areas – usually communicable, infectious, preventable but not controlled and sometimes not diagnosed properly due to poverty. These include fever, cough/cold, and cold/fever among children, youths and adults.
Utilization of medical and health services among the respondents was high (84.7%), usually from government health centers (68.7%).
There is a high a percentage of organizational membership among the respondents (81.2%). They were members of an average of at least 1.46 community organizations which were mostly people’s organizations (75.4%) especially urban poor organizations (60.4%).
The benefits received from their organizational affiliations, as indicated by only a fifth (20.9%) of the respondents, was mainly technical assistance (85.3%). Training ,particularly skills training (43.4%),was reported by only 16.3 percent of the respondents.
Land tenure problems (rank 1.23) dominated all other community problems cited by the respondents, followed by water-related problems (rank 1.92). These problems they started, could perhaps be minimized by seeking assistance from the government (26.7%) and installing local water system (51.1%). To help solve such problems, the respondents mainly cited their own manpower resources as the main possible resources of the community.
At least more than half of the respondents (62%) were aware of the various forms of assistance provided to help solve community problems. Such assistance was primarily provided by political type (29.6%) of government organization (86.2%) in the form of technical assistance (53.9%).
Asked about their plans for themselves, the respondents mainly cited plans of improving their economic conditions (32.3%), either through local or overseas employment (25%).
Family -related plans focused on providing for the education of their children , brothers and sisters (63.3%). Relatedly, they observed that such desires could hopefully be fulfilled by having better-paying jobs (34.4%), putting up, maintaining or expanding business (23.7%) and through sheer hard work (21.9).
Despite problems relating to lot-ownership, the respondents expressed their desire to develop their respective communities mainly by cooperating in all community activities (24.6%) and by seeking the assistance of the government (18.1%).
Finally, the maintenance of peace and order (27%) ranked foremost among the plans of the respondents for the country. Similarly, the respondents expressed the belief that these could be attained by fostering unity or cooperation among community members (27.9%) and by adhering to the laws and regulations of the government (20.7%).
While cooperation and unity were the two most mentioned values promoting community development , the lack of cooperation and misunderstanding were regarded as the top two factors which hinder community development.
Implications and Recommendations
The following are the implications and recommendations based on the findings of the study:
A. Policy and Program Issues
1. While survey finding revealed that government agencies were the main providers (86.2%) of service/assistance to solve community problems, collaborative participation of the non-government organization should be harnessed to improve program implementation. The two sectors should jointly assist the communities in the provision of basic services and opportunities of livelihood.
At the same time, the spirit of cooperativism may be helpful to make the urban poor sector self-reliant and self-sufficient, e.g. as in refraining from availing of loans at usurious rates. Small businesses may be establishment to augment their income for as suggested by the data findings, most of their income-sources were derived from buy-and sell activities or sales-related pursuits.
2. As regards their plans for the community, many respondents (25.5%) mentioned are development suggesting the need for the delivery of basic infrastructures and services to the target population.
On the other hand, given the impoverished state of the respondents, their personal plans focused on improving their economic conditions. Such finding suggest programs to improve the basic infrastructure in slum-communities and those which provide livelihood opportunities along with other services. Unemployed women may be organized and provided opportunities to participate in livelihood activities which do not demand their prolonged absence from their homes.
3. Given the high incidence of poverty (71%) among the respondents, other family members – particularly the children were forced to work to augment their parents meager income. This suggest the need for laws that do not hinder children from working but rather protect them from exploitation.
Such situation are but indicative of the dysfunctional patterns of urban growth Davao City and other regional centers are experiencing in the 1990’s. Thus ,centralized planning and implementation of urban development programs of the government should be reviewed and modified to allow region-based or local urban development planning and implementation focusing on industry, including physical and social infrastructures with a view towards possible inter – and intra-regional linkages.
4. The plight of the urban poor respondents, as evidenced by the high incidence of poverty, insecurity in land tenure and housing needs, among others, is but the necessary consequence of the centralized yet lopsided implementation of development programs Manila – the country’s primate city – benefits the most from such urban policies and programs, overshadowing and effectively offsetting development project introduced in the other regions through its own large-scale programs, established by both by the public and private sector. Thus, macroeconomic and growth policies (e.g. infrastructure investments and other public expenditures, private investment particularly those with government participation, under social services, and policies on multinationals and foreign investments) should be reviewed to effect a more decentralized economic development that will benefits the marginalized sectors of the society development that will benefits the marginalized sectors of the society in other regional centers. Furthermore, provisions for the use of idle government land, affordable housing programs and massive implementation of the Community Mortgage Programs (CMP) are envisioned to assist this marginalized sector of urban areas.
An integrated approach in thus recommended, i.e. specifically designed not only to address the economic aspect of urban life but other equally important areas such as housing , health and nutrition, access to credit resources, education and ever the need to organize the urban poor so as to assume greater leverage in dealing with government and private agencies.
5. Given the “push – and pull-factors” of migration e.g. attraction to new places due to economic reasons and access to work, access to education and other physical amenities (26.7%), the poor conditions of their previous residences (18.1%) and the available idle urban private and public land, it is deemed necessary that land policy should be reviewed. Likewise, the Community Mortgage Program (CMP), currently implemented nationwide with the assistance of the National Home Mortgage Finance Corporation (NHMFC), should be strong supported and enhanced.
Furthermore, these migration factors indicate the need to development the amenities of the places of origin and to distribute the employment opportunities not only in the city but also on its peripheries.
6. Though more than half of the respondents (52.9%) had no fears of being evicted mainly due to the “assurance of the landowners of the land use “(58.1%), those who feared eviction cited such reasons as the ” insecurity given their squatter-status”, “having no other places to go to”, and simply being mere renters (76.3%). Such finding suggest the need for local government to review existing urban planning and zoning policies to determine proper, just and equitable land use. Likewise, the government together with the non-government agencies – should provide affordable housing programs to the squatter-urban poor sector such a low housing.
7. There is a high incidence if illness (93.7%) among the respondents and their family members usually, fever, cough/cold, and cold/fever – which were mostly communicable, infectious and preventable and were not properly diagnosed due to poverty. Given the varied health-related programs implemented by the Department of Health (DOH) and their own problems regarding the availability of the outreach personnel, the assistance of the private sectors should be enlisted. However, clear delineation of their various roles and functions is imperative. Also, the DOH family-based health programs, i.e. teaching households to prevent and treat preventable diseases, should be religiously implemented.
8. The respondents plans for their family mainly centered on sending children (including brother and sister) to schools (63.3%). These were perceived to be best attained by applying or looking for better paying jobs (34.4%), putting up,sustaining or expanding businesses (23.7%) and through hard work (21.9%). They would demand the all-out support of government and non-government agencies in providing education (both formal and informal) to these marginalized member of urban society.
9. The survey result pointed out the general source of assistance were the government , non-government and people’s organizations. This implies the need for coordination and integration of policies, program and projects among different agencies concerned with the welfare of the urban poor. However, the tasks and functions of these institutions should should be clearly defined to avoid overlapping.
10. Given the major top community problems of squatting (due to the unavailability of land and lack of employment opportunities), the creation of alternative employment sites in the urban peripheries and rural areas – similar to an ” industry dispersal” or “back-to-the-provinces” program by the government in partnership with the non-government and people’s organizations – may be desired.
11. Given the implementation of the Local Government Code, it is strongly recommended that the collaborative participation of non-government organizations be harnessed and share in the social responsibility through intervention strategies such as:
a) organization and group-building for squatters as a collective entity so that an association is formed with advocacy and project management capabilities to work for their collective good;
b) introduction of socialized financing to organized squatters;
c) implementation of low-cost housing programs and services to address the attendant problem of squatting
d) integration of other basic services that answer the needs of the urban poor.
12. Less than half of the respondents children (41.5%) are not attending school. Thus, youth-centered programs have to be instituted by the government and other concerned agencies.
13. The incorporation of the communication Organizing through Participatory Action Research (COPAR) approach in the program implementation for the urban poor is likewise recommended. This would facilities the “bottoms-up” approach to development, i.e. allowing the target beneficiaries to understand their situation plan the appropriate strategies to address the situation and implement the plans in partnership with the program implementors. This is to ensure sustainable development.
Marital Rape: The Case of Remedios Baudon
The search for Remedios Baudon finally ended when I tracked her pr down to her “hiding place,” the Camp Domingo Leonor, which is the seat of Davao City police command. A most unusual refuge, I thought then, for rape victim-survivors like Remedios, to have taken shelter in the police barracks.
My search for her began when the Women’s Feature Service (WFS) asked me to write a story about Remedios who had just won a conviction against her husband for marital rape, the first Filipino woman perhaps to have ever come forward and sue her husband for marital rape. Despite its significance though, the story merited scant attention from the media, which at most carried the story in the inside pages and merely detailing gory, graphic facts of the rape.
I was no different actually from the rest. While I knew that marital rape is now penalized under the new Anti-Rape Law, it remained an abstract legal parlance for lawyers like me. Marital rape, while not expressly defined by law, is now tacitly recognized because of the provision that “a husband may be the offender of a rape charge and the wife the offended party.” It took an assignment for the WFS that made me see the extent and prevalence of marital rape, how it has been a living, tangible reality for many married women, how it shatters lives, homes and dignity, and how, for one woman, it meant losing a baby.
Until now, four years after it was passed, the innovation brought by the Anti-Rape Law is not known to people outside feminist groups and the legal community. ” That woman is crazy,” a taxi driver commented when told about the conviction of Remedios’s husband, Eleuterio, who was also a driver of the same company. ‘No wife in her right mind would want her husband arrested, much more accuse him of raping her.”
In a culture that regards sex in marriage as “wifely duty,” marital rape is a fiction, an aberration, an exception. “Traditionally, marriage is understood in our culture to include the marital obligation of spouses to give each other the right to each other’s body,” writes Presbitero J. Velasco, Jr.,(1998) a justice of the Philippine Court of Appeals. Thus, it comes as no surprise that the criminalization of marital rape was met with apprehension for its possible “negative impact on the family and the adverse psycho-social and emotional repercussions to children.” Marital rape is regarded as a threat by some, fearing that it may be “detrimental and inimical to the preservation of marriage.”
Because marriage in the Philippines is an inviolable social institution, the state has a duty to protect it at all costs. Prior to the Anti-Rape Law, a husband cannot be guilty of rape of his own wife because of the “matrimonial consent which she gave when she assumed the marriage relation.”
“There is a tension in our society between those who want all women to be protected from sexual assault and those who are concerned about protecting the marital relationship,” declares Mittie D. Sutherland in her 1992 article, “Assaultive Sex: The Victim’s Perspective.” It is this sort of tension that I wanted to explore in this paper. And so one November morning I entered the gate of Camp Domingo Leonor, armed with copies of the court decision, case stenographic notes, and a few notes on marital rape downloaded from the Internet. I asked directions from the sentry and found myself in the office of my “contact,” Police Major Lorna Molina. She introduced me to Remy whom I had expected to be someone younger. Enough of the myths that I myself had fallen prey to, portraying rape victims to be young, virginal-looking women. Remedios is 38 years old, but just as defenseless and vulnerable, I would later learn, and this is her story:
I come from a small barrio called Lica, in Mlang, Cotabato, the tenth of 15 children of a farmer. When my father died, I left to work as a househelp in Davao City. Years later, I was hired as canteen helper in a hospital. In the city, I had no relatives, only a few friends in the boarding house where I stayed. One Sunday, my friends invited me to go to the park. I refused but they were insistent, so finally I relented. What I didn’t know then was that they were setting me up for a ‘blind date’ with a man named Eleuterio.
I met him in the park. Soon after, my friends left me with him. When I insisted on going home, he offered to accompany me. We rode a taxi but I started to notice something unusual when the places became unfamiliar to me. ‘This is not the way to my boarding house,’ I said. ‘Don’t worry,’ I remembered him saying, ‘I’m taking you to my house because it is late. It is not safe for women to be alone at night.’ It was then that I got scared, but I didn’t know how to go home. Finally, we arrived in a house where there were children and adults. His relatives, he said. Seeing the children somehow assured me that maybe he meant no harm. He brought me to a room and left me very soon. I fought off sleep but I was very tired that I dozed off. Sometime in the middle of the night, when all was silent, I woke to find him all over on top of my body. I pleaded for him not to touch me. But he raped me, threatening to harm me if I shouted for help.
Soon after the rape, I left my boarding house. But he was able to hunt me down by following me from the hospital where I worked. Not long after, he forced open the lock of my rented room and waited for me. When I arrived, I was surprised to see him and immediately asked for him to leave. But he insisted on staying, saying that he intended to live with me. I had no choice but to allow him because I was afraid and he already ‘touched’ me.
In my barrio, I had a neighbor who was beaten up (gikulata) by her brothers for having been ‘touched’ by a man. A woman who has been ‘touched’ loses her honor if the man does not marry her. I was afraid of getting pregnant because I have seven brothers. If they found out that I had been ‘touched,’ they might beat me up also.
At first, he was very sweet and kind, trying to woo me. But I never loved him. After a month, the beatings started. He came home drunk all the time, and I suspected, high on drugs. He would kick and punch my breast, my back, thighs and legs. He got a kick out of seeing me covered with blood first before having sex with me. I often refused because it was very painful. He wanted to do it the way animals do it, he said, ‘doggie style.’ He loved it when I had menstruation because he was happy to see blood.
Still, I pretended to be happy and remained hopeful that maybe someday he would change. I even brought him to my barrio to meet my mother and brothers. No one ever knew the ordeal that I suffered with him, not my mother, my brothers, or even our board mates. They did not know that he treated me like a pig.
After a year and half of `living-in’ with him, he proposed marriage. He said that when I become his wife, I would be his property and he could do anything with me. I remembered answering back, `Maybe you mean to beat me up.’ Still, I consented thinking that maybe he would change when I become his wife and the mother to his child. But I was wrong. He never became husband to me because he was often away for days, for weeks, and came home once in a while only to have sex with me. And the beatings became worse.
I was three months pregnant when he came home on the morning of September 4, 1999. He barged into the door and found me folding clothes on the floor. let’s play basketball,’ he said. Every time I heard him say that, I crouched it? fear for I knew what he meant. I refused, fearful of my baby in my womb. But he dragged me to the floor, ripped my underwear, and forced himself on me. Soon after, I found blood in my genitals. He left me soon after. That same night, he returned to rape me again despite the pain. And the bleedings did not stop. Two days later, I brought myself to the hospital where I was told that I had a miscarriage.
Ten days later, he returned. Despite my condition, he demanded sex again. When I refused, he held a knife in my neck and forced me to have sex. ‘Better kill me now I can no longer bear the pain. I am not a dog: I pleaded with him. I spent days and nights crying over the loss of my baby and the pain in my genitals. I wandered on the streets like a crazed woman not knowing where to go. One time, I found myself entering a house where an old woman took pity on me. I was desperate and wanted to kill myself. But she told me that if I did, I could not give my baby justice and my husband would only be laughing at my dead body. I went to San Pedro Church and asked my baby to help me seek justice against the father who killed her. The Lord is truly kind because right after the church, I found myself entering the Camp Domingo Leonor where I accidentally met Maj. Molina who is my town mate. Not only did she give me food and shelter, she helped me file a case. A few months later, my husband was arrested and was found guilty by the court Now I am happy because my baby was finally given justice.
The Remy Baudon Case: A Profile of Marital Rape Victim-Survivor
Remy’s case is a complex one, composed of multi-faceted layers that had to be plucked bit by bit in order to be comprehended. Taken from a legal standpoint, the crimes committed by her husband were the following rape (the sexual assault during the first date, but was condoned when Remy entered into marriage with the offender), physical injuries (wife-battering), marital rape aggravated by the fact of pregnancy which makes the crime heinous, and intentional abortion (for the miscarriage because the husband knew that she was pregnant at the time of the sexual assault).
But Remy was not aware that her husband had committed violations against her person and honor. Perhaps it was the societal expectations of her as she had perceived that deterred her from seeking protection. Coming from a barrio where virginity is equated with chastity, her belief is that women should marry the man with whom she had her first sexual contact. A woman who loses her virginity outside of marriage also loses her honor and place in society.
Based on these perceptions and beliefs, it is logical to conclude that it was more out of fear, fear of being punished by her family and society that compelled her to keep her burden in secrecy and shame. (If they (brothers) found out that I had been ‘touched,’ they might beat me up also) It was also out of this fear of rejection by family and society that made her allow her perpetrator to live with her, that made her enter into a loveless marriage, which is also to a certain extent, a form of salvaging a “damaged honor.” Through marriage and pregnancy, she also believed that the ordeal would stop, that the beatings would cease. But these proved to be false hopes.
Through all these, she bore her sufferings in silence. “I pretended to be happy and remained hopeful,’ again rising to the expectations of society that married couples are supposed to be living in wedded bliss. Besides, she believed that it was her obligation, “a wifely duty,” to submit to her husband’s sexual needs.
It took the life of the baby in her womb for the ordeal to stop when the interventions came—police, judiciary, religious, and women’s support groups.
Societal Perceptions on Rape
“For feminist researchers, rape is ultimately a result of sex role stereotyping in the form of learned gender roles,” Sutherland notes. “Society labels behavior as feminine or masculine based on early socialization, which is reinforced by the normative, institutional, and legal structures of the society!”
Society perceives rape as a forced intercourse in which the vagina is penetrated by the penis and ejaculation results. There must also be some form of resistance from the victim, who sustains injuries in warding off the attack, who immediately reports the attack to the police. She must not also be a woman of loose morals. The perpetrator is a psychopathic stranger, and there is a witness to the assault. Sutherland says, “Such perceptions shape the ways we as a society respond to rape in legal definitions, criminal justice system responses, and the way we treat the rape victim. The perceptions also influence the victim’s response to the rapeevent, which partly explains why the incidences of rape remain underreported.”
Two theories are presented as to the motives for rape: (1) as an act of male dominance and (2) as a simple act of aggression. Sutherland (quoting Gordon and Riger 1989) however says rape is really a form of male dominance and thatwomen have been carefully socialized to this viewpoint. Feminists see rape as an ” extreme form of sexual exploitation and as a violent method to keep women in their place,” Sutherland notes. “Male dominance in the form of rape is merely aggressive behavior towards women, which is an inevitable part of the culture. Males are socialized to be the aggressive seducer and females to be passive prey and sex objects.”
Sutherland (quoting Knight, Rosenberg, and Schneider 1985) reviews the various profile types of rapists and classifies them into three groups as follows: ‘One is aggressive during the offense either to enhance his sense of power or masculinity or to express feelings of mastery and conquest. A second commits rape out of anger toward women and seeks to hurt, humiliate, and degrade his victim. He becomes sexually aroused in response to violence and commits brutal, sometimes bizarre assaults. The final type has an extensive criminal history; sexual offenses are only one component of any impulsive, antisocial lifestyle.”
Remedios’s husband displayed acts which are deemed to be a combination of the first two—aggressiveness and anger. I want to marry so I can do anything with you.
The Occurrence of Marital Rape
An Act of Violence
Most researchers agree that rape in marriage is an act of violence–an abuse of power by which a husband attempts to establish dominance and control over his wife (Bergen 1999).
A strong indication supporting the theory that marital rape is an act of violence are the research findings that majority of women who are raped by their partners are also battered. Called “battering rapes,” the victims experience both physical and sexual violence in the relationship. “Some are battered during the sexual violence, or the rape may follow a physically violent episode where the husband wants to ‘make up’ and coerces his wife to have sex against her will,” -Bergen also says.
Other women also experience “sadistic’ or “obsessive” rape which involve “torture and/or `peverse’ sexual acts and are often physically violent.” Husbands also often rape their. wives ” when they are asleep, or use coercion, verbal threats, physical violence or weapons to force their wives to have sex.”
By Remy’s account, Eleuterio would beat her either before or after the rape, and liked to engage in perverse sexual acts.
The Risk Factor
There is no composite picture of a husband-rapist but these men are often portrayed as “jealous, domineering individuals who feel a sense of entitlement to have sex with their property.” However, some risk factors are cited, which include the following “women who are already battered, pregnancy, being ill or recently discharged from the hospital, drug and alcohol use by the abuser.” Strikingly, many of these factors are present in the Baudon case, which only highlight the fact that Remy was victimized because she was particularly vulnerable, having no friends, relatives and other support systems.
The Effects of Marital Rape
Marital rape often has severe and long-lasting trauma for victim-survivors. The physical effects of marital rape may include “injuries to the vaginal and anal areas, lacerations, soreness, bruising, torn muscles, fatigue and vomiting.” Campbell and Alford (1989) report that one half of the marital rape survivors in their sample were kicked, hit or burned during sex.
Specific gynecological consequences or marital rape include “vaginal stretching, miscarriages, stillbirths, bladder infections, infertility and the potential contraction of sexually-transmitted diseases.” The rape caused Remy’s miscarriage. According to a medical report of the Davao Medical Center, it was caused by trauma in the cervix during sexual intercourse which may occur when it is done without the women’s consent.
Sutherland also says, “sexual assault is a severe, traumatic, and often life-threatening event from which many victims never fully recover.”
The Prevalence of Marital Rape
Throughout the history of most societies, it has been acceptable for men to force their wives to have sex against their will. This legal exemption is traced back to Sir Matthew Hale, Chief Justice in 17th Century England when he wrote, “The husband cannot be guilty of a rape committed by himself upon his lawful wife, for by their matrimonial consent and contract, the wife hath given herself in kind unto the husband which she cannot retract” (quoted in Russell 1990). Because of this, wives have been treated as the property of their husbands and the marriage contract is deemed an entitlement of sex.
However, the pioneering researches made on marital rape reveal that it is an “extremely prevalent form of sexual violence,” accounting for approximately 25 percent of all rapes (Randall & Haskall 1995, cited in Bergen). Researches also estimate that between 10% and 14% of married women experience rape in marriage.
Despite the prevalence of marital rape, this problem has received little attention from social scientists, practitioners, the criminal justice system, and the larger society as a whole. “It was not until the 1970s that we began, as a society, to acknowledge that rape in marriage could even occur,” Bergen observes.
The same may be said in the Philippines where marital rape is yet to gain public attention. “Many Filipino wives do not realize that they have a right over their bodies,” says Sister Josephine Bacaltos, executive director of the Women Network Group, a consortium of women groups in Davao City. “Treated as chattels or property by their husbands, a lot of women become resigned to their fate, until it reaches a point that their bodies can not take it anymore,” she says.
Remy is only one among scores of women physically injured and raped by their husbands or live-in partners. The Coalition Against Trafficking of Women reports that husbands account for 53.8 percent of the perpetrators of domestic violence and rape. More than half of the victims are married.
In Southern Mindanao, husbands comprise more than half of the perpetrators of the 719 reported cases of violence against women (VAW) from June to December 1999, according to the National Statistical Coordination Board.
Four out of 100 respondents in Southern Mindanao were also physically harmed while pregnant, a figure higher than the national rate of only three out of 100 women. This may be due to the campaign by women’s groups urging women to report VAW cases.
While these statistics show the rise of domestic violence, there is scant data on the extent of marital rape in the Philippines. So far, only Remy has filed a case in Davao City and won a conviction.
Feminist researcher Rosena Sanchez, co-coordinator of the Ateneo Task Force on Gender, Sexuality and Reproductive Health, says that while there is yet no local research done on marital rape, the issue crops up in forum group discussions among women in the communities. She cites in particular a 1996 study made among women working in one of the banana plantations in Davao.
The women, according to Sanchez, even coined a term – “Langkat Panty” – to refer to the act by which the husbands force their wives to have sex. Hyperbolically, the women described their “panties as being stretched to a kilometer” by their husbands when they refused, prompting them to wear two kinds of panties: one with garter in the morning, and one without a garter in the evening.
Triumph
“I was convinced that she was telling the truth,” explains Judge Renato Fuentes of the Regional Trial Court in Davao City when asked why he sentenced Eleuterio Baudon to reclusion perpetua. His decision states: “It is now clear and definite that a husband cannot utilize his right of sexual intercourse with his wife, perfunctorily as he pleases, without the consent and cooperation of the wife.”
His landmark decision is being hailed as a “breakthrough in jurisprudence” by women advocates, which they say is also sending a strong message to husbands that they can no longer force themselves upon the wife.
Remy is earning commendation for paving the way for other women to come forward and for showing them that they have a chance. ” We are demystifying the people’s belief that marital rape cannot happen. But it does, even in love marriages,” says Lyda Canson, executive director of the Bathaluman Crisis Center.
Remy’s triumph was not hers alone—it was shared by a network of institutions and support systems: the police, the judiciary and the women’s support groups such as the Woment and the Bathaluman. Much of the credit belongs to the Women’s and Children’s Desk of Davao City police, who assisted her in a tedious formal process that ranged from blotter reports, evidence gathering, the filing and prosecution case, the arrest of the offender, the court trials, up to the conviction. Not only were they present in all these stages, the WCD police, in particular Major Molina, also took her into custody by providing board and lodging in Camp Domingo Leonor.
Remy though was not able to hire a private prosecuting lawyer because she could not afford one. But there was a fiscal who understood her case and who was able to prosecute it successfully towards conviction. The judge was sympathetic and readily acknowledged the existence of marital rape sans the prejudices and biases that are usually attendant in sexual assault cases.
Conclusions
The novelty of the Baudon case has brought about a felt need to study and understand the whole concept of marital rape which represents “the changing tide of legal innovations,” as Judge Fuentes describes it. It is so because the penalization of marital rape is the fruit of lobbying efforts made by women to break down cultural barriers on gender-biased discrimination. It challenges well-entrenched beliefs and myths adhered to by traditional society which sanctions and perpetuates the continued oppression of women, a challenge also addressed to the institutions that bind society.
Remy Baudon is a victim, not by her husband alone, but also by us, the institutions, and society as a whole. Her perceptions on the expectations demanded of her as a woman, perpetuated by our culture itself, are the culprit to her bondage—physical, emotional and mental. To some measure, we stand as her aggressors also, and despite the abundance of socio-legal protective measures, we have failed to protect and defend her.
Were it not for the death of an innocent (the fetus in her womb), the interventions would not have come into play. Instinctively, we sheltered her from life’s blows because she was a mother agonizing over the death of a baby. It was not so much because she was a wife—oppressed, beaten and raped by a husband—it was more out of pity and mercy on her as a mother who lost her baby.
But while society failed her at the start, it was the institutions which delivered her from oppression. Society was able to recover from its failure, to deliver its intervention and assistance, to liberate her from her ordeal. While this society is torn schizophrenically between traditional cultural beliefs and the recognition of woman’s struggle for gender equality, it can still resolve its conflicts and strive to correct its faults and errors.