Tag Archives: Poor
Study on the socio-demographic and economic conditions of scavengers living in New Carmen, Tugbok , Davao City
A socio-economic profile of urban poor women in five selected areas of Davao City
The study on the living conditions of unmarried adolescent mothers who belong to the selected urban poor communities in Davao City
Gender Sensitivity in Housing and Household Conditions in Urban Poor Communities in Davao City, Philippines
The Constant Struggle to Become a Church of the Poor: Fifty Years after Vatican II
The Second Plenary Council of the Philippines (PCP II) was convened in 1991 to officially articulate the teaching of the Second Vatican Council (Vatican II) and its implications for the Philippine Catholic Church. In the “Message of the Council to the People of the Philippines,” the delegates remarkably declared: “Christ bids this community—ourselves, the laity, religious and clergy of the Catholic Church in the Philippines—to be a Church of the Poor” (PCP II 1992, xcvi). There is no doubt that the expression church of the poor has become the core message of PCP II. Did this ecclesiological vision really originate from the final documents of Vatican II? How does one become a church of the poor in the Philippine context? Who are the poor to which the church herself must identify with? These are the main questions that this paper attempts to answer.
This paper has three main parts: The first part tries to do a critical remembering of the Vatican II event; the second part attempts to give a brief account of the contextualization of the church of the poor agenda in the Philippines; and the third part proposes an expanded meaning of the poor in the light of emerging insights from the social and ecological sciences.
A Critical Remembering of Vatican II
The concerns of poor countries are “not totally absent” in the final documents of Vatican II. However, far from stating the obvious, it is important to emphasize that the Third World perspective of the poor is not well developed in the overall framework of the Vatican II documents. In this light, revisiting, if only in a brief way, the odyssey of the church of the poor at the council might be beneficial for the purpose of this paper.
A call for renewal
On 28 October 1958, the conclave of cardinals met to elect a successor to Pius XII and chose the seventy-six-year-old Patriarch of Venice, Angelo Roncalli (1881-1963), son of a humble working-class family of Bergamo, who took on the name John XXIII. Considering his old age, it was expected that this septuagenarian pope would not live very long. Presumably, he was elected as a sort of an interim pope.
This pope, however, surprised the whole church on 25 January 1959 when he suddenly announced his intention to call for an ecumenical council which was to be known as the Second Vatican Council (1962-1965). Many people could not see why he had to call for a council, as there seemed to be no outstanding heresy to be refuted. At any rate, according to the prevailing ecclesiology at the time, the pope can practically do everything by himself. So what was his point of bringing together bishops from all over the world?
The pope’s decision to gather the bishops from all corners of the world was very revealing of his new style of taking on the papacy. At least two important gestures are worth noting here. First, the very choice of the name John XXIII—and not another name in line with Pius—implied that this pope wanted to be different from his predecessors. As his chosen name suggests, he did not simply want to be an apostle of love—like John the Evangelist—but also wished to be a humble prophet—like John the Baptist—who had to decrease so that Christ might increase (Pieris 2010, 3). Indeed, contrary to the triumphalist posture of his predecessors, John XXIII wanted “to shake off the dust of the empire that has gathered since Constantine’s day on the throne of St. Peter” (Congar 1964, 168). This is very revealing of his programmatic vision of the church and the papacy.
Second, John XXIII explicitly called this ecumenical council as Vatican II to signal that he was not just re-convoking the First Vatican Council (Vatican I) which had been interrupted in 1870 due to the Franco-Prussian war. He made it clear that he was convoking a new council and not simply intending to continue Vatican I. As Joseph Komonchak (2000, 72) recounted, Vatican II was called in order “to meet the demands of the day” in a pastorally effective way.
This council has been described as “the greatest event in the last four centuries of Catholicism” which caused a sort of a “Copernican shift” in ecclesiological thinking (Cleary 1985, 168). In Vatican II, the magisterium rediscovered the church as people of God, developed the theology of the local church, and emphasized the praxis of collegiality in church leadership (Forte 1990, 43-104). With John XX1II’s new style of papacy, the church deliberately opened its window to the modern world and allowed fresh air to enter into it.
An encounter of “worlds”
The historic gathering of prelates from practically every corner of the world at Vatican II has been described as an earth-shaking “event” in the history of the church. As the Jesuit theologian Karl Rahner (1979, 717) asserted, the council was “the Church’s first official self-actualization as a world Church.” This awareness of the “world Church,” according to David Hollenbach (2005, 266-291, 285), would “avoid viewing Christianity as a European religion to be exported to the rest of the world along with European culture.” According to the official report, out of the 2,904 expected participants coming from 116 different countries, about 2,449 or 89.34 percent showed up in the first session of the council (Raguer 1997, 171). In terms of demographic identity and economic background, unofficial statistics revealed that the council fathers coming from poor countries comprised the majority of the participants. The composition of participants according to continents are as follows: thirty-one percent of the council fathers came from Western Europe, twenty-two percent from Latin America, twelve percent from North America, twelve percent from Asia and Oceania, nine percent from Africa, and three percent from the Arab world (Raguer 1997, 171-72).
Given the diverse background of the participants at the council, it would not be sufficient to simply polarize them between liberals and conservatives. For this reason, I propose to see the Vatican II event as an encounter of “worlds.” Many people today conveniently speak of three different worlds within one world. The First World comprises of Western Europe, North America, Australia, and Japan; the Second World consists of the former Soviet Union, its several Eastern European satellites, and Communist China; and the Third World (also sometimes called “Two-Thirds World” due to its relative population weight of the global inequalities) includes the so-called developing nations of Africa, Asia, and Latin America. Nevertheless, some writers even speak of the existence of a “Fourth World.” In his writings, John Paul II describes it as “the bands of great or extreme poverty in countries of medium and high income” (John Paul II, no. 31). The existence of a Fourth World simply shows that poverty is a global phenomenon and that it crosses beyond geographical boundaries.
Some people, however, tend to polarize the world in terms of “developed” and “developing” countries. Others use the terms “North” and “South” due to the fact that most of the rich countries are in the North and most poor countries are in the South. Still others have begun using the terms “Majority” and “Minority” worlds simply because, as Sean McDonagh (2006, 8-9, note 8) explains, ” [m]ost of the poor people on the planet live in the Majority World. Most of the rich live in the Minority World.”
In any case, all these worlds—both rich and poor—were represented at Vatican II. The participants of the poor world in the council outnumbered significantly those who came from the rich world. But being the majority in numbers did not necessarily ensure dominance at the council. On the contrary, the perspective of the minority rich prevailed over the perspective of the majority poor.
The disappearance of the church of the poor
Pope John XXIII, who played a significant role in the genesis and preparation of the council, expressed his vision of an inclusive church that would identify herself with the poor. This was explicitly revealed in his radio message on 11 September 1962 when he declared:
Confronted with the undeveloped countries, the Church presents itself as it is and wishes to be, as the Church of all, and particularly as the Church of the poor; … the miseries of social life which cry for vengeance in the sight of God: [A]ll this must be recalled and deplored (quoted in Wittstadt 1995, 438).
Accordingly, this message was very much in the air, opening up a different perspective for the council. As a matter of fact, there was an informal working group called The Church of the Poor, which had been meeting regularly at the Belgian College in Rome.’ Its main desire was to overcome the gap between the church and the poor which, according to its analysis, was caused by the church’s inordinate attachment to wealth. Lyons Cardinal Pierre Gerlier particularly made this point when he spoke to this group on 26 October 1962. Gerlier said: “It is indispensable that the Church, which has no desire to be rich, be freed from the appearance of wealth. The Church must be seen for what it is: the Mother of the poor, whose first concern is to give her children bread for both body and soul” (Raguer 1997, 202).
In the unfolding of the council, it was reported that the Cardinal of Bologna, Giacomo Lercaro, intervened during the 35th General Congregation on 6 December 1962 and made a daring request to make the church of the poor the fundamental topic of the council (Alberigo 1991, 116-32; Raguer 1997, 200). Along this line, there was also a motion by that same group, together with the then bishop of Laghuat (Africa) Georges Mercier, to draft a document on poverty. It was reported that Cardinal Lercaro submitted this motion to the Vatican Secretary of State for a review. Unfortunately, all these efforts to advance the perspective of the poor “have disappeared into the sands of time,” as there is no single discussion solely devoted to the topic church of the poor in the final document (Tanner 2003, 85). Norman Tanner (2003, 383) reported that the content of the second motion is supposedly most significant since it would have given “priority to an apostolate among the most needy, those often farthest from the church and yet the most favorably disposed toward the gospel, including those of the Third World; it also recommended a revival of the worker-priest movement.”
Retrieving the Christian option for the poor
It has to be reaffirmed that “the concern for the poor is not totally absent” in the final document (Lamberigts 2007, 17-40). The council fathers were certainly aware of the fact that the vast majority of humankind “are deprived of the bare necessities” and “have to live and work in conditions unworthy of human beings” (Gaudium et spes, no. 63). At least four important passages explicitly show the council fathers’ concern for the poor.
First, in Gaudium et sees, the council fathers expressed the church’s desire to share the situation and struggles of the poor by claiming them as her own:
The joy and hope, the grief and anguish of the men [and women] of our time, especially of those who are poor or afflicted in any way, are the joy and hope, the grief and anguish of the followers of Christ as well (no. 1).
It has been argued that the subsequent Catholic social teaching on “preferential option for the poor” may be taken to mean as an articulation of this powerful statement.
Second, there is the important passage from Lumen gentium which offers an excellent summary of the christological basis of the church’s commitment to the poor:
Just as Christ himself carried out the work of redemption in poverty and oppression, so the Church is called to follow the same path if she is to communicate the fruits of salvation to men. Christ Jesus, ‘though he was by nature God…emptied himself, taking the nature of the slave’ (Phil. 2:6, 7), and ‘being rich, became poor’ (2 Cor. 8:9) for our sake. Likewise, the Church…is not set up to seek earthly glory, but to proclaim, and this by her own example, humility and self-denial. Christ was sent by the Father “to bring good news to the poor…to heal the contrite heart” (Lk. 4:18), “to seek and to save what was lost” (Lk. 19:10). Similarly, the Church encompasses with her love all those who are afflicted by human misery and she recognizes in those who are poor and who suffer, the image of her poor and suffering founder. She does all in her power to relieve their need and in them she strives to serve Christ (no. 8).
This passage reveals that the church believes that her knowledge and vocation to follow Jesus Christ cannot be real without bringing justice to the poor whom she preferentially loves. The vision of the church of the poor is based on Jesus’ praxis of preferential option for the poor, and not the Marxist ideology of class struggle.
Third, in Gaudium et sees, the council fathers issued a politically explosive statement on social inequality based on the ethical position of Thomas Aquinas:
God destined the earth and all that it contains for the use of all men and all peoples so that all created things would be shared fairly by all mankind under the guidance of justice tempered by charity. Therefore every man has the right to possess a sufficient amount of the earth’s goods for himself and his family…. When a person is in extreme necessity he has the right to supply himself with what he needs out of the riches of others. Faced with a world today where so many people are suffering from want, the [c]ouncil asks individuals and governments to remember the saying of the Fathers: ‘Feed the man dying of hunger, because if you do not feed him you are killing him,’ and it urges them according to their ability to share and dispose aid which will enable them to help and develop themselves (no. 69; cf. Hiinermann 2006, 400).
Here, the council fathers made a correct judgment when they declared that an excessive accumulation of property and means of production by the few is deeply linked with the inequitable distribution of the goods of the earth. Responding to the needs of the poorest, as well as the Christian obligation to help them are challenges for the rich to limit their right to private property.
And fourth, also in Gaudium et spes, the council fathers expresses the church’s desire to be on teh side of the poor as they witnessed the life of evangelical poverty. They challenged the church to be the model of her own appeals. As the document declares,
[The church] never places its hopes in any privileges accorded to it by civil authority; indeed it will give up the exercise of certain legitimate rights whenever it becomes clear that their use will compromise the sincerity of its witness, or whenever new circumstances call for a revised approach (no. 76).
The wisdom behind this renunciation of church privileges and detachment from the patronage offered by rich people is to maintain a posture of freedom in taking a prophetic stance on social issues involving wealth and power.
Limited perspective on poverty
Many of the Third World delegates were not satisfied with the council’s prevailing perspective on poverty. This was the feeling particularly of those who looked for an explicit appropriation of the Third World perspective on poverty. To them, the final documents have failed to adequately appropriate the perspective of the poor. Cardinal Laurean Rugambwa (the first African cardinal in history) critically remarked that the problems of the poor countries were “sometimes examined with Western eye” (Routhier 2006, 135). The Indian Cardinal Duraisamy Simon Lourdusamy also noticed that the Third World problems had not been given sufficient attention during the council deliberations. The council, according to him, mainly focused on the human condition of the First World countries “that already enjoy the benefits of economic and technical progress and are excessively influenced by the effects of `socialization,’ industrialization; and ‘urbanization”‘ (quoted in Routheir 2006, 135). Aware of this limitation, a Belgian commentator concluded that Vatican II needs “a fair analysis of the problems of this world” in order to improve its theological perspective on poverty (Lamberigts 2007, 30).
Moreover, many theologians from Latin America, where the majority of the people were impoverished by the oppressive ideology of liberal capitalism, criticized the council’s analysis on poverty as inappropriate for the Third World context. Recall that Vatican II tends to view poverty mainly as a lack of development—a view which is unacceptable to the majority of Latin American theologians (Gutierrez 1988, 16-25). Segundo Galilea (1987, 62) concluded that Vatican II “was still very European in regard to Third World concerns.” Gustavo Gutierrez (1983, 193) further clarified that the main problem in the Third World countries is the fact that the poor are being treated as “non-person(s).” He argued that the poor need more liberation than development. Faced with various forms of oppression, the main problem in the Third World, according to him, is how to tell the oppressed people “that God is love” (Gutierrez 1978, 241).
Presumably, the foregoing critiques have been brought to the attention of the ecclesial magisterium. This is discernible in the subsequent post conciliar Catholic social teaching which, to a certain extent, tries to take up many of the unfinished agenda pertaining to the church of the poor and the liberative perspective of the Third world theologians (Dorr 1992; Dorr 2007). Note here that the goals of the church of the poor movement at the council and the pro-poor perspective of the Third World are not contextually the same. As Gutierrez (1978, 241) has clarified: “Liberation theology’s first question cannot be the same one that progressivist theology has asked since Bonhoeffer.” The former originated in the First World context; the latter emerged in the Third World. Nevertheless, it can be argued that both movements have significantly contributed to the magisterium’s appropriation of the celebrated phrase, preferential option for the poor.
The Postconciliar Struggle
Despite its contextual limitations, Vatican II made a strong theological impact on Third World countries. In Latin America, for instance, Vatican II has strengthened the local church magisterium (Consejo Episcopal Latino Americano or CELAM) which provides theologians “the courage to think for themselves about pastoral problems affecting their countries” (Boff and Boff 1987, 68-69). In Asia, Vatican II has also served as an impetus for the inception of the Federation of Asian Bishops’ Conferences (FABC) during the first meeting of Asian Bishops in Manila in 1970. It was during this historic meeting that the Asian bishops committed themselves significantly to building up the church of the poor (Arevalo and Rosales 1992, 5-6).
Meanwhile, Vatican II has become the watershed of renewal in the Philippine church. It was in the spirit of the council that the Philippine church decided to “go to the barrios” in 1967 (Fabros 1988, 99). This revolutionary pastoral practice to reach out to the rural poor was the fruit of the National Congress for Rural Development held in Cagayan de Oro City in the same year. Such congress was intended “to awaken everyone in the country to the crying needs of the rural population…so that [the local magisterium] may come to concerted action to alleviate these needs and to arrive at immediate solutions (CBCP 1967; 2007). Francisco Claver (1988, 23) claimed that, on the side of the Philippine hierarchy, “the go-to-the-barrios decision in 1967 was in effect the Church’s ‘preferential option for the poor.'” This goes without saying that, for Claver, the pro-poor movements in the Philippines had predated that of the CELAM’s Medellin Conference, which coined the phrase preferential option for the poor only in 1968. Elsewhere, Claver (1983, 75-81) argues that the Vatican II “germinal ideas” on dialogue, participation, and co-responsibility were responsible for the birth of Basic Christian/ Ecclesial Communities (BCCs/BECs) in Mindanao and the formation of the Mindanao Sulu Pastoral Conference (MSPC). Both ecclesial movements may be seen as manifestations of the church of the poor.
Perhaps the most significant magisterial appropriation of the church of the poor agenda in the Philippines occurred during PCP II in 1991. In this historic event, the delegates asked themselves: “What kind of a church must we be to meet the challenge of our society as we turn into the third millennium?” (PCP II, no. 87). In response, they boldly declared: “In the Philippines today, God calls us most urgently to serve the poor and the needy,” and so “we need to become the ‘church of the poor”‘ (PCP II, nos. 122-124). Thus, to advance this less developed ecclesiological theme in Vatican IL the PCP II has substantially devoted one section on the Church of the Poor in its final document (nos. 122-136). Luis Antonio Tagle (1993, 54) commented that “the discussion on the ‘Church of the Poor’ [is] the most original and powerful contribution of PCP II to ecclesiology.” He, however, lamented that the perspective on the “Church of the Poor” has not been utilized “as the main interpretative key for understanding the church” (Tagle 1993, 54). It can then be said that PCP II’s appropriation of this particular agendum was a timely attempt by the Philippine church to realize John XXIII’s ecclesiological vision which Vatican II had failed to develop.
Recently, the Philippine church renewed its commitment to dialogue with the poor by sponsoring the Second National Rural Congress in 2007. The focus on the rural poor is quite understandable since according to Asian Development Bank Report (ADB 2005) poverty in the Philippines remains a rural phenomenon. Why is this so? As Antonio Ledesma (2009, xii) has explained, the rural poor “are trapped in a vicious cycle of slavery, dependence and hopelessness mainly due to lack of access to resources.” It is a sad reality that landlessness still dominates the rural landscape in the Philippines even after the decades of agrarian reform. This alarming issue cannot be ignored in the church’s ongoing dialogue with the rural poor.
Having done a cursory review of the struggles to be a church of the poor, we are now going to highlight three important liberative attitudes toward the poor. Firstly, if we wish to understand the reality of poverty, we have “to sit at the feet of the poor,” as the poor “know best from their lot and experience” the existential meaning of poverty and oppression (Labayen 1995, 159-60). The church has to learn from the poor and enable the poor to participate in the process of evangelization. Secondly, we have to liberate the poor by taking up their cause according to the standard of Christian praxis. And thirdly, the poor should not be treated as mere passive objects of charity of the rich; on the contrary, they should be empowered as active subjects of their own liberation and social transformation (PCP II, no. 130).
Expanding the Notion of “Poor”
In Third World countries like the Philippines the poor may be categorized into four: The economically poor, the racially discriminated, the sexually oppressed and the ecologically poor. These faces of poverty are produced by the corresponding forms of oppression that perpetuate them. Seeing these different faces of poverty is imperative to our inclusive understanding of the church of the poor.
The economically poor
When John XXIII announced in 1962 that the church wished to be the church of the poor he most probably had in mind the socioeconomically poor: Those who have been deprived of the basic human necessities and the conditions to live a dignified human life. They are poor because of oppressive economic system. As a dominated “class,” the poor occupy the lowest level in the pyramidal structure of the neoliberal capitalist society (Boff and Pixley 1989, 6). Today, we see them in the faces of the migrants, rural and urban poor, landless peasants, fisher folks, disabled people, unemployed, underemployed, uneducated, technologically illiterate, and many more.
In our present globalized society, the poor are no longer simply on the bottom or on the margins of society; they are excluded or being forced to live outside the society. In the Aparecida Conference (2007), it is stated that “[t]he excluded are not simply ‘exploited’ but ‘surplus’ and ‘disposable. Since they are not useful in the economic system, the dominant class disposes them like “waste” outside the society (Bauman 2004, 24-62). How can the church of the poor be able to reach out to the excluded and to discern the suffering face of Jesus Christ in them?
The racially discriminated
If the socioeconomically poor belong to an indigenous tribe, they are doubly poor. In the words of Virgilio Elizondo (2007, 159), the poor indigenous people (IP) are at once economically oppressed and existentially poor in that their cultural poverty “has more to do with the very reality of who [they] are, where they were born, the color of their skin, the shape of their body, the language they speak, the ethnicity that radiates through every fiber of their being.” Perhaps this is the painful experience of the poor Lumad and Muslim Filipinos in Mindanao. The dominant and powerful ethnicities label them as inferior, uncivilized, backward, unworthy, and undignified. Consequently, many of the IPs have very low self-esteem. It seems that the injurious racial attitude toward the IPs has deeply penetrated their collective psyche to the effect that many of them tend to fatalistically accept any form of oppression, as though being a “dominated culture” is naturally part of the social reality.
The negative residues of our colonial approaches are still operating in the present dominant cultures that force the IPs to abandon their colorful pre-Christian praxis and animistic religions. On this issue, one theologian argues that it would be seriously inconsistent for the church not to recognize the authenticity of indigenous religions, considering that the church magisterium itself understands religion as the wellspring and heart of local cultures (De Schrijver 2002, 318). If it is true that “no one culture is superior or inferior to other cultures,” as Elizondo (2007, 161) has insisted, then it is not right to accept only the positive aspects of the ancestral cultures and uncritically reject the indigenous religions from which their rich cultures originate. Given this sad reality, how are the IPs to be empowered so that they may also actualize their charism of leadership both in the church and in their own cultural communities?
The sexually oppressed
In our present mindset, a poor indigenous person who happens to be a woman suffers the highest degree of poverty. This is true in our patriarchal culture where a poor indigenous woman painfully embodies three layers of marginalization: 1) She belongs to the lowest class; 2) She suffers racial discrimination from both non-indigenous men and women; and 3) She is being viewed as sexually inferior by both indigenous and non-indigenous men. Needless to say, the poor indigenous women may rightly be considered as the “poorest of the poor” (Gebara 1987, 110-117). This reality leads to the “feminization of poverty,” as though “poverty has a woman’s face” (Tamez 2007, 102).
The globalized culture alarmingly promotes different distorted “ideological currents” (for example, male chauvinism) that subject women to “new slaveries,” as well as oppressive ideologies of gender (patriarchal and androcentric ideologies) that falsely deny the full humanity of women. The Latin American bishops have condemned these oppressive gender ideologies as these are not based on authentic Christian anthropology that affirms the equal dignity of man and woman who are equally created in God’s image and likeness. The vision of the church of the poor, therefore, should promote gender sensitivity and mutual partnership in a way that, as the Aparecida Conference (2007) declares, forms “a community of equals in difference.” Are women ready to participate fully in ecclesial, family, cultural, social, and economic life?
The ecologically poor
Without being anachronistic, today’s ecological awareness is practically absent in Vatican II documents, which focuses more on human beings rather than on creation in its full reality. Perhaps this is understandable considering that the ecological concerns were not yet urgent global problems in the 1960s. Nevertheless, Gaudium et sees reminds the reader that the “conciliar program…will have to be pursued further and amplified because it often deals with matters which are subject to continual development.” This posture of openness has led to the eventual recognition of the ecological crisis as an urgent issue in the subsequent Catholic social teaching.’
Why do we have to care for God’s creation? Let me propose three theological reasons which correspond to three ecological perspectives. To begin with, there is the perspective endorsed by the magisterium that sees the human being as “a steward and administrator with responsibility over creation” (Benedict XVI 2009). This theology of stewardship flows from the biblical view of the human being as the image of God. The Catholic Bishops’ Conference of the Philippines (CBCP) reaffirms this perspective by emphasizing that God “charged the human beings to be stewards of his creation, to care for it, to protect its fruitfulness and not to allow it to be devastated” (quoted in McDonagh 1990, 209). In my view, the problem with the magisterium’s stewardship perspective lies in its anthropocentric treatment of ecological issues. As some commentators have critically pointed out, the Catholic magisterium is “ecologically conscious” but its perspective on addressing the ecological crisis remains anthropocentric (Smith 1995, 79).
Moreover, there is the ecological perspective proposed by liberation theologians who consider the care for God’s creation as part of the preferential option for the poor. Perhaps the best representative of this perspective is the Brazilian theologian Leonardo Boff. His preferential option for the poor includes “all the poor with all their many faces, and the great poor one, the Earth” (Boff 2001, 86). Boff does not only listen to the cry of the oppressed human beings but also to the groaning of “Mother Earth,” who grossly suffers due to global warming, poisoned waters, devastated forests, mineral extraction, endangered species, and destroyed ecosystems. Boff rightly argues that with these ecological crises, our option for the poor has to become an option for the earth—an option for all creatures threatened by anthropogenic calamities.
It is good to know that the Filipino bishops have rightly included the liberationist concern for the oppressed creation in their quest for justice. In its most celebrated pastoral letter on ecology, the CBCP declared: “The commitment to work for justice and [the task] to preserve the integrity of creation are two inseparable dimensions of our Christian vocation to work for the coming of the kingdom of God in our times” (McDonagh 1990, 213). Here, we need to emphasize the perspective that, like social domination (that is, domination of human by human), ecological domination (that is, domination of nature by human) is also contrary to God’s kingdom.
Finally, there is a less dominant ecological perspective inspired by St. Francis of Assisi whose religious experience has made us realize that “our sister, mother earth” is also our “common home.” The Franciscan ecological perspective proposes that the sense of communion enjoyed by human beings has to be extended to the whole of creation. The “mere existence” of creation gives glory to the Creator and calls for human beings to contemplate and to make use of them with care and sensitivity. This perspective blends well with the animistic beliefs of the IPs who spontaneously recognize their oneness with nature and the sacred presence of God in the environment.
John Paul II has rightly recognized St. Francis as a model of bearing witness to a “sort of kinship of man with his creaturely environment, fostering in him an attitude of respect for every reality of the surrounding world” (John Paul II 1997). For him, St. Francis offers an example par excellence of “a sense of ‘fraternity’ with all those good and beautiful things which Almighty God has created” (John Paul II 1997). The care for God’s creation that this “celestial patron of ecologists” exemplifies is based on his mystical experience of a universal kinship with all creatures: The realization that everything, including the most insignificant creatures, “had the same source as himself” (Boff 1997, 214). St. Francis cared for God’s creatures because all creatures, and not only human creatures, are literally his brothers and sisters in God. Today, in the light of the emerging earth sciences, we can certainly claim that all creatures are brothers and sisters of one another not in a metaphorical sense, for we know that “we have all evolved from a common ancestry in ways that are increasingly well-understood” (Feehan 2010, 55).
Conclusion
In this paper, the dramatic event of Vatican II using the notion of the church of the poor as a heuristic devise has been revisited. John XXIII initially proposed this ecclesiological vision but Vatican II failed to develop it in its final documents. This lacuna, however, did not prevent the Third World ecclesiastical regions (for example, CELAM and FABC) from contextualizing it. As has been pointed out, in the Philippines, the PCP II officially appropriated it as its core magisterial message.
The meaning of the church of the poor as creatively appropriated in the Third World context has also been clarified. To advance this perspective, the meaning of “poor” has been broadened in order to include the economically poor, the racially discriminated, the sexually oppressed, and the ecologically poor. In this ecclesiological vision, the church is not only the church of the economically poor but also the church of the racially discriminated, the church of the sexually oppressed, and the church of the ecologically poor.
In sum, it has been shown that the term “poor” is analogous as it applies to the poor in terms of class, race, gender, and ecology. Our expanded notion of the poor has significantly broadened our understanding of the church of the poor. This realization allows us to dream of a church that includes all the poor; a church that welcomes all the poor, both the saintly and sinful ones. This ecclesiological vision challenges us to transcend our tendency to build exclusive Christian communities. It calls us to form inclusive human communities. Thus, an inclusive church of the poor is not only a Christian community within the larger human community but also as a human community within the whole ecological community of creation. After all, God’s kingdom, as well as God’s gift of community, is not only for human beings but also for the whole community of creation.
Emergent Patterns of Leadership in Agdao, Davao City: Change and Development in an Urban Poor Community
The decades of the fifties and the sixties have witnessed the rapid pace of urbanization in many countries all over the world. In less developed countries particularly, the urbanization process has been characterized by the uncontrolled growth of primate cities resulting not only from excesses of births over deaths, but more significantly by massive rural-to-urban migration.
Such is the case for the Philippines. While total and rural population growth are recorded at 3.01 and 2.56 per cents respectively during the period of 1960-70, urban population has grown at 4.02. The urban population concentrated in metropolitan Manila- the primate city is estimated to have increased from 1,526,100 (29.4 per cent of the national urban population) in 1948 to 3,952,600 (32.8 per cent) in 1970.
Such urbanward transfers however, have often ended up in the urban poor communities of the cities of destination. In a study of six Philippine cities, Laquian observes that the rate of increase in these areas tend to be higher than the city’s population growth. Such increases are thus reported to range “from six to twelve per year while cities grew at the rate of four to six per year.
Such growths in urban population have outpaced the increased of productive and service facilities of cities. The creation of new employment opportunities and the provision of electricity, water and sewerage facilities for these marginal sectors of urban society have lagged behind. The widening gaps between the demand for and the supply of basic urban services have posed challenges among urban planners and development workers alike. Clearly, alternative schemes in the provision of such needs have to be explored.
One strategy focuses on the need to harness community participation in local development efforts. Following this growing emphasis on a mass-based “bottoms-up” approach in development, this paper attempts to identify and describe the formal and informal community leaders as networks of assistance and influence in local community affairs. As local residents, they are similarly confronted by the growing demand for basic urban services.
Objectives of the Study
This paper is an exploratory study of the patterns of local influence and mutual assistance prevailing in an urban poor community in Davao City patterns which represent indigenous attempts to meet the needs for basic urban facilities. Utilizing a local community in Davao City, the specific research interests include the following.
1. To identify the formal and informal leaders as representing networks of assistance prevailing in an urban poor community.
2. To describe the patterns of community assistance extended so as to ascertain the viability of such networks as possible channels of development programs in the community.
With the imposition of martial law in the Philippines in 1972, a political institution enforced as early as the pre-Spanish period was revived and strengthened. Citizen’s assemblies, more commonly known as the barangays, were created “to broaden the base of citizen participation in the dramatic process and to afford ample opportunities for the citizenry to express their views on important issues.
The present barangay structure traces its roots to the pre-Spanish era wherein an average barangay consisted of thirty to one hundred houses under a headman called the datu. Restructured under the Spanish colonial rule and subsequently referred to as the barrios, the barangays were eventually maintained as the smallest and most numerous political units during the American period and on the through the postwar years. Its revival under Presidential Decree No. 86 extends the system into the urban areas with broadened membership and an expanded role in national affairs. Among its multi-dimensional functions, Lapitan cites its mobilizational function as the most significant and that which will have the “most revolutionary impact on the future of Philippine policy.”
The present-day barangay has a minimum of 100 and a maximum of 500 families, with the pook (otherwise known as purok) as the lowest organizational level. The purok refers to a defined street, block, or an identifiable compact neighborhood headed by purok leaders. IT has its own sets of offers, i.e., a barangay captain, six councilmen, and other necessary officials which constitute a barangay council. The City Mayor extends his administrative duties and powers to the barangay through the deputy mayor who coordinates with the barangay captain.
Utilizing the “elitist-pluralist” continuum as a framework for power distribution, various community studies have been made in identifying and describing local patterns of leadership and power. A review of the investigations made reveals that while studies in smaller cities like Baguio and San Fernando report definite trends towards a “pluralistic” type of leadership, the national picture is predominantly “elitist”. Strong interlocks in business and political spheres inadvertently result in a rigid pattern of power and influence.
By using variants of the “reputational” and “decisional” approaches, including qualitative methods of network analysis, social scientists have identified diverse types of leadership and alliance systems in both urban and rural settings. Such findings then suggest that leadership is drawn in different contexts- whether in politics, business, education, “fiestas,” and the like.
A related observation focuses on the source and permanence of such leadership, e.g., formal relative to informal channels, or whether temporary, cyclical or permanent in nature. In the same manner, the present paper builds on all these from an entirely different perspective, i.e., the use of “assistance-network” approach for identifying power and influence in the provision of basic urban services in a poor community in Davao City.
Initial considerations made in investigating small-group phenomenon and the repeated calls for “wiser,” “firmer,” more “flexible,” and other kinds of leaders in various spheres in society. This study of local leadership behavior, specifically on the role of leadership in the integration of social action. Its significance is further underscored by the fact that it describes indigenous leadership prevailing in a depressed sector of urban society as it responds to individual and community needs for basic urban services.
Methodology
The study employs a two-phase research design, that is, an initial phase consisting of interviews with forty three (43) old-time residents based on pre-listing activities and considered as “community knowledgeable” and a second phase focusing on interviews of the top 20 identified leaders in the community. Detailed discussions of each of these two phases follow.
Phase I. Using an “assistance-network” approach rather than strictly the “reputational” approach to arrive at the potential (reputed) leadership of individuals, forty-three old-time residents (living in the area for at least 20 years) of the community were asked to identify whom they considered as the leaders in the community. These same informants were similarly asked to specify their criteria for designating each of the leaders, i.e. why they considered one a leader.
Selected data utilized for this report consist of persons approached during emergency situations (e.g., disasters, fires, floods, etc.), in case of illness, diseases, or epidemics, during individual or group conflicts. Questions were similarly raised on the persons consulted for opinion or advice on issues relating to community politics, economic and livelihood issues (including employment). and community projects. Other survey information included three old-time residents’ knowledge of influential people in barangay politics, the current issues in the community, and the community projects undertaken.
Phase II. The use of the “assistance-network” approach generated a total of 111 nominations, i.e., those individuals identified as leaders bu these old-time residents. The frequencies of mention ranged from one leader nominated 46 times to those being mentioned once (81 individuals). Ranking these persons based on overall frequency of mention, the highest twenty (mainly purok-leaders”) were subsequently interviewed to get a leadership profile of the community.
Selected survey data from these leader-interviews consist of background characteristics (e.g. civil status, age, sex, religion, ethnic origin, educational attainment, length of residence in the area), including data on occupation or means of livelihood, employment status, and income. Other related information focus on their political (and non-political) affiliations and their perceived role in the community. Their perceptions and actions taken on current community issues, i.e. land issue, road improvement, water-installation, cleanliness and sanitation drives, and crime prevention were likewise obtained.
Data Analysis. The present descriptive study utilizes both quantitative (frequencies, means, medians, and modes wherever appropriate) and qualitative methods of analysis. To check for overlaps between the individuals exerting various types of influence and/or assistance in the community, Kendall’s coefficient of concordance (for tied ranks) was utilized to determine the presence (or absence) of relationships on the individual rankings based on frequency of mention in each of the different spheres of activity.
Limitations. The present study limits itself to the identification of indigenous leadership structure in the provision of basic urban services, including the nature of consultations made available by such leadership on local and immediate issues. Qualitative data are limited to the in-depth interviews of the identified leaders relative to local consultations and individual (rather than collective) expressions of community involvement, without going into the dynamics of such consultations or participation which would otherwise have been revealed through participant-observation. No comparisons are made between leaders and followers. Finally, this paper is not concerned with the formal wider mechanisms of extending government vis-a-vis Agdao. Nor does it attempt to determine the direct (or indirect) sources of power and influence in extending assistance to members of poor communities, as may be indicated by the presence of political or economic interest groups.
The Study-Site. The current study focuses on a six-hectare poor community along Agdao Creek, representing one of a string of settlements hugging the riverbank. Since its inter-sitio roads are limited, winding catwalks and plank bridges provide access into the community. Houses are mainly built on low marshy places; the area’s proximity to the seashore results in regular flooding, especially during heavy rains. In the absence of any land use plan, there is no order in the location of houses. Dwelling units built too close to each other result in very high density among the slum dwellers. Open spaces, playgrounds, and an efficient water system are expectedly lacking. The community does exhibit a generally shabby and dilapidated appearance.
Agdao Creek has an estimated total of 324 households (3 per cent of total squatter’s household in Davao City) as of 1971. A subsequent report during the same year on the total number of families initially to be covered by the Slum Improvement and Resettlement (SIR) Program in Davao City placed a total of 540 families. Eleven (11) Kapilya or chapels exist in the area, with the local residents spatially identified based in their chapel affiliations.
Local leaders are involved in various community affairs, e.g. whether political, religious, and socio-civic in nature. Socio-civic programs responded to include road-improvements, beautification and sanitation campaigns. Non-formal community education for women consist of bi-weekly classes on flower-making, dressmaking, and cosmetology. They are likewise involved in the MSSD-sponsored Day-Care Program and the government assisted “Project Hope” for pre-school children. While the public health center is mainly responsible for the health needs of the residents, the community has a community-based primary health worker, popularly known as the Katiwala, five “Barangay Supply Point Officers” (BSPO’s) one midwife, and one hilot.
As the basic organizations in the community, local chapel associations are generally involved in religious activities, e.g. fiesta-devotions, nine-day prayers for the dead, block rosaries, and the like. A significant function, though is the mortuary aid for the families of deceased community-members. As of this writing, the barangay council is reviewing a proposal for a community-wide mortuary assistance under the “Barangay Insurance Plan.”
Socio-Demographic Characteristics
The twenty leaders interviewed reside in different puroks in Barangay Agdao. Except for one who failed to give an answer, all these identified are married. Sex distributions reveals a 6:1 male-female ratio or 85% males and 15% females. Their ages range from29 years to 61, with more than half (60%) falling within the 45-54 age-bracket. The median age was computed at 50.2 years.
These leaders are generally of higher educational attainment than the national population, with a mean number of 10.05 years in school. Census data for 1970 reported about three-fourths of the country’s population (76.4%) aging 6 years and above being literate. The minimum educational attainment recorded for the leaders interviewed is at least five years of elementary education and the highest (three respondents or 15%) a college education. More than a third (7 or 35%) have received some elementary and secondary education.
A majority (80%) belong to the Catholic faith, with one claiming to be a “free thinker”. Three others failed to mention religious affiliations. The majority (69%) are of Visayan origin, with the rest either from Luzon (13%) or Mindanao (18%). The mean length of residence in the community for these leaders is 20.5 years, with the median at 22.5 years. Thirteen (65%) are long-time residents, i.e., having been in the area for 20 or over, while only seven or 35% have stayed in the place for less than 15 years.
Comparable data from a census conducted in the same year by the Mindanao Development Center (MDC) reveal that these leaders have generally lived for a longer period of time in the area than the average community residents. The MDC census mentioned about… “61.3% out of a total of 525 households surveyed having lived in their present dwellings for ten years and below, with 33.4% claiming they have been in residence for more than ten years. ”
Results of the current study reveal similar occupational characteristics among these leaders, as those found in two earlier studies (1972 and 1974) in Davao City. Hackenberg specifically found the lower-class community of Agdao with employers who were exclusively small enterprises and where industrial wages were far below the average for Davao Employees.
All leader-respondents in the current study are employed with the single biggest group (50%) being engaged in sales, e.g., lumber dealers, small storeowners, fruit and vegeatable dealers. Four are engaged in service-oriented occupations (e.g. a mahjongden operation, a cook, welder and dental aide). Three others are performing clerical and related jobs. Employees and employers among these leaders are almost equally distributed.
Twelve out of the twenty leaders interviewed (60 per cent) earn a monthly income of P1,500.00 and below, with minimum and maximum monthly incomes recorded at P200.00 and P6,000.00, respectively. Survey data reveal a bimodal pattern of individual income-distribution, at P501- P999 and at P1,501-P2,000 a month. Mean and median monthly incomes are computed at P1,376.45 and P1,082.83, respectively.
Using an earlier definition of poverty by Mangahas and Barros as those households receiving an annual household income of less than P10,000.00 (approximately P833 per month), these leaders have income slightly above the poverty line considering that data on incomes commonly refer to individual wages rather than household incomes.
Political Affiliations
Similar patterns of involvement are observed among the leaders interviewed in the present study. The multi-purpose nature of activities undertaken by the various political, social, and religious groups in the community present difficulties in distinguishing the political from the mainly social or religious ones. As with Laquian’s findings, “openly political associations,” are not prevalent. Thus, asked about their political affiliations, a variety of community associations, including socio-religious ones, are mentioned by the leaders. Except for one, all the respondent-leaders consider themselves politically affiliated with at least one political group (e.g., the Barangay Brigade) wile the rest (7) have dual or multiple membership.
The most popular political affiliation for these leader-nominees is the Tanod Brigade (invariably referred to as Barangay Brigade) wherein barangay-based volunteers have assisted in crime prevention, the preservation of public safety, and the maintenance of peace and order. Twelve of the 19 leaders were members of the Barangay Brigade, while six singled out purok organizations. To a much lesser extent ( by one or two leaders), other affiliations mentioned include membership in the “Barangay Court,” the Lancer’s Club, ” Barangay Tanod,” Association of Barangay Captain” (ABC), the Ladies Auxiliary, and the Barangay Youth Organization. While these groupings are not political groups per se, certain activities of such groups have been known to be political in nature, such as engaging in campaign activities during election periods.
The Lancer’s Club was a short-lived male-exclusive organization initially organized in the community in 1975. Its primary objective was involvement in male-type community projects like street improvements. A year after its organization, financial needs and employment priorities led to a gradual participation among the members. To date, it has a total membership of 60 community residents who meet at least once a year (during the Christmas season).
The Ladies Auxiliary is an extension of another local religious organization, i.e. the Santa Cruz Catholic Association. It is designed to strengthen the religious practices among the community members, particularly the women. It mainly sponsors prayer sessions during the week-ends and prayers for the dead. In 1979, it has assumed other roles within the area of human settlements, e.g. assisting the barangay tanods or providing local hospitality for government officials or other visitors in the community.
Local youth organizations, otherwise known as the Kabataang Barangay (KB), serve as a link between the youth (ages 18-21) and the government. As a development program, it aims to channel the potentials of the young towards development- oriented activities. In the case of Agdao, this organization has been involved in fund-raising activities such as benefit dances during weekends and raffles for the improvement of the community chapels. Its members have also helped maintain peace and order in the area through regular patrolling activities. Position-wise, more than half (11) claim to be members in the various associations mentioned. Those who held formal responsibilities (9 respondents) were, at one time or another, “zone commander,” purok leaders, presidents, and sub-advisers.
Non-Political Affiliations
Other forms of community involvement by these leaders may be seen in their membership in religious, socio-civic, and related organizations- holding various positions from the presidency to being plain members. Eight leaders interviewed hold formal positions in such religious organizations as the “Barangay sa Birhen” and “Legion of Mary,” four of whom are presidents of the local Catholic associations. Nine others are simple members, while three claim non-membership. Socio-civic affiliations are confined to a few, specifically seven out of the twenty leaders. Four belong to a local settlers’ organization, three of whom are holding formal positions. Other affiliations include the Boy Scout Layment Associations, the Lions Club, and the local PTA. The rest (13) do not belong to any socio-civic clubs.
Positions Held
The political positions held by these leaders range from being the Barangay Captain to “zone commanders” of the purok-organizations, and others. Non-political positions held consist of the presidency or vice-presidency in local chapel organization, treasurers, secretaries, advisers, etc. Table 2 further reveals the multiple roles played by the group in the community, i.e., being officers or members with at least four individuals being both an officer and member in one or two organizations.
Looking back at these leaders’ organizational affiliations, one notes the high level of political participation by the group vis-a-vis the other area, with at least eleven holding official positions. A possible explanation may lie in the significant government efforts towards increasing barangay consciousness throughout the country in the past years, utilizing the pervasive barangay structure to encourage interest and participation on the grassroots level, even in a depressed community like Agdao.
In summary, this section has provided a brief profile of these leaders in the community. They are married and predominantly of the Catholic faith. While male-leaders out-number the females at a six-to-one ratio, they are involved not only in such “male-type” organizations as the barangay brigades, local settlers association, and the like, but also in such “female-oriented” groups as the local chapel associations. They generally consist of the older community members (with mean age at 48.5 and median 50.2 years). Most of them have had at least some secondary education (mean of 10.1 years) which is relatively higher than those of the general Davao City populace. They are old-time or long-time residents in the community, with the mean length of residence at 20.5 years, and more than half having been there for 20 and more years. Finally, their occupational and income characteristics classify them as single proprietors (e.g., lumber-dealers, small store-owners, fruit and vegetable dealers) and belonging to a group which is at least above that roughly defined poverty threshold (with mean monthly income at P1,376.45).
Spheres of Influence, Community Assistance and Consultations
Given the dearth of basic urban services particularly in poor communities, to whom do these dwellers turn for help? What are the sources of local assistance in a depressed and neglected community like Agdao? As discussed in the initial section, a total of 111 individuals were nominated in eleven different areas of assistance and/or influence. These include sources of local community assistance (during fires, floods, personal conflict, epidemic, and other emergency situations) and individuals consulted on local politics, economic and livelihood issues. Other indicators used included their perceptions on emerging opinion leaders and leadership in community projects.
Utilizing the elitist-pluralist continuum, the high number of nominations (111) would then suggest the existence of a pluralist-type of leadership in the different spheres of assistance and consultation. A closer look of the data, however, reveals otherwise. Of the total 111 individuals nominated, 73 percent (81 nominees) were mentioned only once. Such persons may aptly be described as “spurious” rather than serious community leaders. The distribution of nominations of the remaining thirty nominees are likewise widely dispersed. Twenty-five individuals were mentioned from two to eight times with the top five nominees receiving from as much as 22 to 46 nominations.
Except for those mentioned only once, thirty individuals were subsequently ranked based on frequency of mention in each of the different spheres. Kendall’s coefficient of concordance W (for tied ranks) was utilized to determine the presence or absence of relationships between various rankings. The higher an individual is ranked (or more frequently mentioned) in one area, the more likely will he be highly ranked (or more frequently mentioned) in the others. Nothing the steep drop in the frequency of nominations received by each leader-nominee (especially in the first and second groups) in the various spheres of influence, survey results indicate the presence of a “core group” of local influentials. The top five nominees were mentioned from 22 to 46 times, with a “middle” and “bottom” – level of influentials- having been nominated from four to eight times (12 nominees) and two to three times (13 nominees) respectively. Re-casting the data into these three distinct groups of local influentials, reveals the top nominees having been nominated two-and-a-half times as much as the “middle”- group and five times that of the “bottom.”
Are-wise, leadership and assistance during fires, floods, group conflicts, epidemics, and emergencies appear to be the most extensive for the three groups taken together. The total number of nominations is 1.6 times higher than those indicated in the second most popular activity-local politics. Utilizing individual rankings based on the absolute frequencies indicated earlier, the average number of nominations per person in each area of concentration is presented in Table 1. The top nominee consistently receive the highest number of nominations per person in 111 sphere of influence.
Local barangay politics appear to be the most distinct area of concentration for all nominees, whether belonging to the top, middle, or bottom-groups. The second and third significant areas of influence for both top and middle-level nominees alike- are during natural disasters (e.g., fires, floods, epidemics, etc.) and in community projects, respectively. The top nominees differ from both the middle and bottom-level groups in their fourth area of concentration, namely on economic and livelihood issues, while both the middle- and bottom groups are concerned with emerging opinion leaders. Finally, there is an apparent switch in their final sphere of influence, i.e., top nominees focusing on emerging opinion leaders and the other two concerned with economic and livelihood issues.
Assigning rank-values for each area of concentration for each nominees, there is a general concentration on local barangay politics. Four out of the five nominees are popularly identified in local barangay politics while one nominee (i.e., the Barangay Tanod Leader A) is most felt in areas of mutual assistance. The second are of concentration for nominees 1,3 and 4 focus on community disasters. The barangay captain is noted for economic and livelihood issues while the fifth nominee, for community projects. Finally, the old-time respondents regard two of the five top nominees as emerging opinion leaders in the area.
The Key Influentials
This section brings into focus the top five nominees described earlier- their specific areas of concentration as perceived by the old-time respondents, formal and informal positions in the community, employment characteristics, including their past and current community involvement. Absolute frequencies of nominations in the different areas of concentration for these top-five nominees reveal their significant influence during natural disasters, on local politics and community projects- in that order.
The foremost nominee is a 58-year-old purok-leader chapel president who appears to be of considerable influence in all three areas. In-depth interviews revealed that he has lived in the community for the past 25 years and is the stock-supervisor of a near- by sawmill company, engaging in small lumber-deals to augment his income. He has assisted community members during such emergencies as epidemics or in settling family or neighborhood disputes. While no floods or fires have occurred in his immediate area, he has helped solicit assistance from local welfare agencies or the local barangay, including organizing local surveillance teams (“ronda“) for fire prevention.
Other community involvements consisted of initiating the construction of fences in line with the beautification and cleanliness program of the city. Fencing materials were distributed free to indigent families. However, due to the numerous arson threats and constant fears of relocation, the beautification campaign has not gained wide acceptance in the community. As local chapel-president, he has spearheaded fund-raising activities for chapel-improvement, including the upgrading of the chapel-site by soliciting filling materials during the 1982 barangay elections.
The barangay captain is likewise an old-time resident, having lived in the area for the past 32 years. He has been holding the key position in the barangay for the last 14 years (1968 to 1982) and has been politically linked with the previous city administration. He is likewise a marine-officer and the president of a local seamen’s and laborers’ association. He has been mainly involved in improving the peace and order conditions in the entire community, organizing the residents (mainly street corner gangs) to provide local security.
Infrastructure-related activities consist of the construction of the barangay hall on government-owned land, with assistance from the city government, and road construction. The latter has provided access to an isolated coastal part (Agdao Beach) of the community utilizing funds from both the city government and the barangay. Through bayanihan efforts, the barangay high school was established. Water installations were provided for the interior sections of the community (i.e., Jerome, Del Rosario Village, Agdao Beach, and San Juan). Asked about the current land-issue, the leader-nominee explained that permanent land titles are not available for the residents, merely squatters’ rights.
Interestingly, the third key-influential-Purok Leader A is a recent arrival in the community, e.g., only for the last four years. He is a self-employed lumber dealer and is closely linked to the barangay captain. He is a member of the Barangay Court, and he acted in the capacity of both the barangay captain and the barangay judge three months before the May 1982 barangay elections. As Chairman of the local board of the Rural Improvement Club (RIC), purok Leader A is preoccupied with the local nursery school “Project Hope” for children ranging from five to six years old. The project assists children in their early socialization process and initiates them in reading, writing, and drawing skills. Other activities includes re-activating a local Catholic association and acting as adviser for a youth organization. In addition to ” Project Hope,” purok Leader A has also assisted in soliciting used clothing and money for the fire victims last February 1983.
The barangay tanod leader- as the fourth key-influential- is a self-employed lumber-dealer. Having been in the community for the past twelve years, he is both an assistant chairman for the Barangay Tanod and “zone commander” in one sitio. He has likewise been appointed as “teniente del sitio: for two districts within the community under the revised barangay structure.
He has since initiated the establishment of local brigades, ronda, for security and fire prevention in the community. However, local support for these brigades has been minimal in the absence of any serious threat to the community lately. His other activities include issuing permits for public dances in his area (each permit costing approximately P5.00) and road construction in the interior area of the barangay in 1982 (approximately 150 meters in length and 30 meters in width). Local community support was provided in terms of free labor and refreshments.
He has provided assistance during two natural disasters- the fire in Agdao Beach in February 1983 and the tidal wave in Sto. Niño in September 1982. He has assisted in the evacuation of the victims to the local chapels and abandoned wooden shacks in an adjacent lumberyard. Possible relief measures were subsequently discussed with the barangay council e.g. relocation and housing needs of fire victims and soliciting relief aid from local welfare agencies.
The fifth of the top nominees was a purok leader before the 1982 barangay elections and is currently a purok coordinator under the new barangay administration. He is self-employed and engaged in a buy-and-sell activity of metals and scissors. His community involvement included organizing local brigades and assisting in road improvements using barangay funds. He has noted the lack of enthusiasm and active support among local residents in the latter. His other recommendations to improve the chapel through contributions from the members were similarly not supported.
Local Assistance
Differences are to be noted in the concentration of nominations by specific areas of activity. The subsequent discussions focus on such variations. Having been in the community for a minimum of twenty years, the respondents are presumed to have sought the assistance of others in the past, particularly in their needs for basic urban services. These situations or occasions include assistance during fires, floods, group conflicts, epidemics, and emergency situations. The nineteen individuals mentioned more than once are listed. The top four nominees, i.e. two purok leaders, the barangay captain , and one barangay tanod leader, are nominated from 14 to 20 times, while the rest (15 respondents) are mentioned much less (from two to nine times). It is interesting that one purok-religious leader is consistently mentioned on each occasion and ranks highest based on the total number of times he was approached for help. The Barangay Captain ranks third based on the overall frequency of mention. Along with the male-dominated list of nominees, some women were included.
Consultation on Community Issues
In some instances, the residents have to consult or seek the advice of others regarding certain issues. Among those topics are community politics, community projects, economics, and livelihood issues. While the barangay captain is identified with the political administration, the community is not identified with any single political faction. In-depth interviews revealed, instead, that the residents belong to a number of political parties, e.g. KBL, NP-wing, and non-partisan groups. It appears that such an absence of political unity has worked negatively for the community, with the old-time residents claiming that the “local formal leaders have not done anything for the community,” and still others attributing the same to the lack of barangay funds. Some respondents further claim that interaction with local leaders have been confined to the securing of permits for holding benefit dances
Discussion of issues relating to economics and livelihood reveal both a degree of individualism and helplessness on the part of the residents, i.e. believing that “economic problems are best solved on the individual level” … other than through the local leadership. One instance provided is the application of KKK-loans by individual residents for which no concerted group effort is known for its favorable action by the local authorities. At least twelve individuals appear to have been consulted more than once by the old-time respondents regarding a variety of issues in the past. The barangay captain appears to be the most frequently consulted person relative to all three issues with the purok leader-chapel president following closely.
Barangay Politics. To probe deeper into the nature of political leadership prevailing in the community, the respondents were requested to name the persons considered to be the most influential in Barangay politics. The purok leader-chapel president is consistently mentioned highly as before, having been nominated by more than a fourth (28%) of the old-time residents. The second person mentioned as frequently (Purok Leader B) was cited by only half as many (14 percent), with the barangay captain a close third. The first five persons considered influential in barangay politics were similarly reported earlier as being consulted on issues pertaining to community projects. It appears then that the specialization of area leaders tends to contribute positively to their general influence.
Opinion Leaders. Both the oldtime residents and top leader-nominees interviewed are not generally familiar with the emerging opinion leaders in the community, given the limited response in this area. The old-time residents mentioned six individuals as emerging opinion leaders, three of whom were already nominated earlier as influential people in the barangay politics of the area: one Barangay Tanod Leader, one Purok Leader, and a local chapel president. Except for one nominee identified by both old-time residents and the top leader-nominees, the latter mentioned eight other residents perceived as potential opinion-leaders. Apparently there is no strong consensus on emerging opinion leaders in the area, i.e. with four nominees being mentioned only twice and the rest once.
Leadership in Community Projects
A cursory view of Table 3 reveals that the old-time respondents’ awareness of their leaders’ activities are limited to those which are visible, e.g. road and chapel-improvements, and beautification (five, three and two leaders, respectively). The rest are invariably described as having assisted in the installation of a public water-system and lighting posts, bridge-repairs, and the establishment of a vocational school.
On the other hand, interviews with the leader-informants reveal that discussions were held in the past regarding community problems. The leaders were subsequently asked to identify the various issues or problems in the area, including the corresponding activities initiated to help solve them. These leaders appear to have limited knowledge of community issues with the majority (60 percent) identifying at most two issues. The issues mentioned were then ranked according to their self-perceived degree of importance, i.e. rank “1” for the “most important.” rank “2” for the “second most important” and so on. Table 7 contains the leaders’ perceived ranking of these issues.
Sanitation appears to be the most important issue in the community, having been mentioned by nineteen of the twenty leaders interviewed. Such perceived priorities may be explained by the presence of the heavily-polluted Agdao creek which has served as the main drainage and garbage disposal system in the community. In a related manner, water as a prerequisite for sanitation, appears to be the second most popular issue (55 percent) based on the absolute frequencies of ranking given though it was only ranked fourth in importance.
Economic problems (e.g., unemployment and low incomes) appear to be the second most important issue perceived, (with a mean rank of 1.5), followed closely by the land problem. One notes that while the community is generally known as a haven for criminal elements in the city, petty crimes are assigned a low priority by the leader respondents. In depth interviews revealed an attitude of tolerance and indifference towards local criminal elements seeking refuge in the area. In some instances, such individuals act as local mediators during neighborhood disputes to discourage the intervention of local police forces in the community.
Taking such perceived priorities within the context of Davao City, such needs follow closely the local government’s own list of priorities derived from a series of district barangay leaders on their respective community needs. In a year-end report provided by the city executive, infrastructure-related activities were similarly given top priority, i.e repairs of city roads and streets, city cleanliness and beautification. The nine-month old local administration likewise embarked on an intensification of the government’s program for health, sanitation, water supply, school buildings, lighting, communications, and other facilities in an attempt to improve the livelihood and quality of life of the people.
In an attempt to allow the individual barangays to respond directly to their own local needs, the city government has allocated P15,000 for each of the city’s 117 barangays. Barangay Agdao utilized such funds for the maintenance of the feeder road which served as the main access into the community. The desire for more “Project Hope” classes throughout the city and its districts has similarly been expressed by the local administration. Such a priority recognizes the need to augment the educational opportunities of pre-school children of families who cannot afford expensive kindergarten schools. Finally, the community’s perceived priorities correspond to at least one of the three goals specified under city planning, i.e, to provide the essential facilities and services in order to meet adequately the increasing demand for local services in terms of health, education, sanitation, infrastructure, and public safety.
The issues having been identified, the leaders were asked to cite the various actions personally initiated to solve them. The high level of responses on the sanitation issue is one indicator of the seriousness of the problem in the community. As mentioned earlier, the area is traversed by Agdao creek which empties out to Davao Gulf. In the absence of basic urban services like drainage and garbage collection, the creek has served as a poor substitute for such needs by the residents. One can only infer an attitude of self-help and individualism among the leaders themselves inasmuch as no mention is made regarding submitting the problem to local government officials. Except for two leaders who have not done anything at all regarding the unsanitary conditions in the area, those who have (17) confined themselves to informal campaigns on the need for cleanliness and proper waste and garbage disposal. Fears of relocation have resulted in a general attitude of indifference among the residents. No significant projects are thus undertaken to improve drainage facilities and environmental sanitation.
To solve their waste problem, eight leaders claim that NAWASA water service (though limited) have been installed, with the rest of the community purchasing water for domestic use from those households with NAWASA installations. All five leaders mentioning the land-problem claimed that a petition has been filed by local residents to own the land presently occupied. In-depth interviews conducted further reveal that representatives from the National Housing Authority (NHA) have made an ocular survey of the community, identifying and listing the houses for relocation in the northern section of Agdao. Their present site has been earmarked for the extension of the Agdao public market.
Crime preventive measures have likewise been undertaken in the community. These have consisted of regular patrolling activities by the Barangay Brigades, local investigations by purok leaders on gambling and petty thefts, and surveillance of known criminals in the community. There is apparently no concerted attempt on the part of these leaders to help alleviate the economic difficulties confronting the residents. Survey data reveals the single response to be negative, i.e., no action has been taken to solve. it- despite the knowledge that it is a prevailing issue in the community.
What views do these leaders entertain for the future? What projects or activities do they envision for the improvement of life in the community? Survey findings reveal that while plans were identified, those related to infrastructure, again, are most popular, e.g., beautification and fencing of the area, upgrading of inter-sitio roads and establishing either a basketball court, an assembly area or a reading center. A limited group mentioned plans for improving the local nursery school “Project Hope,” with an equal number expressing their desire for permanent residency in the area.
Summary and Conclusions
This paper is an exploratory investigation of formal and informal leaders in the provision of basic urban services in a slum community in Davao City. It presents a descriptive analysis of local influence and mutual assistance as indigenous attempts to meet various community needs as fire and flood protection, water and lighting facilities, and consultations on local issues, among others. It thus identifies and describes the political, religious, and socio-civic networks as local change agents in the development process.
Briefly stated, the community leaders of barangay Agdao are typically the “small people” described in similar studies in rural communities. They are mostly males, married, of the Catholic faith, and have received at least some secondary education. They generally consist of the senior members of the community, both in age (usually in their forties) and in residency (having been in the area for approximately 20 years). Occupation-wise, they are single-proprietors (e.g., lumber-dealers, sari-sari storeowners, fruit and vegetable dealers) and earn incomes slightly above that defined as the poverty threshold.
Such characteristics are distinctly similar to those of local influentials described in Makil’s earlier study which included Davao City. Age characteristics, particularly, lends support to Laquian’s 1969 findings in Barrio Magsaysay of community leadership held by relatively older people. As in most traditional communities, leadership qualities appear to be associated with age, Likewise, the nature and type of leadership presented by these local leaders resemble that identified by Hollnsteiner in discussing six modes of people’s participation in the planning and management of human settlements. Consisting of ward leaders, community relations officers, or neighborhood chairmen, these local leaders act as representatives of the people and serve as legitimizing forces for programs drawn outside the community.
While 111 nominations were given in eleven spheres of influence and assistance, a core-group of five local leaders were significantly nominated from 22 to 46 times. These top nominees have overlapping influences in the community- specifically in barangay politics, areas for mutual assistance, and community projects, in that order. Such overlaps would then serve as the basis for identifying the group as closer to the “elitist”- and of the continuum as a framework for the distribution of community power and influence.
The nature of organizational participation expressed by these leaders reflect the dominance of a politically-based leadership, with the top nominees holding the formal political positions, e.g., the Barangay Captain, three purok leaders, and one barangay tanod leader. Similar patterns are observed for the middle- and bottom -level nominees. (due consideration is likewise given the fact that these leaders similarly hold key positions in religious-based organizations, particularly the local chapel associations). Such seeming paradox of Agdao with a traditional politically-based power structure amidst a progressive and dynamic city like Davao may partly be explained by the distinctly rural migrant-origins of its residents- the “urban” slum as a “zone of transition” aptly described as a distinct element in the process of “Pseudo-urbanization.”
At the same time, the community issues identified in Barangay Agdao are similar to those described in other studies of depressed communities, e.g., better on-site services such as the need for piped water and improved drainage facilities. The desire for employment and the sheer lack of basic necessities and money eventually reflect among other, a pragmatic scale of priorities by local leaders. One notes, however, that the nature of activities taken in solving community-wide issues are mainly peripheral and temporary in nature. It thus reflects the limited participation of leaders and the mass populace in undertaking projects with a wider and more significant impact in the community. The limited perceptions given on the land-problem suggest that these local leaders do not have full control of the decisions for the community.
On the other hand, considering the political-cum religious-based leadership structure, these leaders may well serve as legitimate conduits for urban change and development. To say the least, the pattern of community assistance provided (e.g., during fires, floods, epidemics, etc.) and activities undertaken (e.g beautification, sanitation, etc.) do reflect specific instances in which community resources are harnessed, thereby government and civic agency programs “trickle down” to the grass roots level. As lower-level bureaucrats, these local elites constitute a network of individuals with overlapping power and influence in day-to-day community problems. They then appear to be a viable group in mobilizing local residents for various activities, directing the neighborhood affairs and acting as spokesmen to higher authorities. Such inferences are closely related to those by Vancio and Fernandez in their use of network analysis, i.e., identifying political leaders, among others, as effective rural change agents in family planning. In the same vein, these local leaders serve as informal channels for the provision of basic urban services supplementing the more formal network of public utilities.
In the final analysis, while there is a general lack of consensus among both the old-time residents and the top-level nominees as to emerging opinion leaders in the area, the existence of a core-group of local influentials present possibilities for institutionalizing a cooperative and participatory approach in the provision of basic services and facilities in depressed communities like Agdao. Dialogues between local administration and the community itself are commended in plan formulation and management of local community affairs. In the case of Agdao, possibilities for cooperative management may be explored between the local government and community residents working through the barangay as the basic political structure and eventually down to the purok-levels. Considering that Agdao is an integral part of Davao City, serious attempts should be made to increasingly draw the community into the mainstream of local development efforts.
A Profile of the Urban Poor in Davao City
Introduction
Urban studies in the Philippines reveal that while the country is predominantly agriculture, “over one-third of its population as of 1984 are found in urban areas”. While the pace of national urbanization was describe as generally slow during the postwar years, the decade of the seventies saw its acceleration with such trends attributed to the relatives success of the government policy to develop the countryside, disperse industries to areas outside Metro-Manila, and population control in the rural areas.
Thus, even as Metro-Manila was developing with increasing primacy, other urban centers proceeded at a stable pace and the urban ward migration trends steadily continued. However, the gains from urban growth, burgeoning trade and commerce activities, infrastructures and the amenities of urban lifestyle were not equally accessible across the country and across socio-economic groups. Thus, with the resultant dichotomy of the rich minority and the poor majority, the negative indicators of urban growth, i.e. proliferation of slums and squatter communities, rising rates of unemployment and under-employment, and inadequate basic urban service, are major causes of concern not only for government policy and decision-makers and international and local development organizations but more so for the urban population themselves who have to contend with such everyday realities.
Based on the revised poverty threshold income estimated by the National Economic and Development Authority (NEDA) as of March 1991, a family of six living outside Metro Manila must earn at least P3,864 a month to be considered within the poverty threshold or barely above the poverty line. This suggest an income level way of the total population estimated to be living even below such a threshold. Unemployment figures provide a similarly bleak picture, estimated at 15.1 percent in the first quarter of 1991, with 4.2 million of the country’s 27.6 million workforce having no jobs during same period.
What about food and nutrition? What do the urban poor eat for sustenance? A comparison of demand for and supply of food reveals that while the country’s food supply over the years was adequate to meet the population’s overall requirements for calories and problem (the Philippines being the fourteenth largest food producer) ,80 percent of the Filipino Children are malnourished. A DOH-FNRI survey in 1982 disclosed that seven out of ten children suffered from some from of malnutrition.
In the area of health, existing public health programs have not been adequate in dealing effectively with the health needs of the population, particularly the larger majority who are poor. The estimated ratio of medical personnel was one for every 20,000 members of the population in the countryside. IN 1985, the hospital-bed ratio was 1:200; for the rest of the regions, the hospital-bed ratio range from 1:600 to 1:1,000. In 1983, more than 70 percent of death in the country did not receive any medical attention, with infectious and parasite diseases reported as major causes of death. On the other hand; poor environment conditions and poor quality of child-care has resulted in high rates in infant-mortality.
In the area of education, while Filipinos have a relatively high literacy level vis-a-vis other countries at a similar level of economic development (83.3 percent of the population above 15 years of age being literate in 1988), there are, however, such problems as inequities in the access to quality education among various socio-economic groups, including the low and declining quality of public schools. Low morale and low pay are issues besetting the country’s restive teacher-population in the 1990’s.
Housing , water supply and electricity are similarly dismal. The 1978-82 Philippines Development Plan reported with the national housing backlog totaling 1,125,000 units in 1977, about 16 percent of the population was either was either homeless or not adequately housed. On the other hand, while the housing problem in the rural areas is considered less acute because of low minimum stands and the ability to the rural population to construct its own housing , urban-dwellers face the pressures of rapid urban population growth and the declining availability of land for housing. Living in precarious housing conditions and congested areas and lacking basic facilities such as water and electricity, the urban poor increasing opt to live closer to work centers (e.g. trade and commerce areas or industrial zones) to save on transport costs despite the hazard of air and water pollution, traffic congestion, noise and urban violence.
Despite past and ongoing efforts of government agencies and non-government organizations addressing the plight of the urban poor in various parts of the Philippines, there are, however, no accurate statistics of the slum and squatter population of the country. Rough estimate suggest “over four million dwellers in slum and squatter colonies in the major urban centers”.
Davao City Situation Analysis
A survey conducted by the National Housing Authority (NHA) from April 1983 to July 1985 in various urban center throughout the country reveals that given its total population of 700,949,000. Davao City has only ten identified slum areas but the proportion of squatters is almost one-third or 238,332 of the absolute population of the city , a size that is almost as large as the combined figures of Metro-Cebu and Iloilo City. This comprises around ten percent of the national population and close to one-fourth of the entire 1980 urban population; they constitute the majority of what is termed as the urban poor. In Davao particularly, roughly 60 percent of the 1.9 population do not own land they live on and the city’s squatter-communities rank second to Tondo – the foremost slum-district in Metro Manila.
Given the worsening poverty and unemployment situation. Davao City along with other cities in MIndanao faces an acute need for housing, threats of dislocation and rising criminality, specifically: illegal gambling, kidnapping, illegal recruitment and white slavery. Recent figures describe the Davao region as the third largest supplier of “Japayukis”, ironically in a region that serves as the base for approximately 200 multinational companies, a gold-mining boom, and increase in investment characterized by new high-rise hotels and fine restaurants.
Objectives of the Study
On the whole, the present study aims to obtain an updated picture demographic and socio-economic make-up of the urban poor in the early 90’s Davao City. Specifically, it seeks to:
1. determine the demographic profile of the urban poor in Davao City
2. established the socio-economic characteristics of the urban poor in Davao City
3. to elicit recommendations for the improvement of the urban poor sector
Significance of the Study
While the immediate importance of the study lies in providing an updated demographic and socioeconomic profile of the urban poor per se, its long-term significance focuses on serving as the basis for policy makers and program planners to review, modify , and implement development programs and other related activities for the upliftment of such marginalized members of our society.
Methodology
Sampling Design. Using multi-stage sampling procedures and nothing Davao City’s high population density relative to other cities in Mindanao, Davao City was purposively selected as one of the three cities covered in the national survey on the urban poor. The barangays for the study were likewise selected purposively, the choice being based on the level of population, housing density and their being identified by the Philippines Commission on Urban Poor (PCUP) as “danger zone” , i.e. flood-prone, and swampy or easily-eroded areas along the sea-shores. Six areas in Davao City were subsequently selected as sample-barangays, namely, Agdao Bucana, Talomo, Talusa and Bunawan.
A sample of 400 households was determined using a statistical table indicating a 5 percent (plus or minus) confidence level and a margin of error for a population comprising 100,000 persons and above. The sample was then proportionately allocated among the six barangays. The final household-respondents were chosen systematically, i.e. every fifth house from the first street corner was considered as the respondent.
Data Collection Procedures. A structured interview schedule consisting of the following topics was utilized during the field interview of respondents:
I. Respondent’s Identification
II. Demographic Characteristics/Employment and Income
III. Household Monthly Expenses
IV. Property Ownership
V. Residency and Tenure
VI. Future Plans
VII. Membership in and Benefits Received from Organizations
VIII. Perceived Problems and Solutions.
IX. Value Contributing and Hindering Community Development
X. Perceived Positive Traits that Would Make a Good President of the Philippines
Specification of Variable. The following variables were considered in establishing the demographic and socio-economic characteristics of the urban poor sector:
[Refer to the Original Copy]
Data Analysis. Measures of central tendency (e.g. means, percentage and frequency distributions, and modes) were used in the analysis of the data including mean rank measures.
Research Findings*
Demographic Characteristics of the Respondents
The demographic characteristics of the respondents include age sex, educational attainment, civil status and province of origin. The respondents were household heads or their spouses. Since interview were conducted during the day, the male household heads were not usually available. Consequently, the sex distribution of respondents shows that majority were female (65%) with at least 35 percent males. Furthermore, the respondents were generally married (92.2%). The majority of the respondents were middle-age, i.e. 78.8 percent belonged to the 20 to 49 age-bracket. Only 9 percent were elderly (60-70 age-bracket). Ninety percent of the respondents had receive formal education, having attended either the secondary (45.8%) or the elementary (35.7%) levels. Approximately 18 percent were in college while those enrolled in vocational courses were a limited group (1%). Similar trends were observed among the spouses of the respondents’ with regard to educational attainment.
This present study, indicates that close to half (44%) of the respondents were non-migrant, i.e. having indicated origins from Davao City itself. On the other hand , among the migrants, those from the Visayas region constituted the single biggest group (32.5%). Short-distance migrant,i.e. those mostly coming from the nearby provinces within Region XI, ranked second (15%).
Household Profile
Household Type and Size. The majority of the respondents (67.5%) had nuclear-type of families while 32.5 percent had extended families. The present study indicates similar findings with, more than half of the respondents (56%) having five(5) to eight (8) household members
(See Table 4). On the average, the respondents had 5.99 household members.
Number of living Children. While national estimates place the mean number of children in urban poor families at 5.2 in 1985 the present study has a computed mean number of 3,67 living children. Our respondents thus to have fewer children relative to the national average. The data further reveal that a significant majority of the respondents (65.8% had from one to four living children. The 400 respondents taken together indicated a total of 1,417 children in these survey-sites. The children of the respondents were relatively young , with three-fourths (75.5% or 927 children) belong to the 0-14 age-bracket. The rest (24.5% or 301 children) are older, ranging from 15-21 years old. Among the 927 children ranging from 1-14 years old, 58.1 percent were in-school and 41.9 percent were out-of-school.
Employment and Income
This section provides the various household employment and income-related variables, i.e. focusing on the respondents and their spouses, their children.(0-14 years), the youths (15-21 years) and other adults – including contributions by other family members residing elsewhere. Occupations were classified based on Gelia Castillo’s occupational categories. Close to half of the respondents were unemployed (47.5). Over a fourth of the respondents spouses (28.5%) were likewise unemployed. Over a third of the respondents (33.7%) and their spouses (40.5%) were regularly employed.
Occupation data revealed a proliferation of respondents engaged in the lower-paying service industry, particularly in trade and commerce activities (32.4%), e.i. vending selling either as itinerant hawkers, tending “sari-sari” stores, or engaging in such “buy-and-sell” activities as fish, salt and anchovies. Other primary occupation pursuit included those related for farming to transportation and communication (11.9%), craftsmen, production-process related works (10%), service workers (9.5%), and clerical jobs (2.8%) . A very limited group was engaged in the practice of their own professions (1.9%), including those employment in administrative (1%) and mining-related occupation (0.5%).
Skilled worker (both highly skilled and semi-skilled) were likewise present likewise present, e.g. drivers, carpenters, dressmakers or tailors, construction workers, mat-weaver, mechanics, technicians, sawmill workers, furniture-maker, and factory-workers, including teachers.
At the same time, survey finding provided evidence regarding the extent of couples sharing in their income-earning roles within the household, with more than half (63.8%) of the spouses likewise pursuing various occupations. Again, the single highest group were engaged in trade and commerce, “buy-and sell” activities and acting as sales clerks. The second highest group were involved in transport and communication related works (17.6%) such as drivers, welders, mechanics, radio operators and repairmen. Skills and other crafts and likewise present, e.g. driving, carpentry, dressmaking or tailoring , welding, construction, among others.
Sales-related activities provider the main source of household income (22.3%) such as vending, sari-sari stores, sales clerks and “buy-and-sell”, followed by manual laborers (17.5%), and farm-related occupations (15.5%). Others mentioned those related to transport and communication (15.2%), services such as technical and beautician, (9.7%), craft-making and production (6.2%) , clerical (4.5%), administrative works (2.3%), practice of profession (2%), and mining (0.3%). These sources of income indicate that the respondents mainly relied on wages and salaries (95.5%). The rest (4.5%) relied on the salaries of their children, financial support from children and pensions.
Only a few of the respondents (30.3%) reported secondary sources of income mainly on sales (57%). The other types of secondary sources of income were services as beautician (13.2%), farming and fishing, and craft making and production related jobs (6.6% each), manual laborers (5%), administrative and managerial (3.3%), transportation and communication (2.5%), as teachers and employed in clerical jobs (0.8% each).
Total Monthly Income from Primary and Secondary Source.
The total monthly income from primary sources ranged from P200 to P9,000, with about half earning between P1,801 to P3,400 monthly (48.7%). They earn an average of P2,404 a month from such sources. On the other hand, the earning from the secondary sources range from P100 to P6,000 monthly with almost three-fourths (74.4%) reporting income between P100 to P2,460 a month. They earn an average of P1,670 a month.
Child Employment (0-14 Years Old). The research findings revealed a limited number of working children among the household covered for the study,i.e. one percent or 4 respondents claiming to have children contributing to family income. A total of seven (7) children were reported working at the time of the survey or an average of 1.75 working children per respondent.
These children were employed either as fishermen, vendors of pandesal and/ or fish and as laborers, earning an average of P38 a month.
A total of 37 or an average of 1.3 youths were reported working primarily as service workers (43.2%). Other were employed either as sales workers (29.7%) like fish vendors “sari-sari” store owners, and salesclerks, as transport-related workers and manual laborers (10.8% each) or a fishermen (5.4%). They earned from as low as P100 to as high as P4,500 monthly, with modal income concentrated in the P100-980 income bracket (59.5%). The earned a monthly average of P1,110.
Adult Employment. Data finding revealed that less than a fifth (16%) of these household had employed adults residing with them (64 respondents), with a total of 94 or an average of 1.47 working adults per household. The majority of those households with employed adults have at least one working adult (67.2%). These adults worked primarily as laborers (29.8%) or as sales workers (24.5%). The rest in descending order were employed either as office clerks (13.8%), service-related workers, (11.7%), or drivers and factory workers (5.3% each). Administrative workers, teachers, and miners constituted approximately 3.2 percent each.
On a monthly basis. the employed adult earned from P50 (minimum) to P3,500 (maximum), with more than (69.1%) earning less than P1,800. The computed monthly mean income for these employed adults was P1,496.
Fifty four respondents (13.5%) reported having unemployed adults within their household,i.e. a total of 102 or an average of 1.89 unemployed adult per household. The finding likewise revealed that more than half of the respondents had at least one unemployed staying with them.
Monthly Income Contributions by Other Family Members. Less than one-fifth (16.3%) of the total respondents reported having receive income from other family members residing elsewhere. i.e. siblings, friends and other relatives. Such contributions ranged from as low as P25 to as high as P6,000 monthly (62.2%). On the average approximately P1,432 was received monthly as contributions from other family members.
Monthly Household Income. Given the various income sources total mean household income was P3,154. This was significantly lower relative to the NEDA estimates (As of March 1991) that a family of six must earn P3,864 month or P46,368 a year to survive. Regional variations in commodity prices and cost-of-living indices provide little consolation. The average monthly income was likewise lower than the poverty threshold (P3,916) established by NEDA as of May 1991 for the whole country. Given the poverty threshold figure for the whole country (P3,864), the research finding revealed that the incidence of poetry among the respondents was 71 percent (or 284 respondents)- a figure higher than the national figure of 60 percent – meaning that almost three-fourths of the respondents failed to meet the daily needs for survival.
Monthly Household Expenses
Comparing the mean household income figures (P3,154) and expenses (P2,804) of these urban poor households, however, suggest the possibility and saving at a monthly average of P350.00 (representing 11 percent of total monthly household income). On the other hand, how do these urban poor households spend their income? what values and priorities are reflected in their mode of expenditures?
Food expenses constituted the single highest expense-item,i.e. 52 percent of the average total household income on a monthly average of P1,623.50. Amortization payments (either for lots appliances, or other types of loans) ranked second at 38 percent or an average are likewise spent on fuel and other energy-sources (at least P542.7 per month) not a by liquefied petroleum gas (LPG), charcoal, kerosene, electricity and firewood, in the order. Still other alternative fuel-source used are rice husks and saw dusts. Insights into these urban poor’s priorities in life are further provided by finding on expenses for leisure and recreation e.g. Christmas holidays, fiestas and birthdays, and money spent for liquor, cigarettes and gambling. These constitute approximately 25 percent of total income or an average of P630.50 per month. On the other hand, monthly expenditures for other basic needs like transportation (304.90), education (P128.00) and clothing (P111.10) make up roughly 18 percent of total household expenditures.
Appliance and Property Ownership
What tangible and physical assets do these families own? What ,odes of ownership prevail among urban poor households? Televisions (black and white), tape-cassette recorders, electric fans, sala sets, and cabinets – in that order – were the most popular possessions (ranging from 30% to as high as 41%) among the respondents. To a limited extent, wall clock, radios and colored televisions were likewise reported. Lot ownership, on the other hand, were claimed by at least 25 respondents and included either residential or agricultural lands (3% percent).
Nearly two-thirds of the respondents (61.7%) were local migrant, i.e. 34.5 percent moved from areas within the residence-barangay and 27.2 percent from within Davao City. About 18.5 percent may be considered as original occupants in the survey sites having claimed they had not lived in any other places. The rest (16.3%) claimed to have resided outside of Davao City mainly on other regions in Mindanao.
The reasons cited for leaving their previous residence generally suggest the strong “pull” factor of the cities,i.e. the attractions of the new area given its perceived economic opportunities (26.7%), including opportunities to own a house and lot (10.1%) and change of work (1.2%). On the other hand, “push”-factors are similarly present: the bad conditions of the previous residence (18.0%), eviction/demolition (13.5%), natural calamities (8.3%), and family-related reasons like marriage (6.1%).
Close to half respondents (47%) have stayed from one to 90 months in their residence or approximately 7.5 years. More than half (53%) have stayed in their current residence more than sever years. They resided in their current residence for an average of 156.65 months or 13.05 years. The top-three reasons most cited for staying in the current residence consisted of 1) the opportunity to own a lot and house or at least a place to stay (50%),2) access to work and other social amenities like education and health(39%) and 3) family-related reasons like living near their relatives (25.0%). Still other mentioned the security provided by the place (8%), or having been convinced by relatives and friends to squat i the area “(5.5%), or the area their place of birth (3%). A common perception is that security of land tenure would easily be the most crucial problem confronting squatters. Survey data, however, revealed that the respondents were divided on the issue. A little more than half claimed they had no fears of being evicted from their current residence (52.5%) while 47.5 percent expressed otherwise. Among those who admitted feelings of insecurity, the predominant explanation cited was either the absence of land tenure or any assurance of ownership, including alternative places to go to (76.3%). Other mentioned the problematic acquisition procedures (10.5%), the constant fear of possible plans and actions by the landowners regarding the place (10%), and government action itself (6.3%). A limited group noted the consequences eviction would have on their livelihood activities (1.6%), including the cost of moving to another area and the lack of unity among residents (0.5% each).
On the other hand, those who claimed to have no fears of eviction mainly explained that opportunities were present for eventual land ownership given their length of stay in the area, the increasing population of squatters, the absence of other claimants and their urgent land-renter status (58.1%). Still others mentioned their land owner’s assurance of land use(36.7%), their existing community organizations and the support of PCUP (5.2%), the assurance of government assistance (1.9%). Four admitted that they would resist eviction (1.9%). Four admitted that they would resist eviction (1.9%). Four admitted that they would resist eviction (1.9%) while two other reported that they have not received any notice of eviction as yet (1%).
Despite the insecurity in land tenure and the dangers posed in residing in slum areas, only a few of the respondents (25 or 6.3%) expressed plans to move out of their current residence. Most of those who planned to move out of their current residence however failed to identify where they would transfer to (36%). Those who did, mentioned mainly areas within Davao City (28%) or at least just within the barangay (8%). The rest identified such destinations as Davao del Norte, Surigao del Norte, Region IX, Region X, Visayas(4% each) and Luzon (8%). Such plans of moving from their current residence were mostly influenced by the desire for better job opportunities (40%). Other mentioned their insecurities regarding possible land ownership (12%), opportunities for land-purchases possible and ownership (12%), opportunities for land-purchases(8%), including the need to be independent from parent (8%) and to have a decent place for their children who are studying (4%).
Respondents responded negatively when asked whether they had ever experience being relocated. About 95.5 percent had no experience of relocation. Only a few (4.5%) did. Those who were relocated were mostly transferred to the Mandaya Village-Talomo (83.2%). Still other mentioned transferring simply within their barangay (5.6%). Asked about the circumstances which their barangay (5.6%).. Asked about the circumstances which brought about their eviction, the majority pointed to the use of the land for a church-building (83.2%). Other reasons cited were: having lost the case regarding the land-disputes, the area being appropriated by the government, or the area being burned (5.6% each). The majority were located in September 1990 (72.0%) while others moved during the period 1972 to October 1990 (28%). Asked what agency was responsible for their relocation, the majority mentioned the church (83.2%), while others mentioned the city government (11.1%).
Health and Nutrition
The majority of the respondents (93.7%) claimed that households members were afflicted with illness during the last two years, with the rest (6.3%) claiming otherwise. Some data of this study, however, do not specify the specific disease. Asked to rank the disease from the highest incidence to the least within their households during the preceding two (2) years, the respondents identified the top three ailments as fever, cold and fever, cough and fever for children, young adults, and adult respectively. Such illnesses being symptomatic of pulmonary diseases, research finding suggest the needs for such ailments to be diagnosed properly by medical personnel. Other disease most prevalent among children were diarrhea (Rand “4”), measles (Rank “5”), pneumonia (Rank “6”), brochitis (Rank “7”), gasto-intestinal problems (Rank “9.5”). Young adults were most commonly afflicted with diarrhea (Rank “4”),pneumonia (Rank “5”), and gastro-intestinal diseases (Rank”%”), hypertension (Rank”^”), tuberculosis(Rank “7”) and bronchitis (Rank “8”).
The majority of the respondents (84.7%) had available of various medical and health services, either from the government health center and personnel (68.7%) or from private clinics or practitioners from the public health centers were more accessible, available and affordable to the majority of the community residents that the private health services.
Organizational Membership
Survey finding showed a high level of organizational participation by these respondents, with more than three-fourths (81.2%) of the respondents belonging to various community organizations and with a total of 475 community organizations identified by the respondents (or an average of 1.46 organizations per respondent). The respondents usually belonged to from one to four types of organizations. More than half (64.9%), though, were member of at least one community association. Other belonged to two organizations (25.5%), with the rest either three (8%) or four (1.5%) organizational affiliations each. Roughly three-fourths (75.4%) of these were people’s organizations. The rest were either non-government (23.8%) and government organization (0.8%).
Most of the respondents (60.4%) generally to either the urban-poor/cause-oriented types of organizations, with a smaller group (22.5%) mentioning religious groups. The rest invariably belonged to either economic-based/income-generating types (5.3%), civic (4.4%), socio-cultural (3.6%), youth (2.9%), political (0.8%), health (0.4%) and land based (0.2%) types of organizations. On the whole , less than a fourth (20.9%) of the respondents reported having receive some form of assistance or benefits from the organizations they belonged to. The other (79.1%) claimed otherwise. The 68 respondents-beneficiaries received mainly either technical (85.3%) or financial assistance (76.5%). Other forms of assistance were materials (32.4%),spiritual development (23.5%), being organized (7.5%), assistance in land-negotiations (2.9%),cooperation (2.9%), gifts (1.5%) and value-formations (1.5%).
A very limited group (53 respondents representing 16.3%) claimed having received some form of training from their organizations, with the majority (83.7%) claiming otherwise. Training activities received were usually in the acquisition of various skills (43.4%) and leadership training (32.1%). The others mentioned marriage enrichment seminars (5.7%), family-planning seminars (5.7%), membership seminars (5.7%), orientation on Community Mortgage Programs (3.8%), community-organizing seminars (1.9%), charismatic seminars (1.9%),drug prevention (1.9%) and loan application seminar (1.9%). The training were mainly sponsored by government (43.4%) and people’s organizations (41.5%).
Perceived Community Problems
The respondents were asked from a list of at least seven types of community problems and to rank such problems according to their perceived urgency,e.g. land tenure, livelihood, water, sewerage/drainage, peace and order, among others. As ranked , the top three major problems were insecurity in land tenure (Rank 1.23), water (Rank 1.92), and livelihood /unemployment (Rank 2.00). The other problems mentioned included poor sewerage/drainage systems (Rank 2.03), peace and order (Rank 2.29), and light(Rank 2.35).
Other community problems mentioned by the respondents in varying degrees were subsequently re-classified as physical/infrastructures-related, e.g. poor roads, no bridges, swampy flooded areas, erosion due to high tides/tidal waves, foul smelling canals,lack of any sea wall protection , congested areas and others. The rest were health/sanitation-related, e.g. limited toilets, poor sanitation practices, poor garbage disposal, inaccessibility of a health center, poor health, and a limited supply of medicines; economic-related, as lack of food supply, inadequate capital, and limited fish catch; and social, as lack of unity, rampant gambling and non-ownership of their house.
Given such community problems , what solutions were offered but these respondents? Focusing on the top two mentioned solutions, a variety of recommendations were given: For problems relating to land tenure, the respondents mainly mentioned seeking the assistance of the government /barangay officials (27.7%) and for the organizations to negotiate with landowners to sell their lands to the squatters (26%).
Livelihood /unemployment problems, on the other hand, were likewise perceived as capable of being solved by seeking the assistance of the government (43.4%) while water-related problems were expected to be remedied by putting up a water system (51.1%) . Problems relating to light and electricity would hopefully be resolved by requesting Davao Light and Power Company (DLPC), i.e. the Davao City -based electrical company to install light facilities (63.2). Sewerage and drainage problems may be solved by harnessing the “bayanihan”-system, e.g. organizing the community members are best resolved by participating in barangay-tanod (volunteer neighborhood security forces) activities (38.1%) and by respecting one another (33.3%).
Irregardless of the community problems indicated, survey respondents consistently mentioned manpower, specifically volunteer manual labor,as the most available resources that could to be tapped to solve community problems. Varying resources were, however, indicated for solving such problems as unemployment, light, or those relating to peace and order. Majority of the respondents (62%) are aware of some form of assistance provided in solving the community problems, with 38 percent claiming otherwise. Such assistance generally came from government organizations (86.2%), with the rest non-government (16.4%) and people’s organizations (10.5%). Political organizations served as the single biggest group (29.6%) providing assistance in solving community problems. The rest consisted of religious-types of organizations (19.1%), and land-based groups (10.5%), among other. The assistance provided in solving community problems was generally technical (53.9%), or in terms of material assistance (36.2%). Other mentioned being provided immunization services (28.3%), financial assistance (11.8%), and, to a limited extent, skills development (0.7%).
Future Plans of the Respondents for the Next Five Years
The respondents were asked regarding their plans for themselves, family, community and country for the next five years.
The respondents’ individual plans were basically economic in nature, i.e. improvement of their economic conditions (32.3%), security of land tenure/land ownership (17.3%), and employment (14.8%). Other plans mentioned included the provision of a good life for their children and family (5.5%), and the improvement of living conditions as in the improvement of house or appliances owned (3.3%). To a lesser extent, eight respondents expressed their desire for good health (2%) or transferring to other place e.g. a farm or their birthplace (1.3%). Twenty-four percent of the respondents failed to indicate their plan for themselves at the time of the survey. The respondents further revealed their beliefs that such plans could be primarily attained either by looking for jobs here and abroad (25%), working hard (17.8%), putting up or expanding business (14.8%), and saving money (14.1%).
Asked about their plans for their families, the respondents expressed mainly their desire to second children (including brothers and sisters) to school (63.3%). Such finding may be explained by the general perception that education provided the best opportunities for higher salaries and decent lives. Still others mentioned for higher for improved economic condition (12.8%) and the acquisition of their own lots and houses (10.5%). To a lesser extent, other plans cited included the renovation improvement of their houses (5.5%), putting up/expanding sari-sari store business (3.3%), good health (1.3%), spending on vacation with the whole family in one’s birthplace (0.5%). The strategy most mentioned by the respondents to attain such plans for the family was to apply/look for better jobs (34.4%). The other strategies cited included putting up/sustaining/expanding business (23.7%), hard work (21.9%), and saving money (17.3%), among others.
While the respondents were squatters in the survey sites, most of them (25.5%) expressed of developing their areas,as,for example,through having concrete roads. They likewise planned to improve the economic conditions of the community members by helping them acquire their own houses and lots (17.0%), putting up promoting peace and order (5.3%), among others.
The respondents revealed their belief that their plans for the community could be attained through cooperation among all members in various community activities (24.6%), not to mention organizing community members (16.9%), giving little cash donations (9.2%), and helping one another (8.8%), among others.
Data further revealed personal plans as a strategy to realize community plans such as , for example, looking for jobs (2.3%),borrowing money as capital (1.2%), and “beautifying and cleaning my surrounding” (1.2%). Other indicated dependence on the government (18.1%) regarding attainment of their community plans.
The singular most mentioned plan for the country was to maintain peace and order (27%), followed to a much lesser extent by reducing prices of basic commodities and helping recover from economic crisis or improving economic conditions (7.3% each). Other plans mentioned for the country included minimizing the nation (2.3%), changing governmental management style or engaging in democratic management (2.0%) – including having capable honest president or even a male president(1%).
Again most of the respondents believed that such plans for the country could be attained by fostering unity or cooperation (27.9%). The rest identified the strict observance of government rules and regulations (20.7%), monitoring or prosecuting corrupt officials (15.9%), and providing employment opportunities (6.3%), among others. The respondents individual plans were basically economic in nature, i.e. improvement of their livelihood , water, sewerage/drainage,peace and order, and others.
Values Perceived as Facilitating (or Hindering) Community Development
The respondents were asked about values perceived as contributing to community development and those that would hinder such development. On the whole, the respondents mentioned at least 22 types of values that would promote community development, with cooperation (711.8%), unity (46.5%), understanding (18.5%) and the “bayanihan”-spirit (13%) as the four most mentioned values. On the other hand, the respondents indicated even more values – at least 49 – which hinder community development. The top two most mentioned were misunderstanding (61%) and non-cooperation (39.5%).
Finally, the respondents were made to identify the positive traits that would make a good President of the Philippines based on a pre-identified list. The most mentioned trait was honesty (98%), followed by being public-service-oriented (89.3%) and intelligent (81%). The other traits included being just and decisive (80.3%). Graft-busting (77.5%), being nationalistic (76.3%), democratic (75.3%), and fearless (74
%) were likewise mentioned. To a lesser extent , others identified having good public -speaking skills (64.8%), and having international stature (51%).
Summary of Findings
The majority of the respondents were females (65%), married (92.2%), had formal education (99.8%), were between 20-49 years old (78.8%) and hailed from region XI (59.0%), particularly from Davao City. The preponderance of female-respondents as attributed to their availability during the survey period, being mostly unemployed and hence in their households.
The majority of the respondents (67.5%) had nuclear families. They has an average of 5.99 household members -such findings being consistent with those of Jimenez (1986) that urban poor families are large with an average of six members per household. They had a total of 1,417 living children or an average of 3.67 per family three-fourths (75.5%) of the children were in the 0-14 age bracket indicating the predominance of a relatively young population. More than half of these children (58.5%) were in school.
Close to half (47.5%) of the respondents were unemployed due to the high proportion of female-respondents. The employed respondents and their spouses were mostly employed in sales-related works i.e. 32.4 percent and 20.4 percent, respectively like vending or selling either as an itinerant hawkers or engaged in the typical “sari-sari” store and other “buy-and-sell” activities. Less than a third (30.3%) reported secondary sources of income, mostly from sales-related works (57%). They earned an average of P2,404 and P1,670 monthly from the main household and secondary sources of income, respectively.
Four household-respondents at least seven children as a fisherman, pan de sal peddler, fish vendor or manual laborer and earning as average of P38monthly.
A total of 37 working were reported by 29 households, usually as service workers (43.2%) and earning an average of P1,110 monthly.
Similarly, 64 households indicated at least 94 adult workers, usually as manual workers and laborers (29.8%) and earning an average of P1,496 per month.
Furthermore, less than a fifth of the respondents (16.3%) receive financial support from other family members not currently residing with them, usually at an average of P1,432 monthly.
Sales-related activities provided the respondents main source of household income (22.3%). The household earned a monthly average of P3,154, i.e. an amount slightly lower than the P3,864 minimum household income Filipino must earn to survive. Survey figures further indicated the relatively high incidence of poverty among the respondents receive high incidence of poverty among the respondents, with 71 percent or 284 respondents-households receiving even less than the poverty threshold figures.
Relating the respondents’ average monthly household expenditure of P2,804 to the average total monthly household income of P3,154 yield an average unexpended amount of P350 per household (approximately 11 percent of the average total monthly household income).
Food expenses constituted the single highest expense item (52 percent of the average total monthly household income at an average of P1,623.50), with amortization payment (38.1 percent of the average total monthly household income) ranking second. The sizable portion of the income spent for fuel and their energy-sources (17.2%) is likewise worth noting.
The five most mentioned appliances owned by the respondents included black and white television (41%), tape/cassette recorders (38.5%), electric fans (34.5%), sala sets (30.8%), and cabinets (29.5%). Lot ownership among the respondents was minimal (25 respondents or 3percent).
More than three-fourths of the respondents (326 respondents or 81.5%) indicated having lived in various areas but mostly in areas within the barangay serving as the survey-sites (42.3%). Residential moves were mainly motivated by the “attraction to the new place due to economic reasons and access to work, education and other physical amenities”(26.7%). In a related manner, close to a fifth (18.9%) of these respondents mentioned being “forced out due to (the) bad conditions of (their) previous residence (such) as high cost of rental and unstable peace and order situation among others.
These survey-respondents have resided in the survey sites for approximately 13.05 years on the average. Furthermore, decisions to stay in their current residences have been explained incariably by the presence of “opportunities to own lots, build houses,purchase lot-rights, rent houses” and the “accessibility of the workplace and other social amenities and the desire to stay in the city”.
Despites problems relating to the security of land tenure, roughly half of the respondents (52.5%) did not fear possible eviction mainly due to the “assurances given by landowners regarding the use of the land “(58.1%). Those who feared eviction, on the other hand, mostly expressed their insecurities given their squatter- or renter-status, including the lack of alternative places to go to (76.3%).
Likewise, only a few intended to move out from their current residence (25 respondents or 6.3%). When asked about their possible destinations, most (36%) had no specific places in mind. Furthermore, such desires to transfer residence were mainly influenced by the need to find better jobs (40%).
Finally, less than a fifth of the respondents (18 respondents or 4.5%) had undergone relocation, mostly in the Mandaya Village, Talomo (83.2%) in September 1990 (72%) as initiated by the local parish of the Catholic Church as a church construction site.
There was a high incident of illnesses (93.7%) reported among the respondents, mostly relating to disease typical in underdeveloped among depressed areas – usually communicable, infectious, preventable but not controlled and sometimes not diagnosed properly due to poverty. These include fever, cough/cold, and cold/fever among children, youths and adults.
Utilization of medical and health services among the respondents was high (84.7%), usually from government health centers (68.7%).
There is a high a percentage of organizational membership among the respondents (81.2%). They were members of an average of at least 1.46 community organizations which were mostly people’s organizations (75.4%) especially urban poor organizations (60.4%).
The benefits received from their organizational affiliations, as indicated by only a fifth (20.9%) of the respondents, was mainly technical assistance (85.3%). Training ,particularly skills training (43.4%),was reported by only 16.3 percent of the respondents.
Land tenure problems (rank 1.23) dominated all other community problems cited by the respondents, followed by water-related problems (rank 1.92). These problems they started, could perhaps be minimized by seeking assistance from the government (26.7%) and installing local water system (51.1%). To help solve such problems, the respondents mainly cited their own manpower resources as the main possible resources of the community.
At least more than half of the respondents (62%) were aware of the various forms of assistance provided to help solve community problems. Such assistance was primarily provided by political type (29.6%) of government organization (86.2%) in the form of technical assistance (53.9%).
Asked about their plans for themselves, the respondents mainly cited plans of improving their economic conditions (32.3%), either through local or overseas employment (25%).
Family -related plans focused on providing for the education of their children , brothers and sisters (63.3%). Relatedly, they observed that such desires could hopefully be fulfilled by having better-paying jobs (34.4%), putting up, maintaining or expanding business (23.7%) and through sheer hard work (21.9).
Despite problems relating to lot-ownership, the respondents expressed their desire to develop their respective communities mainly by cooperating in all community activities (24.6%) and by seeking the assistance of the government (18.1%).
Finally, the maintenance of peace and order (27%) ranked foremost among the plans of the respondents for the country. Similarly, the respondents expressed the belief that these could be attained by fostering unity or cooperation among community members (27.9%) and by adhering to the laws and regulations of the government (20.7%).
While cooperation and unity were the two most mentioned values promoting community development , the lack of cooperation and misunderstanding were regarded as the top two factors which hinder community development.
Implications and Recommendations
The following are the implications and recommendations based on the findings of the study:
A. Policy and Program Issues
1. While survey finding revealed that government agencies were the main providers (86.2%) of service/assistance to solve community problems, collaborative participation of the non-government organization should be harnessed to improve program implementation. The two sectors should jointly assist the communities in the provision of basic services and opportunities of livelihood.
At the same time, the spirit of cooperativism may be helpful to make the urban poor sector self-reliant and self-sufficient, e.g. as in refraining from availing of loans at usurious rates. Small businesses may be establishment to augment their income for as suggested by the data findings, most of their income-sources were derived from buy-and sell activities or sales-related pursuits.
2. As regards their plans for the community, many respondents (25.5%) mentioned are development suggesting the need for the delivery of basic infrastructures and services to the target population.
On the other hand, given the impoverished state of the respondents, their personal plans focused on improving their economic conditions. Such finding suggest programs to improve the basic infrastructure in slum-communities and those which provide livelihood opportunities along with other services. Unemployed women may be organized and provided opportunities to participate in livelihood activities which do not demand their prolonged absence from their homes.
3. Given the high incidence of poverty (71%) among the respondents, other family members – particularly the children were forced to work to augment their parents meager income. This suggest the need for laws that do not hinder children from working but rather protect them from exploitation.
Such situation are but indicative of the dysfunctional patterns of urban growth Davao City and other regional centers are experiencing in the 1990’s. Thus ,centralized planning and implementation of urban development programs of the government should be reviewed and modified to allow region-based or local urban development planning and implementation focusing on industry, including physical and social infrastructures with a view towards possible inter – and intra-regional linkages.
4. The plight of the urban poor respondents, as evidenced by the high incidence of poverty, insecurity in land tenure and housing needs, among others, is but the necessary consequence of the centralized yet lopsided implementation of development programs Manila – the country’s primate city – benefits the most from such urban policies and programs, overshadowing and effectively offsetting development project introduced in the other regions through its own large-scale programs, established by both by the public and private sector. Thus, macroeconomic and growth policies (e.g. infrastructure investments and other public expenditures, private investment particularly those with government participation, under social services, and policies on multinationals and foreign investments) should be reviewed to effect a more decentralized economic development that will benefits the marginalized sectors of the society development that will benefits the marginalized sectors of the society in other regional centers. Furthermore, provisions for the use of idle government land, affordable housing programs and massive implementation of the Community Mortgage Programs (CMP) are envisioned to assist this marginalized sector of urban areas.
An integrated approach in thus recommended, i.e. specifically designed not only to address the economic aspect of urban life but other equally important areas such as housing , health and nutrition, access to credit resources, education and ever the need to organize the urban poor so as to assume greater leverage in dealing with government and private agencies.
5. Given the “push – and pull-factors” of migration e.g. attraction to new places due to economic reasons and access to work, access to education and other physical amenities (26.7%), the poor conditions of their previous residences (18.1%) and the available idle urban private and public land, it is deemed necessary that land policy should be reviewed. Likewise, the Community Mortgage Program (CMP), currently implemented nationwide with the assistance of the National Home Mortgage Finance Corporation (NHMFC), should be strong supported and enhanced.
Furthermore, these migration factors indicate the need to development the amenities of the places of origin and to distribute the employment opportunities not only in the city but also on its peripheries.
6. Though more than half of the respondents (52.9%) had no fears of being evicted mainly due to the “assurance of the landowners of the land use “(58.1%), those who feared eviction cited such reasons as the ” insecurity given their squatter-status”, “having no other places to go to”, and simply being mere renters (76.3%). Such finding suggest the need for local government to review existing urban planning and zoning policies to determine proper, just and equitable land use. Likewise, the government together with the non-government agencies – should provide affordable housing programs to the squatter-urban poor sector such a low housing.
7. There is a high incidence if illness (93.7%) among the respondents and their family members usually, fever, cough/cold, and cold/fever – which were mostly communicable, infectious and preventable and were not properly diagnosed due to poverty. Given the varied health-related programs implemented by the Department of Health (DOH) and their own problems regarding the availability of the outreach personnel, the assistance of the private sectors should be enlisted. However, clear delineation of their various roles and functions is imperative. Also, the DOH family-based health programs, i.e. teaching households to prevent and treat preventable diseases, should be religiously implemented.
8. The respondents plans for their family mainly centered on sending children (including brother and sister) to schools (63.3%). These were perceived to be best attained by applying or looking for better paying jobs (34.4%), putting up,sustaining or expanding businesses (23.7%) and through hard work (21.9%). They would demand the all-out support of government and non-government agencies in providing education (both formal and informal) to these marginalized member of urban society.
9. The survey result pointed out the general source of assistance were the government , non-government and people’s organizations. This implies the need for coordination and integration of policies, program and projects among different agencies concerned with the welfare of the urban poor. However, the tasks and functions of these institutions should should be clearly defined to avoid overlapping.
10. Given the major top community problems of squatting (due to the unavailability of land and lack of employment opportunities), the creation of alternative employment sites in the urban peripheries and rural areas – similar to an ” industry dispersal” or “back-to-the-provinces” program by the government in partnership with the non-government and people’s organizations – may be desired.
11. Given the implementation of the Local Government Code, it is strongly recommended that the collaborative participation of non-government organizations be harnessed and share in the social responsibility through intervention strategies such as:
a) organization and group-building for squatters as a collective entity so that an association is formed with advocacy and project management capabilities to work for their collective good;
b) introduction of socialized financing to organized squatters;
c) implementation of low-cost housing programs and services to address the attendant problem of squatting
d) integration of other basic services that answer the needs of the urban poor.
12. Less than half of the respondents children (41.5%) are not attending school. Thus, youth-centered programs have to be instituted by the government and other concerned agencies.
13. The incorporation of the communication Organizing through Participatory Action Research (COPAR) approach in the program implementation for the urban poor is likewise recommended. This would facilities the “bottoms-up” approach to development, i.e. allowing the target beneficiaries to understand their situation plan the appropriate strategies to address the situation and implement the plans in partnership with the program implementors. This is to ensure sustainable development.
Crop Production and Utilization in Southern Mindanao
Poverty is endemic and widespread in the world. Nearly 20 percent (19.6%) of the world’s population of 5.6 billion live in absolute poverty, with 65 percent reported for Asian countries (Philippine Daily Inquirer, 1994,5). Philippine figures indicate more than half (60% or approximately 36 million) of the 60.5 million Filipinos (NSO 1990) live in the rural areas and are dependent on agriculture for their livelihood. Sixty-five percent of the rural population live in the lowlands and coastal areas while the rest are in the uplands. Various studies reveal that more than half of the rural families live below the poverty line (compared to only one-fifth of urban families). However, various development policies and programs of the Philippine government have been concentrated in the urban centers, mainly in Metro Manila, with the rural population consistently disadvantaged compared to their urban counterparts since the postwar years. Analyzing the nature, extent, and trends of rural poverty within the context of development, Sison and Varela inferred that “a great proportion of the poorest of the poor is found in the rural sector”, citing both” the inherent and persistent socio-economic and political structures which exclude the poorest segments of the rural population from participating in productive economic activity. Such scenarios have just sent the appropriate signals to both the public and private sector to address the needs of these marginal members of Philippine society caught in the vicious cycle of poverty and low productivity, lack of access to resources, and subsequently inequality.
The Southern Mindanao Agricultural Programme
As with other government and non-government organizations which have recognized the need to improve the farmers access to necessary resources, the Department of Agriculture, collaborating with various local government and non-government organizations, launched the SOUTHERN MINDANAO AGRICULTURAL PROGRAMME in January 25, 1990 in three (3) out of 52 watersheds zones in Southern Mindanao. Its area coverage includes three zones, namely: the Davao river Basin in Marilog, Davao City (Zone 1), the Southern Slopes of Mt. Apo in Davao del Sur (Zone II); and, the Allah Valley T’boli Homeland in South Cotabato (Zone III). As of March 1994, a total of 22 Key Result Areas (KRAs) from the three zones were identified, with 19 KRAs as operational, six of which are managed by the local government units (SMAP Community Profile Database). The 22 KRAs included 503 sitios that should be provided assistance by SMAP, with 303 sitios currently being served yielding a total of 13,562 households. Zone 3 revealed the highest number of households served (7,147), with Zone 1, the least (1,833). These communities have undergone planning meetings where microprojects have started or about to start.
SMAP’s primary goals consist of: a) improvement of the living condition and revenues of the upland farming communities: b) protection of the long-run development potentials of the area through intensification and diversification of upland agriculture, expanded use of environmentally-sound upland agricultural land technology, upgrading of basic rural infrastructure, and strengthening of local farmers’ organization: and c) reduction of economic disparities between tribal and migrant communities. These can be attained through the programme components of micro-projects in rural production and rural infrastructure, the savings-based credit programme, institutional development through training and communication, research and studies, project operation and management, and technical assistance. It utilizes a participative, community-based approach which facilities improvement of community skills in harnessing, managing and sustaining development resources.
The programme’s outputs consists of the intensification and diversification of upland agriculture in SMAP-served areas using environmentally-sound and sustainable farming technologies, including the protection of watershed areas through agroforestry. SMAP likewise promotes the formulation and implementation of community-development plans based on a participative analysis of root problems by the communities served. Local organizations are thus encouraged to adopt community-based planning, management and extension techniques. The programme provides a vaiable revolving fund providing credit for agricultural and off-farm activities of SMAP-assisted upland communities. By project-end, SMAP focuses on the finalization of the guidelines, manuals on the SMAP development process, planning process, monitoring and evaluation, extension techniques and research.
Objectives of the Study
In 1992, at the start of the SMAP Implementation Phase, the programme developed a Benchmark Profile for each community assisted using Participatory Rural-Appraisal (PRA) techniques. The current study is intended to complement the 1992 data set, specifically focusing on the following directions:
1. Present the household profile of the respondents.
2. Determine the crop production-disposal activities of the farmer-households, and
3. Determine the household income and expenditure of the farmer-households.
Significance of the Study
The study will not only provide additional data about the farmer-households but will complement the SMAP data gathered through participatory data collection techniques.
Limitations of the Study
The study deals primarily with the description of the crop production-disposal activities and income and expenditures of the farmer-households in SMAP-served communities in Southern Mindanao.
Another limitation of the study is the reliability of the responses of the respondents. Recall problems and fatigue on the part of the respondents due to the lenght of the interviews (i.e. from one to two hours, depending on the capability of the respondents to adequately recall farm-and-crop production activities for the last 12 months) are possible causes of inaccurate responses. The timeframe used in establishing the crop production-disposal activities, household income and expenditures was the previous year (i.e. 12 months prior to the survey). Likewise, the sample was based on the 1993 household listing provided by SMAP.
Methodology
The study used the descriptive approach, focusing on the crop production-disposal activities of the farmer-households, including their income, expenditures and food consumption patterns.
Initially, the sample was set at 400 households and proportionately allocated in the samples sitions per zone, using the 1993 SMAP household lists from the sitios served. Sitios without household listings were thus eliminated in the sample. However, two weeks after the implementation of the data collection, SMAP realized the absence of sample sitios from KRA 4 of Zone 2. An additional sample of 66 households was subsequently added, increasing the sample to 466 households (indicating a confidence level of 95.8 percent). The final sample thus consisted of 101 household respondents from Zone 1, 213 from Zone 2 and 152 from Zone 3. These zonal figures revealed a confidence level ranging from 90.6 percent to 93.5 percent. The figures from the KRA level likewise resulted to a confidence level ranging from 67 percent to 88.3 percent. Table 2 provides the breakdown of the household population and sample, including the confidence levels by zones and KRA. The household-respondents were randomly chosen based on the 1993 SMAP list of households.
The Study Findings
The data collection (conducted from February 14 to March 13,1994) was facilitated using an interview schedule translated into the vernacular and presented among 12 upland farmers in sitios not served by SMAP as validity and reliability measures. To facilitate data collection, twelve (12) field interviewers were trained to conduct the field interviews. They were closely monitored to minimize field recalls. SMAP provided transportation support to facilitate access to the sampled sitios. Simple descriptive statistics such as modes, means, frequency and percentage distributions were utilized in the analysis of the data collected. Likewise, graphs were used in the data presentation. Furthermore, zonal and KRAs shows the dominance of the Visayans, i.e. the Cebuanos, Boholanos, Illonggos, etc. over ethnic groupings. Such a trend holds true for all the KRAs in all zones except KRA 2 of Zone 1 and KRA 4 of Zone 3 where household members belong to tribal communities. Likewise, it is interesting to note that the respondents in all three zones were generally migrants – except for KRA 2 (71.4%) of Zone 1 and KRA 4 (66.7%) of Zone 3 where the majority of the respondents were of tribal origin. The veired ethnic origin suggests differences in the level of adoption of change among these uplander farmer-households. Such ethnic diversity likewise provides the directions for possible training and development programmes to assist upland dwellers.
Household Type and Size. The type of household is indicative of the concentration of economic gains relative to the economic welfare of the family. The more nuclear the family, the more concentrated the economic gains in the family compared to that in an extended family. The present study revealed that the majority of the households were of the nuclear type-whether in the KRA, zonal or overall SMAP levels.
Household related studies further revealed that Filipino families tend to be large, averaging six members per household. The present study indicates similar findings in Zones 1 (5.86), 2 (5.56) and 3 (5.71). These findings, however, run counter to Sajise’s argument that ” upland communities are generally small in size because their subsistence economy and relative physical mobility cannot support a larger population.)
Household size variations are likewise evident among the KRAs in the three zones. KRAs 2 (6.34) and 4 (6.38) in Zone 1 revealed much larger families compared to KRAs 1 (5.6) and 3 (5.4). While KRA 5 in Zone 2indicated the lowest family size of 4.93, the other KRAs revealed higher averages, ranging from 5.25 to 6.27 household members. KRA 1 of Zone 3 indicated the largest family size (6.24) compared to KRAs 2 (5.35), 3 (5.85), and 4 (5.53).
The respondents revealed large families, with Zone 1 the largest (5.86) and Zone 2 the lowest (5.56). KRA 5 of Zone indicated the smallest family size (4.93) with KRA 4 of Zone 1 the largest (6.38).
Sex Distribution of Household Members. Male household members generally outnumbered their female counterparts in Zone 1 (53%), 2 and 3 (50.9% each), following closely the trend established by SMAP as of the second quarter of 1994 where there were 51 percent males compared to 49 percent females.
However, differing information was revealed in the KRAs per zone. While males from KRAs 2, 3, and 4 of Zone 1 outnumbered their female counterparts, they were outnumbered, on the other hand, by their female counterparts in KRA 1. Males in KRAs 1, 2, 3, and 4 of Zone 2 likewise outranked females. However, females dominated in KRAs 5 and 7. Preponderance of males was further revealed in KRAs 1 and 3 of Zone 3 compared to KRAs 2 and 4 where females outnumbered the males.
Educational Attainment of Household Members. Education denotes the capacity of the household members to absorb and handle information to provide for their own interest and welfare. Likewise, it is a gauge for transfering knowledge and skills to ensure effective implementation of development work.
Survey findings a relatively high literacy rate among the respondents (73.2%). Both zonal and KRA figures similarly indicated high literacy rate among the respondents. Most of the household members in all three zones had completed primary education (i.e. 55% in Zone 1, 50.3% in Zone 2, and 365 in Zoen 3).
On the other hand, it is also worth noting that some household members have not received any formal education at all, i.e. 1.7 percent in Zone 1, 1.14 percent in Zone 2, and 5.6 percent in Zone 3. It is likewise noticeable that all of the household members in KRA 4 of Zone 1 and KRA of Zone 2 have attended formal education.
Ages of the Household Members. Most of the household members of the respondents were below 20 years old, with more than half (59.6%) reported in Zone 1, 54 percent in Zone 2 and 54.1 percent in Zone 3. All KRAs (irrespective of the zones) indicated that most household members belong to that age range.
Furthermore, the ages provide data on labor force participation rate. The proportion of the household members “in the labor force” appearred to be high, with more than half of the household members reported in the age bracket 15-64 years both in the SMAP level [54.2%] and zonal levels – 52.7% in Zone 1, 54.7% in Zone 2, where more than half of the household members were below15 years, all the KRAs showed more than half of the household member “in the labor force” has one dependent.
Number of Working Household Members. Zone 3 appeared to have the most working household members (average of 1.82) with Zone 1 the lowest (1.57). KRA-wise, data revealed at least two working household members.
Type of Work. Primarily, the working household members were farmers (SMAP-level [65.2%], zonal levels [80.5% in Zone 1, 78.7% in Zone 2, and 75.1% in Zone 3], or KRA-levels). Zone 3 indicated the most varied occupational categories (10 types) with Zone 1 having the least variations (4 types). A possible explanation for such zonal differences may be in the employement opportunities available in the communities, notwithstanding the geographical locations. Observations show that, compared to the other communities covered in the study, areas in Zone 1 are most inaccessible.
It is interesting to note that KRA 4 of Zone 1 indicated an almost homogenous type of work (i.e farming and service-related works only) compared to the other KRAs in all three zones.
Farm Related Characteristics. Farm data included tenurial status, classification of land tillers, number of land parcels in possession, number of hectares in possession, number of hectares planted, type of land parcels in possession and farm tools used.
Tenurial Status. Tenurial status refers to the type of relations the respondents have relative to land ownership. In this study, landowners include those who actually owned the land in possession either through purchase, inheritance or usufruct (“right to cultivate the land”) for those areas considered as part of the government-reserved land or part of the national park. Tillers refer to the landless respondents who are cultivating land owned by others, while owner-tillers are those owning land and likewise tilling land owned by others.
In this study, data generally show that Zones 1 and 2 respondents were dominated by land owners (66.3% and 46%, respectively), with tillers outweighing other tenurial statuses in Zone 3 (39.9%). While tillers dominated KRA 4 of Zone (62.5%), owners from KRA 1 (60.7%), 2 (80%) and 3 (66.7%) outranked tillers and owner-tillers. In Zone 2, more tillers were indicated in KRA 3 (42.6%, 5 (35.7%), and 7 (50%). While land-owners were mainly reported in KRA 2 of Zone 3, tillers were mostly indicated in KRA 1 (41.4%), 3 (48.8%), and 4 (37.8%).
Classification of Land Tillers. Futher analysis of those categories as tillers and owner-tillers revealed that most of them were share-tenants, i.e. 34.4 percent in Zone 1, 31.5 percent in Zone 2, and 32.9 percent in Zone 3. Share-tenants were significant in KRAs 1 and 4 of Zone 1, KRA 3 of Zone 1 and KRAs 1 and 4 in Zone 2.
The dominance of share-tenants implies to a larger extent the socio-economic well-being of upland dwellers. Share-tenants appeared to be an easy prey to expoitative pursuits of those needing their services.
Mean Number of Land Parcels in Possession. Possession in understood as the “control or occupancy of property without regard to ownership.” As a whole, the respondents possessed a limited number of land parcels, ranging from one (1) to 2.70. Zone 2 respondents owned slightly larger land parcels (1.67) with Zone 3 the smallest (1.31).
KRA 1 of Zone 2 possessed relatively larger land parcels (1.92) with KRA 2 of Zone 3 having the smallest (1.16). Land owners from KRA 4 of Zone 1, tillers from KRA 2 of Zone 2 and Zone 3, and owner-tillers from KRAs 1,2, and 4 of Zone 1 revealed the smallest land parcels possessed (1.00) with owner-tillers from KRA 1 of Zone 2 reporting the largest (2.70).
Mean Hectarage in the Possession of the Respondents. Conversion of land size to hectarage was facilitated by expressing all land sizes reported by the respondents into square meters. Hectarage-conversion was subsequently done by dividing the computed square meters by 10,000. Zone-wise, research findings revealed that Zone 1 respondents possessed on average larger land sizes (5.50 hectares) than those in Zone 2 (2.65) and Zone 3 (2.68).
Data in KRA level showed KRA 3 of Zone 1 (7.23 hectares) having the largest land sizes in possession, with KRA of Zone 3, the lowest (2.43). Cross-classifying hectarage in possessions and tenurial status, owner-tillers from Zone 1 appeared as possessing relatively larger land sizes (5.50) than those in Zone 2 (2.65) and Zone 3 (2.68). Furthermore, owner-tillers from KRA 3 of Zone 1 (8.68 hectares) revealed much land size, with tillers from Zone 2 and 3, compared to Zone 1, appeared to fall short of the stipulations of the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program (CARP) relative to the requirements of 3 hectares for every Filipino family to be economically viable.
Mean total of all Hectarage Planted except owner tillers for Zone 3. Generally, hectarage planted appeared to be low, with all of the respondents from the three zones planting less than 3 hectares. KRA level data also revealed similar trends except for KRA 3 of Zone 3 where respondents, on average, were planting more than three hectares. Zone 3 respondents cultivated an average of 2.46 hectares compared to 2.32 and 1.58 (KRA 4) to 2.24 (KRA 3) hectares compared to Zone 1 (range of 2.06 to 2.73 hectares). Zone 3 KRAs were more varied from as low as 1.79 hectares (KRA 2) to as high as 3.16 in KRA 3.
Each of the owner-tiller from Zone 3 cultivated an average of 3.4 hectares while Zone 2 tillers covered the smallest farm size of 1.33 hectares. Furthermore, when hectarage planted was compared with hectarage occupied, data revealed general ineffective use of land among the respondents. There were more respondents acutally cultivating farm sizes smaller than what they possessed. Each owner-tiller of KRA1 of Zone 3 and KRA 4 of Zone 2 indicated effective use of their land, i.e cultivating all land in their possession.
Type of Land Parcels in Possession. Land parcels possessed were further classified into monocropping, multicropping, or a combination of both monocropping and multicropping. Monocropping farms refer to farms planted with a single crop only while multicropping refers to those with varied crops. Generally, the respondents practiced multicropping rather than monocropping (both in the zonal and the KRA-levels).
Type of Farm tools/Equipment Used. The farm tools used by the respondents were categorized into the mechanized and non-mechanized types. The former refers to modern farm equipments such as tractors and sprayers, among others. Non-mechanized farm tools, on the other hand,consist of traditional farm equipments,e.g. bolos and wooden harrows. There was generally limited use of mechanized farm tools among the respondents in the three zones, with the majority using non-mechanized farm tools/equipments. All farmers from Zones 1 and 2, particularly,all reported using non-mechanized farm tools. In Zone 3, six respondents ( out of 132) reported using both, particularly in KRAs 1 and 2.
Crop Production. Crop production refers to the specific crops planted by the respondents, the number of hectares planted per crop, the average cropping/harvest per year, and the annual volume of production per crop. The crop production data was established using the 12-month timeframe prior to the survey.
Crops Planted. Corn appeared to be the dominant crop planted by the respondents in all three zones, followed by vegetables and fruit trees. Corn was likewise indicated in all KRAs in Zone 3 as the primary crop planted. Except for KRA 4 in Zone 1, where Bll of the respondents planted vegetables followed by corn (75%), the rest of the KRAs in Zone 1 planted mostly corn: Farmers in Zone 2, however, were more varied in primary crops planted, with KRAs 2 (100%), and 5 (88.9%) citing corn and KRAs 1 ( 83.3%), 4 (98.4), and 7 (100%) engaged in vegetable farming.
Mean Hectarage Planted Per Crop Per Household. When actual hectarage planted was computed per household per crop, average figures appeared to be small. Comparing zones, trees appeared to occupy large tracts of land, particularly in Zones 2 ( 5 has.) and 3 (26.31 has ), with at least a fourth of an hectare indicated as the smallest planted area, particularly with rootcrops, in Zones 1 (0.29 has) and 2 (0.30 has.).. Vegetables were revealed as having the smallest land size planted in Zone 3 (0.25 has). Comparing crops involving relatively large land sizes, KRA data showed KRA 4 of Zone 3 having the largest land size planted with trees (50.50 has.) followed by 5 hectares in KRA 7 of Zone 2 planted with trees/ fruittrees. Land planted with spices in KRA 7 of Zone 2 occupied 0.03 hectares.
Average Number of Croppings Per Crop Per Year. Cropping per crop per year showed the frequency with which crops were planted in a year’s time. (It is worth mentioning that the respondents had a problem in delineating cropping and harvesting. Thus, cropping is also understood as harvesting by the respondents). Data revealed a varied number of croppings per crop.
Staple foods like rice and corn were planted at least twice a year ( both in the zonal and KRA levels). Vegetables appeared to be planted frequently by the respondents within the past 12 months in all three zones,i.e 16 times in Zone 1, 13 times in Zone 2 and 8 times in Zone 3. Comparing KRAs, frequency of cropping for vegetables appeared high in KRA 2 of Zone 1, KRAs, frequency of cropping for vegetables appeared high in KRA 2 of Zone 1, KRAs 2,3,4,5, and 7 in Zone 2 and KRAs 2 and 3 in Zone 3. Likewise, spices were frequently planted in KRA 1 of Zone 1 and KRA 4 of Zone 3, rootcrops in KRA 1 of Zone 2 and KRA 2 in Zone 1, and bananas in KRAs 3 and 4 of Zone 1 and KRA of Zone 3.
Annual Volume of Harvest Per Crop Per Household. The annual volume of harvest per crop per household is expressed in kilos, given the small figures involved. Generally, volume of harvest is greater in spices for Zone 1 and in corn for Zones 2 and 3.
KRA level data revealed that all KRAs in Zone 3 showed corn with the highest volume of harvest for the past 12 months. Spices in KRA 1 of Zone 1, rice, sugarcane, and vegetables in KRAs 1,2, and 5 of Zone 2 were shown with the highest volume of harvest per household crop for the last 12 months.
Crop Disposal. Crop disposal refers to how the respondents utilized their harvest for the past 12 months prior to the survey. In this study, crop disposal is expressed in terms of the proportion of harvest consumed and sold per household per KRA per zone.
Consumption of Farm Produce. Data on the proportion of harvest consumed revealed that some of the crops planted for the past 12 months were generally not sold,e.g. farmer-households planting bamboo in Zone 1 and coconut farmers from both Zones 1 and 2. None of the Zone 3 farmer-households reported consuming all their farm produce. Only farmer-households planting corn and mango in Zone 2 reported consuming more than half of their farm produce. More farmer-groups were observed in the other zones,i.e. farmers who harvested corn, rice, banana, mango and spices in Zone 1 and those engaged in corn, banana, abaca, legumes and rootcrops in Zone 3. Comparing KRAs in each zone, data in Zone 1 showed that farmer-households planting rice from KRAs 3 and 4, bamboo in KRA 2, coconut in KRAs 1 and 2, and spices on KRA 3 reported consuming all their farm produce. Likewise, only coconut farmers from KRAs 3 and 5 of Zone 2 indicated that they consumed all of their harvest. None of the farmers from KRA levels in Zone 3 indicated entirely consuming any of their farm harvest.
Sale of Farm Produce. None of the respondents in the three zones indicated selling their entire produce for the past 12 months. However, data in KRA level showed that coffee farmers in KRAs 1 and 2, cacao farmers in KRAs 2 and 4, and farmers planting spices in KRA3 in Zone 1 reported selling all their farm produce. Likewise, cacao farmers in KRA 3 , those involved in legumes in KRA 4, banana farmers in KRA 5, and coffee farmers in KRA 7 of Zone 2 reported selling their entire produce. The findings seem to imply that entire crops sold were usually those demanding relatively high buying prices such as coffee, cacao, spices, bamboo, legumes, and some vegetables.
Buyers of Farm Produce. Buyers of farm produce of the farmers were mainly the suki ( regular buyers ), direct consumers (mostly their neighbors ) and ” any buyer with a relatively high buying price “- in that order – in all three zones. Cooperatives, local store owners, and landowners were similarly mentioned to a limited extent. KRA data likewise revealed the suki as the main buyer of the farmers’ farm produce. Average Buying Price Per Crop. The average buying price is determined on a per kilo basis. Varied average prices were indicated per crop per zone and on KRA levels, with some of the crops being sold at a relatively high price,e.g. more than P10 a kilo. Such trends suggest the need to look into the viability of massive promotion of these crops as cash-income sources of upland farmers. However, massive promotion of these crops should consider the duration that each crop may yield additional income for cash-strapped uplanders. Crops demanding a relatively high buying price per kilo (i.e. ranging from P 10 and more per kilo) include carrots, tomatoes, black beans, mongo, peanuts, bell pepper ( atsal), abaca,cacao, and coffee in Zone 1; tomatoes, sugarcane, black beans, garlic, mongo, peanuts, bell pepper, cacao and coffee in Zone 2; and coffee, abaca, and bell pepper in Zone 3.
Coffee ( a perennial crop usually productive in a year’s time ) and bell pepper ( usually productive for three to four months ) are the common crops planted in all three zones. Likewise, crops demanding relatively high buying price and common for Zones 2 and 3 include tomatoes, black beans, mongo, peanuts, and cacao. These crops were likewise reported in the KRA levels as demanding relatively high prices per kilo.
Household Income and Expenditures. Household income focuses on the annual income received by each household from varied sources. Expenditures relative to crop production are presented on an annual basis, with regular household expenses presented on a monthly basis. All data are presented on a per household basis.
Research findings revealed at least four income sources of the respondents households such as on-farm sources,e.g sales from farm produce and other farm-related sources such as proceeds received from services in transporting farmers’ produce from one place to another, livestock and poultry; off-farm sources,e.g. salaries from employment as teachers, government employees, small entrepreneurs; and income from (credit in this study refers to the cash inflow in the household of the respondents).
Off-farm, income sources appeared to contribute greatly among farmer-households in Zone 1 and 2, followed by on-farm Income sources. Zone 3, on the other hand, revealed on-farm sources as their major income-source, with off-farm sources ranking second. Comparing average annual household incomes in KRA levels, the survey results revealed that while the households in KRA-level in Zone 3 indicated on-farm sources as their primary source of income, households in KRAs 1,2,and 3 of Zone 1 reported non-farm sources, while KRA 4 households mainly reported on-farm sources as their primary sources of income. Households in KRAs2 and 4 in Zone 2 revealed on-farm sources as their primary income source and non-farm income sources were mainly identified by households from KRA.s 1,2,5, and 7 as their primary source. Furthermore, the data on average annual household income indicated Zone 2 (26,114) as earning more than their counterparts in Zone 3 (P22,848) and Zone 1 (P15,453). These figures closely followed the income trends established by SMAP prior to the conduct of this present study,i.e. with Zone 2 (P24,107) earning relatively higher than Zone 3 (P18,938) and Zone 1 (P8,471). The variations between the present income figures and those established by SMAP in 1993 could perhaps be due to the location of sample interviewed. The 1993 SMAP survey covered other samples. The highest and lowest average annual household income were reported in Zone 2, specifically in KRA 1 (P37,661) and KRA 7 (P10,190), respectively.
Their average annual total household incomes were below the national poverty threshold of P66,979.68 annually ( or 5,581.64 pesos a month ) that a family of six must earn to survive. (Survival Ibon Calendar, 1993:1)
Annual Household Expenditures. Annual household expenditures were categorized into farm-based expenses (e.g. transportation, fertilizer, chemicals, labor, other farm inputs, land rent, livestock and poultry), loan repayment, and household expenses.
Generally, household expenses appeared to have the largest proportion (i.e. 84% in Zone 1, 75% in Zone 2, and 74% in Zone 3) of the total costs incurred by the household annually. The data from Zone 2 indicated the KRAs with both the highest (KRA=795%) and the lowest (KRA 1=70%) proportion of household expenditures relative to the total annual household expenditures.
Analyzing farm-based expenditures, Zonal data revealed variations in their two major expenditures, with households from Zone 1 reporting labor costs (P2,140 per household) and land rentals (P2,117 per household) as their greatest expenditures. Zone 2 indicates fertilizers (P3,030 per household ) and labor costs (P2,040 per household as expenditures while Zone 3 reported land rentals (P441 per household) and fertilizers (P3,542 per household) as their two main expenditures.
Data from KRA level, however, were more varied about their top two major farm-based annual expenditures. In Zone 1, households from KRAs 1 and 3 reported land rentals (P2,000 and P2,834, respectively) and labor costs (P1,.602 and P2,743, respectively) as their top two major annual expenditures. Those from KRA 2 cited labor (P2,279) and fertilizer (1,567) costs, while KRA 4 households mentioned livestocks (P3,467) and fertilizer (P3,213).
Land rentals and fertilizer costs were mentioned by the households from KRAs 1 and 2 of Zone 2 as their major annual expenses (P7,135 and P6,000, and P4,369 and P3,405, respectively). Household from KRA 3 cited labor (P2,298) and livestock (P1,443) costs. Transportation (P4,340 ) and fertilizer (P3,787) costs were cited for KRA 4; chemicals (P1,600) and other farm inputs (P1,150) for KRA 5; and livestock (1,765) and fertilizers (P500) costs cited for KRA 7.
While households from KRA 3 in Zone 3 revealed land rentals (P3,070) and fertilizer (P2,763) as major costs incurred in an annual basis, those from KRA 1 indicated fertilizer (P3,623) and labor (P2,389) costs; land rentals (P8,334) and labor cost (P3,965) were cited for KRA 2; and fertilizer (P5,857) and land rentals (P5,334) were cited for KRA 4.
Comparing average annual total household expenditures with average annual total household income tends to indicate deficits. Zonal data revealed deficits following closely earlier findings that uplanders’ expenditures were greater than their income (Callanta, 1988:61).
Households in Zone 1 (both zonal and KRA levels) indicated expenditures greater than income, households from KRAs 1 and 5 of Zone 2 indicated otherwise. The respondents explained the deficits as due to their poor access to markets. Most of the areas covered by the study were observed to have problems in transporting produce from the farm to the market. Thus, distance to the market and the costs incurred in transporting farm-produce to the market most likely discourage the respondent-household from selling farm produce, thus forcing them to store them either for consumption or for sale if buyers visit their areas.
Monthly Household Expenses. The household studied appeared to have food as the priority monthly expenditure in all three zones, (i.e. 53% in Zone 1,49% in Zone 2 and 73% in Zone 3). Second monthly priority expenses,however, varied from each zone, with education as the second priority for monthly expenses for households in Zone 1 and 2, and house rentals for Zone 3 households.
Household monthly expenses per household in KRA level revealed interesting findings. In Zones 1 and 3, while KRAs, 1,2, and 3 revealed food as the to-most priority in monthly expenses, households from KRA 4 of both zones revealed recreation/movies and house rentals, respectively, as theirs. Mean monthly household expenses were relatively higher in Zone 2 (P1,838) compared to Zones 1 (1,788) and (P1,737). Households from KRA 4 of Zone 2 indicated relatively higher average monthly expenses of P2,555, with those households from KRA 5 of the same zone reporting relatively lower average monthly expenses of 1,047.
Conversion of the average total annual household income and expenditures into monthly figures showed that monthly zonal and KRA data in Zones 1 and 3 indicated that household expenses exceed income.
Although zonal data in Zone 2 revealed expenses exceeding income KRAs 1 and 5 indicated monthly savings.
Summary of Findings
1. Generally, the respondents’ households were members of tribal groups.
2. The majority had nuclear families.
3. The respondents have large families with a mean of 5.66 household members, almost equal to the national standard of 6.
4. Male household members (51.4%) outnumbered their female counterparts (48.6%).
5. Literacy rate is significantly high among the household members (73.2%). However, most of the household members have completed primary education (46.6%).
6. Majority of the household members were 10 years old and over.
7. Labor force participation is relatively high, with 54.2 percent ranging from 15 years to 64 years old.
8. They have an average of 1.7 working household members, mainly employed as farmers.
9. Almost all of the respondents claimed “owning” the lands they currently occupied (46.8%), despite the fact that the survey sites are part of the public-lands or part of the national park.
10. Most of the tillers were share-tenants(32.4%).
11. They possessed an average of 3.61 hectares of land, slightly higher than the provision of the CARP to be economically viable.
12. The respondents planted an average of 2.21 hectares, a figure indicating that some parts of the land occupied were not effectively cultivated or reserved for other purposes.
13. Majority of the respondents practiced multicropping.
14. Except for six respondents from Zone 3, the rest of the respondents used non-mechanized farm tools.
15. Corn, vegetables, and coffee were the most popular crops planted on an average of 1.29,0.35 and 0.88 hectares, respectively. On the average, corn was planted 2.07 times in a year’ while vegetables were planted 12.08 times as of last year. Average volume of corn production was 5,797 kilos as of last year per household, while average volume of vegetable production was 1,314 kilos per household. Coffee yielded 209 kilos per household as of last year. Spices indicated the highest average volume of production per household as of last year (5,166 kilos).
16. All produce from bamboo and coconut were consumed by the respondents’ households.
17. Majority of the harvest of coffee (74%), copra (92%), cacao (74%), spices (71%) , and vegetables (73%) were sold by the respondents and usually bought by their regular buyers (92.4%).
18. Crops planted demanding relatively high buying price included carrots, tomatoes, black beans, mongo, peanuts, sugar cane, bell peppers, abaca, cacao, and coffee.
19. Non-farm income sources appeared to be the most significant contributors to household income, followed by sales from farm produce. 20. The respondents earn an annual average income of P19,724 or an average of P1,644 monthly.
21. Household-related expenses constituted the bulk of the respondents’ expenses (P28,222 annually or P2,352 monthly). They spent an average of P6,355 for farm-related activities as of last year.
22. On a monthly basis, the largest proportion of the respondent’s income was spent on food, i.e. approximately 58 percent.
Recommendations
1. Research findings revealed a strong migrant population in. all three zone. This implies diversity and change in resource-use strategies in the uplands. This influx of migrants and the transition to cash economies suggest the limited employment opportunities in the lowlands and the socially and culturally disruptive pressures on resources and damage in the uplands. Considering the varied upland resource-management capabilities of various ethnic groups, it is strongly recommended that environment-friendly and ecologically- balanced programme-activities be designed and implemented.
2. Though registering high literacy rates ( 73.2% ) the introduction of educational programmes and technology development should consider the varied levels of education of the upland dwellers. Most of the household members have only completed primary education (46.6%).
3. Land ownership among the respondents is ambiguous. The survey sites are considered as either public lands or part of the national park. Land tillers are thus regarded as stewards. However, most of the respondents claimed owning the land presently occupied. Such perceptions imply the respondents’ preoccupation with ownership and control of productive assets. This suggests a need for a value-reorientation program relative to the upland concept of ownership and control of productive assets such as land. This will not only provide them venues to explore other possibilities of acquiring and controlling productive assets. Income received from upland economic activities may be used to acquire productive assets in the lowlands.
4. Income appeared to be low relative to their expenses and national poverty threshold of P5,585.64 that a family of six must earn to survive. Likewise income was generally derived from farm-based production and payment from services rendered. A material-resources inventory is thus recommended to look into the skills possessed by the community residents for possible matching and identification of income-generating projects indigenous to the communities served. This will not only provide and enhance skills-development among the uplanders, but will also provide additional cash-incomes and job opportunities for unemployed household members who are in the labor force.
5. Considering that SMAP covers the watersheds in Southern Mindanao, a study is likewise recommended focusing on the upland resource management activities of the migrants vis-a-vis tribal communities. An underlying objective is the identification of appropriate upland technology development so as to promote the protection and enhancement of the ecosystems.