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The Constant Struggle to Become a Church of the Poor: Fifty Years after Vatican II

The Second Plenary Council of the Philippines (PCP II) was convened in 1991 to officially articulate the teaching of the Second Vatican Council (Vatican II) and its implications for the Philippine Catholic Church. In the “Message of the Council to the People of the Philippines,” the delegates remarkably declared: “Christ bids this community—ourselves, the laity, religious and clergy of the Catholic Church in the Philippines—to be a Church of the Poor” (PCP II 1992, xcvi). There is no doubt that the expression church of the poor has become the core message of PCP II. Did this ecclesiological vision really originate from the final documents of Vatican II? How does one become a church of the poor in the Philippine context? Who are the poor to which the church herself must identify with? These are the main questions that this paper attempts to answer.

This paper has three main parts: The first part tries to do a critical remembering of the Vatican II event; the second part attempts to give a brief account of the contextualization of the church of the poor agenda in the Philippines; and the third part proposes an expanded meaning of the poor in the light of emerging insights from the social and ecological sciences.

A Critical Remembering of Vatican II

The concerns of poor countries are “not totally absent” in the final documents of Vatican II. However, far from stating the obvious, it is important to emphasize that the Third World perspective of the poor is not well developed in the overall framework of the Vatican II documents. In this light, revisiting, if only in a brief way, the odyssey of the church of the poor at the council might be beneficial for the purpose of this paper.

A call for renewal

On 28 October 1958, the conclave of cardinals met to elect a successor to Pius XII and chose the seventy-six-year-old Patriarch of Venice, Angelo Roncalli (1881-1963), son of a humble working-class family of Bergamo, who took on the name John XXIII. Considering his old age, it was expected that this septuagenarian pope would not live very long. Presumably, he was elected as a sort of an interim pope.

This pope, however, surprised the whole church on 25 January 1959 when he suddenly announced his intention to call for an ecumenical council which was to be known as the Second Vatican Council (1962-1965). Many people could not see why he had to call for a council, as there seemed to be no outstanding heresy to be refuted. At any rate, according to the prevailing ecclesiology at the time, the pope can practically do everything by himself. So what was his point of bringing together bishops from all over the world?

The pope’s decision to gather the bishops from all corners of the world was very revealing of his new style of taking on the papacy. At least two important gestures are worth noting here. First, the very choice of the name John XXIII—and not another name in line with Pius—implied that this pope wanted to be different from his predecessors. As his chosen name suggests, he did not simply want to be an apostle of love—like John the Evangelist—but also wished to be a humble prophet—like John the Baptist—who had to decrease so that Christ might increase (Pieris 2010, 3). Indeed, contrary to the triumphalist posture of his predecessors, John XXIII wanted “to shake off the dust of the empire that has gathered since Constantine’s day on the throne of St. Peter” (Congar 1964, 168). This is very revealing of his programmatic vision of the church and the papacy.

Second, John XXIII explicitly called this ecumenical council as Vatican II to signal that he was not just re-convoking the First Vatican Council (Vatican I) which had been interrupted in 1870 due to the Franco-Prussian war. He made it clear that he was convoking a new council and not simply intending to continue Vatican I. As Joseph Komonchak (2000, 72) recounted, Vatican II was called in order “to meet the demands of the day” in a pastorally effective way.

This council has been described as “the greatest event in the last four centuries of Catholicism” which caused a sort of a “Copernican shift” in ecclesiological thinking (Cleary 1985, 168). In Vatican II, the magisterium rediscovered the church as people of God, developed the theology of the local church, and emphasized the praxis of collegiality in church leadership (Forte 1990, 43-104). With John XX1II’s new style of papacy, the church deliberately opened its window to the modern world and allowed fresh air to enter into it.

An encounter of “worlds”

The historic gathering of prelates from practically every corner of the world at Vatican II has been described as an earth-shaking “event” in the history of the church. As the Jesuit theologian Karl Rahner (1979, 717) asserted, the council was “the Church’s first official self-actualization as a world Church.” This awareness of the “world Church,” according to David Hollenbach (2005, 266-291, 285), would “avoid viewing Christianity as a European religion to be exported to the rest of the world along with European culture.” According to the official report, out of the 2,904 expected participants coming from 116 different countries, about 2,449 or 89.34 percent showed up in the first session of the council (Raguer 1997, 171). In terms of demographic identity and economic background, unofficial statistics revealed that the council fathers coming from poor countries comprised the majority of the participants. The composition of participants according to continents are as follows: thirty-one percent of the council fathers came from Western Europe, twenty-two percent from Latin America, twelve percent from North America, twelve percent from Asia and Oceania, nine percent from Africa, and three percent from the Arab world (Raguer 1997, 171-72).

Given the diverse background of the participants at the council, it would not be sufficient to simply polarize them between liberals and conservatives. For this reason, I propose to see the Vatican II event as an encounter of “worlds.” Many people today conveniently speak of three different worlds within one world. The First World comprises of Western Europe, North America, Australia, and Japan; the Second World consists of the former Soviet Union, its several Eastern European satellites, and Communist China; and the Third World (also sometimes called “Two-Thirds World” due to its relative population weight of the global inequalities) includes the so-called developing nations of Africa, Asia, and Latin America. Nevertheless, some writers even speak of the existence of a “Fourth World.” In his writings, John Paul II describes it as “the bands of great or extreme poverty in countries of medium and high income” (John Paul II, no. 31). The existence of a Fourth World simply shows that poverty is a global phenomenon and that it crosses beyond geographical boundaries.

Some people, however, tend to polarize the world in terms of “developed” and “developing” countries. Others use the terms “North” and “South” due to the fact that most of the rich countries are in the North and most poor countries are in the South. Still others have begun using the terms “Majority” and “Minority” worlds simply because, as Sean McDonagh (2006, 8-9, note 8) explains, ” [m]ost of the poor people on the planet live in the Majority World. Most of the rich live in the Minority World.”

In any case, all these worlds—both rich and poor—were represented at Vatican II. The participants of the poor world in the council outnumbered significantly those who came from the rich world. But being the majority in numbers did not necessarily ensure dominance at the council. On the contrary, the perspective of the minority rich prevailed over the perspective of the majority poor.

The disappearance of the church of the poor

Pope John XXIII, who played a significant role in the genesis and preparation of the council, expressed his vision of an inclusive church that would identify herself with the poor. This was explicitly revealed in his radio message on 11 September 1962 when he declared:

Confronted with the undeveloped countries, the Church presents itself as it is and wishes to be, as the Church of all, and particularly as the Church of the poor; … the miseries of social life which cry for vengeance in the sight of God: [A]ll this must be recalled and deplored (quoted in Wittstadt 1995, 438).

Accordingly, this message was very much in the air, opening up a different perspective for the council. As a matter of fact, there was an informal working group called The Church of the Poor, which had been meeting regularly at the Belgian College in Rome.’ Its main desire was to overcome the gap between the church and the poor which, according to its analysis, was caused by the church’s inordinate attachment to wealth. Lyons Cardinal Pierre Gerlier particularly made this point when he spoke to this group on 26 October 1962. Gerlier said: “It is indispensable that the Church, which has no desire to be rich, be freed from the appearance of wealth. The Church must be seen for what it is: the Mother of the poor, whose first concern is to give her children bread for both body and soul” (Raguer 1997, 202).

In the unfolding of the council, it was reported that the Cardinal of Bologna, Giacomo Lercaro, intervened during the 35th General Congregation on 6 December 1962 and made a daring request to make the church of the poor the fundamental topic of the council (Alberigo 1991, 116-32; Raguer 1997, 200). Along this line, there was also a motion by that same group, together with the then bishop of Laghuat (Africa) Georges Mercier, to draft a document on poverty. It was reported that Cardinal Lercaro submitted this motion to the Vatican Secretary of State for a review. Unfortunately, all these efforts to advance the perspective of the poor “have disappeared into the sands of time,” as there is no single discussion solely devoted to the topic church of the poor in the final document (Tanner 2003, 85). Norman Tanner (2003, 383) reported that the content of the second motion is supposedly most significant since it would have given “priority to an apostolate among the most needy, those often farthest from the church and yet the most favorably disposed toward the gospel, including those of the Third World; it also recommended a revival of the worker-priest movement.”

Retrieving the Christian option for the poor

It has to be reaffirmed that “the concern for the poor is not totally absent” in the final document (Lamberigts 2007, 17-40). The council fathers were certainly aware of the fact that the vast majority of humankind “are deprived of the bare necessities” and “have to live and work in conditions unworthy of human beings” (Gaudium et spes, no. 63). At least four important passages explicitly show the council fathers’ concern for the poor.

First, in Gaudium et sees, the council fathers expressed the church’s desire to share the situation and struggles of the poor by claiming them as her own:

The joy and hope, the grief and anguish of the men [and women] of our time, especially of those who are poor or afflicted in any way, are the joy and hope, the grief and anguish of the followers of Christ as well (no. 1).

It has been argued that the subsequent Catholic social teaching on “preferential option for the poor” may be taken to mean as an articulation of this powerful statement.

Second, there is the important passage from Lumen gentium which offers an excellent summary of the christological basis of the church’s commitment to the poor:

Just as Christ himself carried out the work of redemption in poverty and oppression, so the Church is called to follow the same path if she is to communicate the fruits of salvation to men. Christ Jesus, ‘though he was by nature God…emptied himself, taking the nature of the slave’ (Phil. 2:6, 7), and ‘being rich, became poor’ (2 Cor. 8:9) for our sake. Likewise, the Church…is not set up to seek earthly glory, but to proclaim, and this by her own example, humility and self-denial. Christ was sent by the Father “to bring good news to the poor…to heal the contrite heart” (Lk. 4:18), “to seek and to save what was lost” (Lk. 19:10). Similarly, the Church encompasses with her love all those who are afflicted by human misery and she recognizes in those who are poor and who suffer, the image of her poor and suffering founder. She does all in her power to relieve their need and in them she strives to serve Christ (no. 8).

This passage reveals that the church believes that her knowledge and vocation to follow Jesus Christ cannot be real without bringing justice to the poor whom she preferentially loves. The vision of the church of the poor is based on Jesus’ praxis of preferential option for the poor, and not the Marxist ideology of class struggle.

Third, in Gaudium et sees, the council fathers issued a politically explosive statement on social inequality based on the ethical position of Thomas Aquinas:

God destined the earth and all that it contains for the use of all men and all peoples so that all created things would be shared fairly by all mankind under the guidance of justice tempered by charity. Therefore every man has the right to possess a sufficient amount of the earth’s goods for himself and his family…. When a person is in extreme necessity he has the right to supply himself with what he needs out of the riches of others. Faced with a world today where so many people are suffering from want, the [c]ouncil asks individuals and governments to remember the saying of the Fathers: ‘Feed the man dying of hunger, because if you do not feed him you are killing him,’ and it urges them according to their ability to share and dispose aid which will enable them to help and develop themselves (no. 69; cf. Hiinermann 2006, 400).

Here, the council fathers made a correct judgment when they declared that an excessive accumulation of property and means of production by the few is deeply linked with the inequitable distribution of the goods of the earth. Responding to the needs of the poorest, as well as the Christian obligation to help them are challenges for the rich to limit their right to private property.

And fourth, also in Gaudium et spes, the council fathers expresses the church’s desire to be on teh side of the poor as they witnessed the life of evangelical poverty. They challenged the church to be the model of her own appeals. As the document declares,

[The church] never places its hopes in any privileges accorded to it by civil authority; indeed it will give up the exercise  of certain legitimate rights whenever it becomes clear that their use will compromise the sincerity of its witness, or whenever new circumstances call for a revised approach (no. 76).

The wisdom behind this renunciation of church privileges and detachment from the patronage offered by rich people is to maintain a posture of freedom in taking a prophetic stance on social issues involving wealth and power.

Limited perspective on poverty

Many of the Third World delegates were not satisfied with the council’s prevailing perspective on poverty. This was the feeling particularly of those who looked for an explicit appropriation of the Third World perspective on poverty. To them, the final documents have failed to adequately appropriate the perspective of the poor. Cardinal Laurean Rugambwa (the first African cardinal in history) critically remarked that the problems of the poor countries were “sometimes examined with Western eye” (Routhier 2006, 135). The Indian Cardinal Duraisamy Simon Lourdusamy also noticed that the Third World problems had not been given sufficient attention during the council deliberations. The council, according to him, mainly focused on the human condition of the First World countries “that already enjoy the benefits of economic and technical progress and are excessively influenced by the effects of `socialization,’ industrialization; and ‘urbanization”‘ (quoted in Routheir 2006, 135). Aware of this limitation, a Belgian commentator concluded that Vatican II needs “a fair analysis of the problems of this world” in order to improve its theological perspective on poverty (Lamberigts 2007, 30).

Moreover, many theologians from Latin America, where the majority of the people were impoverished by the oppressive ideology of liberal capitalism, criticized the council’s analysis on poverty as inappropriate for the Third World context. Recall that Vatican II tends to view poverty mainly as a lack of development—a view which is unacceptable to the majority of Latin American theologians (Gutierrez 1988, 16-25). Segundo Galilea (1987, 62) concluded that Vatican II “was still very European in regard to Third World concerns.” Gustavo Gutierrez (1983, 193) further clarified that the main problem in the Third World countries is the fact that the poor are being treated as “non-person(s).” He argued that the poor need more liberation than development. Faced with various forms of oppression, the main problem in the Third World, according to him, is how to tell the oppressed people “that God is love” (Gutierrez 1978, 241).

Presumably, the foregoing critiques have been brought to the attention of the ecclesial magisterium. This is discernible in the subsequent post conciliar Catholic social teaching which, to a certain extent, tries to take up many of the unfinished agenda pertaining to the church of the poor and the liberative perspective of the Third world theologians (Dorr 1992; Dorr 2007). Note here that the goals of the church of the poor movement at the council and the pro-poor perspective of the Third World are not contextually the same. As Gutierrez (1978, 241) has clarified: “Liberation theology’s first question cannot be the same one that progressivist theology has asked since Bonhoeffer.” The former originated in the First World context; the latter emerged in the Third World. Nevertheless, it can be argued that both movements have significantly contributed to the magisterium’s appropriation of the celebrated phrase, preferential option for the poor.

The Postconciliar Struggle

Despite its contextual limitations, Vatican II made a strong theological impact on Third World countries. In Latin America, for instance, Vatican II has strengthened the local church magisterium (Consejo Episcopal Latino Americano or CELAM) which provides theologians “the courage to think for themselves about pastoral problems affecting their countries” (Boff and Boff 1987, 68-69). In Asia, Vatican II has also served as an impetus for the inception of the Federation of Asian Bishops’ Conferences (FABC) during the first meeting of Asian Bishops in Manila in 1970. It was during this historic meeting that the Asian bishops committed themselves significantly to building up the church of the poor (Arevalo and Rosales 1992, 5-6).

Meanwhile, Vatican II has become the watershed of renewal in the Philippine church. It was in the spirit of the council that the Philippine church decided to “go to the barrios” in 1967 (Fabros 1988, 99). This revolutionary pastoral practice to reach out to the rural poor was the fruit of the National Congress for Rural Development held in Cagayan de Oro City in the same year. Such congress was intended “to awaken everyone in the country to the crying needs of the rural population…so that [the local magisterium] may come to concerted action to alleviate these needs and to arrive at immediate solutions (CBCP 1967; 2007). Francisco Claver (1988, 23) claimed that, on the side of the Philippine hierarchy, “the go-to-the-barrios decision in 1967 was in effect the Church’s ‘preferential option for the poor.'” This goes without saying that, for Claver, the pro-poor movements in the Philippines had predated that of the CELAM’s Medellin Conference, which coined the phrase preferential option for the poor only in 1968. Elsewhere, Claver (1983, 75-81) argues that the Vatican II “germinal ideas” on dialogue, participation, and co-responsibility were responsible for the birth of Basic Christian/ Ecclesial Communities (BCCs/BECs) in Mindanao and the formation of the Mindanao Sulu Pastoral Conference (MSPC). Both ecclesial movements may be seen as manifestations of the church of the poor.

Perhaps the most significant magisterial appropriation of the church of the poor agenda in the Philippines occurred during PCP II in 1991. In this historic event, the delegates asked themselves: “What kind of a church must we be to meet the challenge of our society as we turn into the third millennium?” (PCP II, no. 87). In response, they boldly declared: “In the Philippines today, God calls us most urgently to serve the poor and the needy,” and so “we need to become the ‘church of the poor”‘ (PCP II, nos. 122-124). Thus, to advance this less developed ecclesiological theme in Vatican IL the PCP II has substantially devoted one section on the Church of the Poor in its final document (nos. 122-136). Luis Antonio Tagle (1993, 54) commented that “the discussion on the ‘Church of the Poor’ [is] the most original and powerful contribution of PCP II to ecclesiology.” He, however, lamented that the perspective on the “Church of the Poor” has not been utilized “as the main interpretative key for understanding the church” (Tagle 1993, 54). It can then be said that PCP II’s appropriation of this particular agendum was a timely attempt by the Philippine church to realize John XXIII’s ecclesiological vision which Vatican II had failed to develop.

Recently, the Philippine church renewed its commitment to dialogue with the poor by sponsoring the Second National Rural Congress in 2007. The focus on the rural poor is quite understandable since according to Asian Development Bank Report (ADB 2005) poverty in the Philippines remains a rural phenomenon. Why is this so? As Antonio Ledesma (2009, xii) has explained, the rural poor “are trapped in a vicious cycle of slavery, dependence and hopelessness mainly due to lack of access to resources.” It is a sad reality that landlessness still dominates the rural landscape in the Philippines even after the decades of agrarian reform. This alarming issue cannot be ignored in the church’s ongoing dialogue with the rural poor.

Having done a cursory review of the struggles to be a church of the poor, we are now going to highlight three important liberative attitudes toward the poor. Firstly, if we wish to understand the reality of poverty, we have “to sit at the feet of the poor,” as the poor “know best from their lot and experience” the existential meaning of poverty and oppression (Labayen 1995, 159-60). The church has to learn from the poor and enable the poor to participate in the process of evangelization. Secondly, we have to liberate the poor by taking up their cause according to the standard of Christian praxis. And thirdly, the poor should not be treated as mere passive objects of charity of the rich; on the contrary, they should be empowered as active subjects of their own liberation and social transformation (PCP II, no. 130).

Expanding the Notion of “Poor”

In Third World countries like the Philippines the poor may be categorized into four: The economically poor, the racially discriminated, the sexually oppressed and the ecologically poor. These faces of poverty are produced by the corresponding forms of oppression that perpetuate them. Seeing these different faces of poverty is imperative to our inclusive understanding of the church of the poor.

The economically poor

When John XXIII announced in 1962 that the church wished to be the church of the poor he most probably had in mind the socioeconomically poor: Those who have been deprived of the basic human necessities and the conditions to live a dignified human life. They are poor because of oppressive economic system. As a dominated “class,” the poor occupy the lowest level in the pyramidal structure of the neoliberal capitalist society (Boff and Pixley 1989, 6). Today, we see them in the faces of the migrants, rural and urban poor, landless peasants, fisher folks, disabled people, unemployed, underemployed, uneducated, technologically illiterate, and many more.

In our present globalized society, the poor are no longer simply on the bottom or on the margins of society; they are excluded or being forced to live outside the society. In the Aparecida Conference (2007), it is stated that “[t]he excluded are not simply ‘exploited’ but ‘surplus’ and ‘disposable. Since they are not useful in the economic system, the dominant class disposes them like “waste” outside the society (Bauman 2004, 24-62). How can the church of the poor be able to reach out to the excluded and to discern the suffering face of Jesus Christ in them?

The racially discriminated

If the socioeconomically poor belong to an indigenous tribe, they are doubly poor. In the words of Virgilio Elizondo (2007, 159), the poor indigenous people (IP) are at once economically oppressed and existentially poor in that their cultural poverty “has more to do with the very reality of who [they] are, where they were born, the color of their skin, the shape of their body, the language they speak, the ethnicity that radiates through every fiber of their being.” Perhaps this is the painful experience of the poor Lumad and Muslim Filipinos in Mindanao. The dominant and powerful ethnicities label them as inferior, uncivilized, backward, unworthy, and undignified. Consequently, many of the IPs have very low self-esteem. It seems that the injurious racial attitude toward the IPs has deeply penetrated their collective psyche to the effect that many of them tend to fatalistically accept any form of oppression, as though being a “dominated culture” is naturally part of the social reality.

The negative residues of our colonial approaches are still operating in the present dominant cultures that force the IPs to abandon their colorful pre-Christian praxis and animistic religions. On this issue, one theologian argues that it would be seriously inconsistent for the church not to recognize the authenticity of indigenous religions, considering that the church magisterium itself understands religion as the wellspring and heart of local cultures (De Schrijver 2002, 318). If it is true that “no one culture is superior or inferior to other cultures,” as Elizondo (2007, 161) has insisted, then it is not right to accept only the positive aspects of the ancestral cultures and uncritically reject the indigenous religions from which their rich cultures originate. Given this sad reality, how are the IPs to be empowered so that they may also actualize their charism of leadership both in the church and in their own cultural communities?

The sexually oppressed

In our present mindset, a poor indigenous person who happens to be a woman suffers the highest degree of poverty. This is true in our patriarchal culture where a poor indigenous woman painfully embodies three layers of marginalization: 1) She belongs to the lowest class; 2) She suffers racial discrimination from both non-indigenous men and women; and 3) She is being viewed as sexually inferior by both indigenous and non-indigenous men. Needless to say, the poor indigenous women may rightly be considered as the “poorest of the poor” (Gebara 1987, 110-117). This reality leads to the “feminization of poverty,” as though “poverty has a woman’s face” (Tamez 2007, 102).

The globalized culture alarmingly promotes different distorted “ideological currents” (for example, male chauvinism) that subject women to “new slaveries,” as well as oppressive ideologies of gender (patriarchal and androcentric ideologies) that falsely deny the full humanity of women. The Latin American bishops have condemned these oppressive gender ideologies as these are not based on authentic Christian anthropology that affirms the equal dignity of man and woman who are equally created in God’s image and likeness. The vision of the church of the poor, therefore, should promote gender sensitivity and mutual partnership in a way that, as the Aparecida Conference (2007) declares, forms “a community of equals in difference.” Are women ready to participate fully in ecclesial, family, cultural, social, and economic life?

The ecologically poor

Without being anachronistic, today’s ecological awareness is practically absent in Vatican II documents, which focuses more on human beings rather than on creation in its full reality. Perhaps this is understandable considering that the ecological concerns were not yet urgent global problems in the 1960s. Nevertheless, Gaudium et sees reminds the reader that the “conciliar program…will have to be pursued further and amplified because it often deals with matters which are subject to continual development.” This posture of openness has led to the eventual recognition of the ecological crisis as an urgent issue in the subsequent Catholic social teaching.’

Why do we have to care for God’s creation? Let me propose three theological reasons which correspond to three ecological perspectives. To begin with, there is the perspective endorsed by the magisterium that sees the human being as “a steward and administrator with responsibility over creation” (Benedict XVI 2009). This theology of stewardship flows from the biblical view of the human being as the image of God. The Catholic Bishops’ Conference of the Philippines (CBCP) reaffirms this perspective by emphasizing that God “charged the human beings to be stewards of his creation, to care for it, to protect its fruitfulness and not to allow it to be devastated” (quoted in McDonagh 1990, 209). In my view, the problem with the magisterium’s stewardship perspective lies in its anthropocentric treatment of ecological issues. As some commentators have critically pointed out, the Catholic magisterium is “ecologically conscious” but its perspective on addressing the ecological crisis remains anthropocentric (Smith 1995, 79).

Moreover, there is the ecological perspective proposed by liberation theologians who consider the care for God’s creation as part of the preferential option for the poor. Perhaps the best representative of this perspective is the Brazilian theologian Leonardo Boff. His preferential option for the poor includes “all the poor with all their many faces, and the great poor one, the Earth” (Boff 2001, 86). Boff does not only listen to the cry of the oppressed human beings but also to the groaning of “Mother Earth,” who grossly suffers due to global warming, poisoned waters, devastated forests, mineral extraction, endangered species, and destroyed ecosystems. Boff rightly argues that with these ecological crises, our option for the poor has to become an option for the earth—an option for all creatures threatened by anthropogenic calamities.

It is good to know that the Filipino bishops have rightly included the liberationist concern for the oppressed creation in their quest for justice. In its most celebrated pastoral letter on ecology, the CBCP declared: “The commitment to work for justice and [the task] to preserve the integrity of creation are two inseparable dimensions of our Christian vocation to work for the coming of the kingdom of God in our times” (McDonagh 1990, 213). Here, we need to emphasize the perspective that, like social domination (that is, domination of human by human), ecological domination (that is, domination of nature by human) is also contrary to God’s kingdom.

Finally, there is a less dominant ecological perspective inspired by St. Francis of Assisi whose religious experience has made us realize that “our sister, mother earth” is also our “common home.” The Franciscan ecological perspective proposes that the sense of communion enjoyed by human beings has to be extended to the whole of creation. The “mere existence” of creation gives glory to the Creator and calls for human beings to contemplate and to make use of them with care and sensitivity. This perspective blends well with the animistic beliefs of the IPs who spontaneously recognize their oneness with nature and the sacred presence of God in the environment.

John Paul II has rightly recognized St. Francis as a model of bearing witness to a “sort of kinship of man with his creaturely environment, fostering in him an attitude of respect for every reality of the surrounding world” (John Paul II 1997). For him, St. Francis offers an example par excellence of “a sense of ‘fraternity’ with all those good and beautiful things which Almighty God has created” (John Paul II 1997). The care for God’s creation that this “celestial patron of ecologists” exemplifies is based on his mystical experience of a universal kinship with all creatures: The realization that everything, including the most insignificant creatures, “had the same source as himself” (Boff 1997, 214). St. Francis cared for God’s creatures because all creatures, and not only human creatures, are literally his brothers and sisters in God. Today, in the light of the emerging earth sciences, we can certainly claim that all creatures are brothers and sisters of one another not in a metaphorical sense, for we know that “we have all evolved from a common ancestry in ways that are increasingly well-understood” (Feehan 2010, 55).

Conclusion

In this paper, the dramatic event of Vatican II using the notion of the church of the poor as a heuristic devise has been revisited. John XXIII initially proposed this ecclesiological vision but Vatican II failed to develop it in its final documents. This lacuna, however, did not prevent the Third World ecclesiastical regions (for example, CELAM and FABC) from contextualizing it. As has been pointed out, in the Philippines, the PCP II officially appropriated it as its core magisterial message.

The meaning of the church of the poor as creatively appropriated in the Third World context has also been clarified. To advance this perspective, the meaning of “poor” has been broadened in order to include the economically poor, the racially discriminated, the sexually oppressed, and the ecologically poor. In this ecclesiological vision, the church is not only the church of the economically poor but also the church of the racially discriminated, the church of the sexually oppressed, and the church of the ecologically poor.

In sum, it has been shown that the term “poor” is analogous as it applies to the poor in terms of class, race, gender, and ecology. Our expanded notion of the poor has significantly broadened our understanding of the church of the poor. This realization allows us to dream of a church that includes all the poor; a church that welcomes all the poor, both the saintly and sinful ones. This ecclesiological vision challenges us to transcend our tendency to build exclusive Christian communities. It calls us to form inclusive human communities. Thus, an inclusive church of the poor is not only a Christian community within the larger human community but also as a human community within the whole ecological community of creation. After all, God’s kingdom, as well as God’s gift of community, is not only for human beings but also for the whole community of creation.

The PMEs and the Tribal Filipinos

In declaring his Mission Perspectives in Mindanao Archbishop Antonio Ll. Mabutas took note of the particular character of the inhabitants of Mindanao and Davao; a majority of Christian immigrants and a native minority of Muslims and non-Muslims J He was quick to perceive that many of Davao’s economic and political problems were directly related to the human texture of the social environment. The so-called “melting pot” effect of the in-migration to Davao had not been very adequate. The post-colonial society assimilated only the migrant groups: the Visayans, llocanos, Tagalogs, etc. Set against more pronounced differences from the indigenous peoples of Davao the former seemed more successful in obliterating ethnic lines. The same could not be said however, of the latter who have retained most of their ethnic characteristics and identities, perhaps with more tenacity than before.

It seems as though the native non-Muslim peoples have been left out of the evangelization efforts, a charge which is easily refuted by the PME whose primary objective in coming to Davao was initial evangelization, i.e. the conversion of non-Christian tribal peoples.

The missionary effort of the Church has always been… to push back local frontiers and to penetrate ever deeper in the most remote areas of the world. In a very real sense Mission knows no boundaries and is a stranger to no people or culture. In this sense, the PME Fathers were not the first, nor the only missionaries to work among Tribal Filipinos in Davao . . . for the PME Fathers whose Project of Life states that ‘For us to live is to evangelize’, this effort of reaching out to all people, wherever they might live has always been a constant and enduring preoccupation.

Since their arrival in Davao in 1937, the PME missionaries have been striving to work not only in cities and among the Christian population but also in mountains and hinterlands among the widely dispersed cultural communities. As the least Christianized and westernized Filipinos, the Tribal Filipinos have been able to preserve many of their cultural traits: communal values on land, cooperative work exchange, the barter system, belief system, etc. Today, however, the forces of market economy and centralized government have slowly caught up with their traditional values and cultural traits.Lowlanders, settlers, and plain adventurers often supported by national laws, have occupied their communal lands, so have big corporations and government infrastructure projects. All have come in the name of progress, wisdom or civilization. The most immediate and obvious result, however, has been the erosion of their self-sufficiency and tribal identity, making ever wider room for a new dependence on modem ways and approaches.

Moreover, the tribal Filipinos living in the hinterlands, mountain slopes or peaks have all too often become victims of unwanted guests;rebels and members of military and paramilitary operations. They have been forced to regroup in artificial hamlets and pay all kinds of illegal taxation. These economic, political, and ideological assaults have left many Tribal Filipino groups helpless. Often they would sell their land to newcomers, or leave them in the face of a more acute adversity such as a military operation. Since their indigenous cultures are closely-bound with their communal lands, the loss of their lands means the loss of their cultural roots and identity. Ultimately, this would also deprived them of dignity as a full-fledged partner in Filipino nation-building.

The PME Fathers Among The Tribal Filipinos

Because of the ethnic composition of the region, it can be said that all the PME Fathers of Davao, have at one time or another come in contact and worked with Tribal Filipinos. The Mandayas of the old Christian town of Caraga, were the first native group to make the acquaintance of the PMEs. Boa, a small Mandayan settlement in the mountains of Caraga was the first to receive the visit of a PME priest:Fr. Yvon Guerin. He befriended the Mandayas and in due time recruited young people for the parochial school. During summer vacations, these Mandaya students would return home to share what they had learned with the community. Fr. Guerin’s students eventually became his first Mandaya converts.

In 1938, the RVM Sisters who were running the school in Caraga opened a dormitory for Mandaya girls. After the war in 1948, a dormitory for boys was also opened. By 1951, the dormitory had 70 Mandaya boys. Boa became the first barrio to form a Mandaya Christian community. The first Mandaya family to entrust its children to the care of the church was Tikilid whose son, Enrique Mariano was baptized in 1946. A sister, Badian, followed his example and was likewise baptized. In the course of his long association with PME Fathers, Tikilid became a good friend and eventually consented to be baptized himself. In 1951, he was chosen as the main actor for a PME production meant for Mission Education and Animation, in Canada.

In Cateel, Fr. Paul Guilbault prepared catechists to teach religion in the different schools of the parish. Through this program many Mandaya school children were catechised and baptized. Fr.Guilbault visited many Mandaya communities where he organized catechetics and celebrated the sacraments of baptism and the Holy Mass. In Lupon, Fr. Germain Pelletier, just expelled from Mainland China, worked in a special way among the Mandayas. His work also centered around Catechetics and the Sacraments.

Sometime in 1959, about forty Atas from Calinan came to visit the parish priest, Fr. Rolland Hebert and requested a catechist. Fr.Hebert sent Felipe Ranilo, a former student of Holy Cross of Calinan.Today, there are many Ata Christian communities in the Calinan area owing to his efforts. The present pastors of the Atas are the diocesan priests of the Archdiocese of Davao.

All too often, working in vast and remote places, undermanned and overworked, the missionaries never really had the time to adjust,and adapt their approaches or pastoral programs to the human and spiritual needs of the tribal peoples. While serving the cultural communities the PME Fathers used Cebuano in conversations and Latin in the liturgy as they would among the Christians of the lowland areas. Thus, it can be said that before the seventies, there was little or no attempt to focus the main effort on the inculturation of the Gospel to suit the particular needs of Tribal Filipinos. The merit of the missionaries lies in their interest and genuine concern for the latter, respecting their dignity and considering them fully worthy of the same pastoral care as the lowland Christians, the PME missionaries have always looked upon the Tribal Filipinos as an integral part of the flock.

In 1973, during a General Chapter, the PME Society revised its pastoral priorities and decided to give a new impetus as well as importance to initial evangelization, ie. the first proclamation of the Gospel message. Two years earlier, Fr. Pierre Samson was assigned to Caburan, Jose Abad Santos, Davao del Sur. He soon became aware that the vast majority of the population in the area was Manobo. Ashe began to pay visits to the Manobos, Fr. Samson exerted efforts to learn their native tongue. As he learned the Manobo language, the world of the Manobo opened up to him and Fr. Samson penetrated their cultural universe: language, cosmology, history and belief system. Fr. Samson carefully took notes of this cultural odyssey.Unfortunately, all these precious notes were lost when his convento burned down in 1974. Far from being discouraged, Fr. Samson started his work all over again visiting Manobo families and studying their culture. As he gained familiarity with various communities,he began to propose Evangelization Seminars to some of them. With his knowledge of Manobo language and culture Fr. Samson integrated certain aspects of Manobo culture in the seminar. To his immense satisfaction, the Manobos responded with great interest. Meybio, the first Manobo Christian community, was born in 1974amidst the growing political tension and rebel presence in the area.

Fr. Samson’s work among the Manobos included the production of books for the weekly Celebration of the Word, translation of Bible texts and composing liturgical songs. He inserted certain native symbols in the Ritual of Baptism and adapted some Manobo rites in the Liturgy of Marriage. In his work, Fr. Samson was greatly helped by Carl Dubois of the Summer Institute of Linguistics.Dubois published a Manobo Grammar in 1976 and the New Testament in Manobo in 1982.

Fr. Samson also made contacts with the B’laans (Bilaan) of Don Marcelino and Malita and lived in a small B’laan community in Little Baguio, a barrio of Malita. He stayed with the B’laans for three months during which he studied and learned the B’laan language. As with the Manobos, Fr. Samson organized Evangelization Seminars for the B’laan. In 1977, the first B’laan Christian community was bom in Little Baguio, up in the mountains of Malita. There Fr. Samson also translated Bible texts, prepared booklets for songs and worship in B’laan tongue and composed a special blessing for seeds and planting rites. Today there are six B’laan Christian communities in the Malita-Don Marcelino area.

When the Tribal Filipino Apostolate in Caburan was turned over to the Diocesan Clergy of Digos in 1983, Fr. Santos Villahermosa took over the work began by Fr. Samson in Jose Abad Santos. Fr.Samson remained among the Manobos and B’laans of Don Marcelino and Malita and continued his work until June 1985 when his apostolate abruptly came to an end due to his election as the Superior General of the PME Society.

Another of the PME Fathers to work among the Tribal Filipinos Mission is Fr. Gilles Belanger who arrived in Malita in 1977. Fr.Belanger was assigned to work among the Tagakaulo. Fr. Belanger spent four month in Sangay, a barangay of Malita, living with a family of Tagakaulos where he learned the language. Hewing closely to the evangelical trail set by Fr. Samson, he visited many native Tagakaulo communities, preparing liturgical and catechetical texts,composing songs, and translated the Synoptics along with the Rituals of Baptism and Marriage where a few cultural adaptations were introduced. In 1979, Macul became the first Tagakaulo settlement with a small Christian community. Today, there are twenty-two Tagakaulo Christian communities in Malita.

In an interview with Fr. Belanger held in Malita, he spoke of his work:
A reflection on the main purpose of our work as missionaries mademe take up work with Tribal groups. I saw myself as being able to work in the mountains. I strove to learn die language as soon as I came in 1977. At Sangay where 1 studied the Tagakaulo tongue my knowledge of Visayan helped a great deal in learning to speak the Tagakaulo language. I did a lot of listening. Everybody wanted to teach me. Later on they seemed to have become bored. I discovered that they respond easily when you talk to them about their own culture.

Our point of entry is to build a chapel for their fiesta. Then we give seminars where we compare some of their cultural values with Christian values such as creation, concept of women, man’s role in creation,etc. Through animation we talk about who they are, using the Bible as point of reference.

As missionaries we opted for proclamation of the word but tried to adapt it to the culture of these people. We made them understand also that we are interested as well in their material well-being.

Some of their positive values are consistent with Christian ones, for example, hospitality. We regard as negative values the idea that fiesta is seen as a status symbol and their apparent readiness to abandon their native culture. Their sense of community Is evident in practices such as the tabo (weekly market). They also like to come together for other social events.

In 1982, Fr. Pierre Fisette arrived to join Fr. Belanger in the Tagakaulo mission. Fr. Fisette took up residence in Sta. Maria and stayed with a native family in Barangay Kilegbeg in order to learn Tagakaulo. In four months he learned the language and like Fathers Samson and Belanger he travelled extensively in his area going as far as Malegang and Malungon. In the course of his travels and work among the Tagakaulos he was able to compile about 10,000 Tagakaulo words. Fr. Fisette plans to produce a Tagakaulo-Cebuano-English dictionary. In 1986, he transferred to Malita and started to work among the Tagakaulos in the municipality. His former apostolate in Sta. Maria was taken over by Fr. Roberto Lagos, a priest of the diocese of Digos. Now there is a total of 41 small Christian Communities all over the municipalities of Sta. Maria-Malita.

Our ^preach is one of integral evangelization. We see development as a holistic process, including the spiritual as well as the material. The point of entry is often literacy. We work with little groups instead of the whole population. The Tagakaulos place a lot of importance on health and long life; their prayers are invariably concerned with these. We form the Basic Ecclesial Communities (BCC) or the *Gagmayng Kristohanong Katilingban* (GKK) to develop the proper attitudes for self-reliance. Don’t wait for the priest to come in order to go to church. Don t wait for the government to build your .roads (Build them yourselves).’ Our GKK is global in the sense that it is concerned with every aspect of their daily lives. The lituigical aspect is only one.The other aspects are catechetics, health, literacy and agriculture.These five aspects comprise our approach of integral evangelization.These are the five poles around which our communities revolve. Not all our communities possess the five, but many have at least three.

Our goal is helping the Tagakaulos help themselves. We try to wean them away from money and material values. The best means to bring this about is to “bring them the Good News”, which is the message that they can become better human beings by improving what is already in their environment and in themselves. How to announce the “Good News” tied up or within the context of the whole human situation is our challenge. How to link life inside and outside the Church is part of this challenge.

We try to bring about challenge by means of example. When the Church promises something we see to it that the Church’s promise is kept. We think it is very important to build trust and confidence for the Church as such. When we say we will come to a certain place at this day at this time, we come. If the people are not there, we wait for them. The people come to trust our word. We also try to foster another kind of communal awareness: On social occasions or when we gather the people to build a road we encourage them to share what each one has with the others, so that one eats not only what he has brought himself but tastes and eats of what others have prepared.

We have noted that native beliefs are deeply ingrained among them,and for that matter, even among our own catechists. So we are emphasizing the behavioral as well as the theological aspects of Christianity.Of the sacraments, the hardest to teach is matrimony, that is, its monogamous aspect. The easiest to teach is penance; they have a keen sense of their sinfulness. We appeal to the whole person in the context of his human situation, including the transcendent as well as the personal and social dimension.

Catechetics, Social Action, Evangelization and Team Work

As time and experience showed, Initial Evangelization had to go hand in hand with Catechetics and Social Action Programs. From the very start a special effort was made to recruit catechists, people who would continue the work achieved during the Evangelization Seminars. In 1974, Narcisa Ambong, a newly graduated Manobo professional catechist started working with Fr. Samson. In 1979, Lolita Moto, a non-professional but experienced Tagakaulo catechist, teamed up with Fr. Belanger. In 1980, she was followed by another non-professional Tagakaulo catechist, Corazon Agravante. In 1983,Lucia Cejas, a Cebuano professional catechist, learned the Tagakaulo dialect and started to work with Fr. Fisette.

The tribal Filipino Apostolate of the Diocese of Digos received a big boost in 1980 when the Missionary Sisters of the Immaculate Conception (MIC) committed themselves to this type of work. The first Sisters to arrive in Malita were Sister Socorro Carvajal and Siste rEstela del Bando. After four months of exposure and language studies in sitio Kaigtan, Sister Socorro, with diplomas in Education and Catechetics, began to work with Fr. Belanger among the Tagakaulo. Lolita Moto entered the Missionaries of Charity Sisters, Corazon Agravante went into Catechetics. In 1983, Sister Eulalia Loreto,MIC,a professional catechist, after two years of work and pastoral experience among the natives of Miyarayon in Bukidnon, arrived in Malita. After learning Manobo in Caburan, she started working with Fr. Samson.

Today, the Tribal Filipino Teams of the Diocese of Digos are composed of the following. Among the Manobos of Jose Abad Santos: Fr. Santos Villahermosa, DCD, and Miss Norbelita Onari,a Manobo catechist. Among the Manobos and B’laans of Don Marcelino and Malita: Fr. Gilles Belanger, PME, Sister Eulalia Loreto,MIC, and Miss Tita Limbudan, a B’laan professional catechist.Among the Tagakaulo of Malita: Fr. Pierre Fisette, PME, Sister Socorro Carvajal, MIC, and Lucia Cejas. Among the Tagakaulo of Sta.Maria: Fr. Rudy Tulibas, DCD, Elsa Albaracin, a Tagakaulo professional catechist, and Fe Dubuque, a Cebuano professional catechist.

In another part of the Diocese of Digos, other PMEs have recently started work among Tribal Filipinos – namely the B’laan group. In1986, Fr. Gervais Turgeon, in Matanao, started two small communities in Colonsabac and Datal Pitak. This year he added Literacy Programs in these two areas. In Magsaysay, the neighboring municipality, Fr. Donald Bouchard has also started work among the same tribal group. He is planning to give an Evanelization Seminar and thus set up a new community in January 1988.

Even though Evangelization Seminars and Catechetics were first in the Initial Evangelization process, there was always a special preoccupation, a special effort to touch, to uplift the total human condition of the people. Social Action programs, especially literacy and health always accompanied the formation and process of the Small Christian Communities. In January 1985, three Social Action Projects were formally launched. These represented a special and official effort by the Church of the Diocese of Digos to improve the everyday lot of the Tribal Filipinos of the region. These programs are Health, coordinated by Rose dela Cruz and assisted by Linda Garcia,with Edita Flores as professional Midwife; Literacy, with Narcisa Ambong; and Agriculture, with Rosino Talima. Their offices are in Malita but their work extends to all the Tribal Filipinos from the mountains of Sta. Maria to the hinterlands of Jose Abad Santos.

From the start, there was a deep-felt need to prepare the future.Those working among the Tribal people were always looking for companions. People who would be with them to help them. Necessarily, these would be people from within each Tribal group who need to pursue their studies and prepare themselves for the future.For High School students, two main projects have been put up: one in Sta. Maria for the young Tagakaulos, and one in Caburan for the Manobos and B’laans. These young adults study in the parochial High Schools and live on a small farm. They help pay for their education by farming backyard gardens and taking care of domestic animals. With the help of the Presentation o^ Mary Sisters, catechists, and priests, the students meet regularly to deepen their faith, reflect on their culture, and their role as Christian Tribal Filipinos. A system of scholarships has also been initiated for students in college. Today,there are young Manobos, B’laans, and Tagakaulos studying Catechetics. Education, and Midwifery. In 1988, the plan is to send one student to study Social Sciences. The main idea is to prepare a human reservoir of knowledge and talents among the young Tribal Filipinos.These are expected to go back to their respective communities after their studies to teach, guide, and help the others along the difficult road of tribal independence, and national integration, and Gospel values. Some have graduated and are already working, especially in the field of catechetics and literacy.

Perhaps, the best way to get a real understanding of this apostolate with the Tribal Filipinos of Davao del Sur initiated by the PME Fathers and now joined by so many others is to present this poem of Fr. Fisette.

AROUND HARVEST TIME

August. Thursday. Eight in the morning. Still early.
I enter Kilalag. Tagakaulo country.
So near and yet so far.
It rained all night long.
I walked. One hour and thirty minutes.
From Sangay to Kaigtan: how muddyl A real chocolate parfait!
And then, Mahayahay, Kitulali, Swollen rivers.
On my shirt sweat and salt have mingled. Blended.
They have sketched their presence in long, jumpy, greyish lines.
Like a silent monitor describing a heart beat.
My boots, my jeans, my packsack . . . They also have tasted the trip.

Kilalag. Mountains and rivers.
Nineteen hundred and seventy-seven I remember.
There was nothing here. Or almost.
Nonoy and his family. One boy and four girls. Still young.
A small sari-sari store. A grinding stone.
Two classrooms. Without chairs.
Four horses. And many dogs.
Ten years already.

August. Thursday. Eight in the morning. Still early.
I walked. Yes.
But not alone. Lucia and Socorro were walking too.
With me. By my side. We were together.
Then Abelardo joined us. Then Dodong and his wife.
And leaders and animators and catechists.
Mamuiidas, Caret, Ginal. Paabay.
Twenty-five. Nineteen. Twenty-three. Twenty six years. Still young.
Dimuluc, Taguntungan, Kangko…. new communities.
Four years. Three years. Two years. Still young.
It rained there too.
Bare feet, net bags. 6ne small fish, one small egg. In a banana leaf.
Mud and rivers…. It was for them too.

Nine in the morning. Still early.
We are diirty-one.
All six small communities are present.
Outside, the sun is hot, splashing its rays all over.
A soft breeze touches soil and shoulders.
On the other side of the narrow path,
five meters from here.
Men and women appear.
Big baskets strapped around their heads.
Big baskets hanging on their backs.
They are three, seven, ten, eighteen. Together.
August. Mountains.
Kilalag. Tagakaulo country.
Harvest time. Rice. The magic word. The magic grain.
How good the thought. How sweet the smell.

They slide their fingers along the stems,
press the grains hard.
And throw them behind — in their backs
— in their big baskets.
Hands bare. Hands full.
New rice. Rice of die year. Rice of this year.
Toni^t new flames will crack old wood.
There will be a new perfume in the house.
Tonight it will be fiesta.
The first grains will be offered to Tyumanem: The Great Planter.
There will be prayers of gratitude. Short but deep.
There will be plenty to eat
And music will fill the heart.

Our meeting place is a little Chapel
It is sown right here.
Right in the middle of the rice field.
Our sharing is alive. And lively.
The Bible: Moses: I have seen the misery of my people.
Amos: So we can sell the poor for a pair of sandals.
Paul: Love is patient. Love understands everything.
Leaders. A promised land. Regrets. Deportation … A midnight star.
Jesus: The Kingdom of God…. a seed, a yeast,
two fish, five loaves of bread.
A few grains .. . This is my body. Given for life.
Literacy. Evangelization. Hygiene. Agriculture. Catechetics.
Nineteen hundred and seventy-seven.
Kilalag. A country without communities. Hungry.
May. June. July. A country without rice. Hungry.

Ten years. It passed.
So fast.
Today, six communities. Thirty-one leaders.
Woman. Men. Baptised. Young. Generous.

It is already four in the afternoon.
And we are in the mountains.
Eight in the morning. Still early.
Four in the afternoon. Late already.
Our meeting has to end: home is far away.
Each one leaves. Until next month. In Taguntungan.
We are all pieces of humanity
And it is only when we come together
that we are what we become.
Life is like that. We know.

Outside, in the rice field.
On the other side of the narrow path,
The big baskets are almost full.
It was a hot day. Slopes were steep.
And now backs are heavy
and hands are sticky.
But is was a good day.
A day of flesh and blood.
A day of food.
Ten years, one day. A rice field, a Chapel.
Mamundas, Moses.
Rice, Bread.
Feet walking the land, hands pressing the grain.
Foreheads sweating, knees trembling, backs bending.
Eyes smiling, hearts beating.
Around harvest time.

The Tribal Filipinos Mission in Malita, Davao del Sur

Presumably one of the largest parishes in the Diocese of Digos,the Sto. Rosario P^sh in Malita serves as a center for the Tribal Filipinos missions in the while province of Davao del Sur. Malita coordinates the different tribal Programs of Caburan, Sta. Maria,Don Marcelino, and Malita itself. There are three PME Fathers who discharge the various functions of parish and missionary work: Fr.Jacques Doyon, Fr, Pierre Fisette, and Fr. Gilles Belanger. The Fathers have divided the work in order to optimize their time and other resources. The administration of the parish itself is undertaken by Fr. Doyon while Fr. Belanger and Fr. Fisette handle the B’laan and Manobo; and Tagakaulo missions respectively.

The Tribal Filipinos missionary work may be perceived in two broad categories: catechetical and social action. Opening a tribal mission is initiated through contacts. For this purpose, the first job of the missionary is to travel extensively in his area of assignment in search of friendly communities. In the course of his sojourn and frequent association with native communities, some would eventually signify their willingness to attend an Evangelization Seminar, or the priest himself could identify one or two such communities for which such a seminar would be fruitful.

For more formal visits, the missionary brings with him trained catechists who make several more visits to the community by themselves before a seminar is actually given. The parents are asked to *signa panaad,* a promise to allow their children to be catechised and to support the program actively. The seminar proceeds in two phases: one for beginners, and a second one for a core group. The initial seminar is held at the Malita parish, and the second, in the native community.

Certain considerations require that the participants be recruited from among the young adults in the community who have had at least three years of primary education. Those who graduate from the seminar become the catechists of their own community. Catechetical instructions are usually held in the community chapels for want of schools and are intended for children. There are at present no resources for undertaking adult catechesis. The community is expected to share the modest obligations of catechetical work; in particular, they are asked to contribute something for the remuneration of the catechist. The parish shoulders the major financial burden of the seminars.

The basic content of the seminar is the proclamation of the Word of God, taking into consideration the native beliefs and the culture as a whole. During Bible sharing sessions the local problems of the community are discussed; thus, the Word of God is contextualized.The most commonly discussed problems are early marriage and personal conflicts for which reconciliations are worked out in the same sessions.

The social action component is dispensed through three major programs: literacy, agriculture, and health. This phase usually follows catechetics once the community has been a little organized already.The Literacy Program lasts three years and has three grade levels.The program is attached to formal education, and its more promising graduates are recommended to the public schools upon accreditation by the Department of Education, Culture and Sports. All teachers are employed by the Program which is under the administration of the Parish. They are given a “model house” in the community where they reside as a member of the community they serve.

The agriculture and health programs follow the same procedures as the Literacy Program. The Agriculture Program trains from three to six people from the community in some modem technology such as sloping agriculture and backyard farming. Health visits are an important component in the program, and the campaign is focused on sanitation and herbal medicine. The evangelization dimension is present in every aspect of the program. The activities are often begun with a prayer. There is an integration of faith and action.

The main problems of the programs seem to arise from cultural idiosyncracies and practises: The inferior status of women in the community inhibit them from active participation, while early marriages (many young girls are married at the age of twelve or thirteen) account for nearly all of the drop-outs. Among the native institutions that the catechists and trainors have found to be inimical to the natives is the makabatog. a local broker to whom the Tagaka-ulos look for good business opportunities such as profitable barter deals; credit, or marriage arrangements when they have sons or daughters of marriageable age. Since the nature of the makabatog’s profession or social station requires him to be a well traveled individual, the Tagakaulos also seek him for information about the outside world and usually regard the makabatog’s words with authority.

The social action staff of the Tribal Filipinos Mission perceived the makabatog however, as an exploiter of his own people, and therefore a menace to his own community. For the marriages that the *makabatog* arranges, Tagakaulos are often willing to incur huge debts misled by the *makabatog’s* words on the desirability, or profitability of a marriage arrangement.

A Day In the Lanipao Mission

Lanipao is a barangay of Malita that nestles in the mountainous regions of the municipality. It is the nearest barangay to Malita that is completely populated by Tagakaulos and is one of the places in which the PME Fathers have established a Basic Ecclesial Community. Last August 16th, the editors of this journal went to visit theMission with its missionary, Fr. Pierre Fisette.

About an hour’s drive from the Malita Parish, the trail to Lanipao starts from a small stream. Our party alighted at a lay leader’s house in Talugoy and from there, we picked up the trail. For the first two hours we followed the course of the stream, walking sometimes on its banks but most of the time in the stream itself. After a while the significance of the name Tagakaulo (dwellers of the origins of rivers)dawned on us; we were following the river or the stream to its source up in the mountains.

There were a number of Tagakaulo settlements all over the mountain sides. We were told that we had only one more hour of walking, but that was a steep ascent along mountain passes which in several places were no wider than foot paths at the edge of deep ravines. As the morning progressed, the heat of the sun grew more severe. The barren mountain sides accentuated the heat. The mountain climb was difficult for us and caused a delay in our schedule. In order to complete the day’s journey we had to budget our time wisely, leaving allowances for the main purpose of the trip; to visit a Tagakaulo community and experience the liturgy conducted entirelyin the native language.

A few hundred yards away from the nearest patag (flat land) an unexpected help came. Imoy, one of the Tagakaulo lay leaders,appeared on the path to help us reach his community. He had been waiting for our arrival. He decided to meet us on the trail intuiting the difficulties that we were presently undergoing.

At last we reached the community chapel, a nipa and bamboo hut filled with about thirty to thirty-five native Tagakaulos who have been evangelized in their own native tongue by our host, Fr. Fisette,who speaks Tagakaulo. We started to greet one another in Visayan,unable to speak Tagakaulo. Before the mass we were offered some repast at the house of the schoolteacher. For this we had to do more climbing as the schoolteacher’s hut was located about two hundred meters from where the chapel stood.

The mass was truly a community celebration. It was began byFr. Fisette,_and the people were active participants throughout the whole liturgy. The Tagakaulos read biblical texts and sang songs which have been translated into their own language. The first part ofthe mass was conducted by the Pangulo sa Liturhiya who integrated a “question time” on biblical passages in the short celebration. The entire mass was in Tagakaulo. After the mass, Fr. Fisette spoke to the people about the upcoming fiesta and asked them about the progress of the literacy, health, and agriculture projects. This was integral evangelization in practice.

We were deeply impressed by the stark simplicity of the whole proceedings. By then it was noontime, and with a mixed feeling of gratitude and anxiety we accepted two lunch invitations and went to climb two more mountaintops to reach our hosts’ houses. At two o’clock in the afternoon we started the homeward trek. The skies were threatening, but fortunately it did not rain. Imoy, who had helped us climb the mountain, now together with a companion,assisted us in making the difficult journey down. By then, we were totally exhausted. We could not have made it down without a helping hand.

Back in the convento at Malita, we reflected upon the experience.Despite threatening clouds in the afternoon, it did not rain the wholeday. We shuddered to think what rainfall would have done to themountain trails that we had been climbing.

Setting aside what had not happened, we reflected on whatactually transpired. We accomplished our main purpose for the visitto Lanipao, which was to experience a day in the life of the Tagaka-ulos and a liturgy that was entirely in the native tongue. It was avaluable experience well worth the physical exhaustion together withthe dangers that we were exposed to. We wanted the experience as akind of situationer, and an immersion process for writing about thehistory of the Christianization of Davao.

Some days after we had visited Lanipao, several of the TribalFilipino Health workers went there for a special project. The peopletold them all about our visit. They were very grateful for the effortswe had made to visit them, realizing the difficulties we had encountered. They liked our participating in the liturgy, especially trying tosing the liturgical music in Tagakaulo. They were very sensitive toour every reaction.

The one image that remains is the image of Imoy, meeting us onthe mountain trail, helping us up the mountain, and Aen accompanying us down, the image of the helping hand. The Tagakaulo reaching out to help the struggling guests to be with them, helping them with a quiet strength and dignity, helping them with a deep sensitivity.

What an enriching experience this was for us. The entire day wasan experience of an appreciation of nature as well as an encounterwith a new culture. As we walked with Fr. Fisette, we thought aboutPME missionaries who have made and are still making similar journeys throughout the Davao region, helping establish Christian communities, bringing the Church’s presence to many places. It was aninsight into the mission and work of the PME Fathers.

The PMEs in Jolo

Two years ago, in 1985, the PME Fathers undertook a newmission; to join ie Oblates of Mary Immaculate (O.M.I.) Fathers in working in the Prelature of Jolo in a population that is overwhelmingly Muslim. The four P.M.E. Father are Jacques Bourdages, RealLevesque, Robert Piche, and Andre Rondeau.

It was a new venture for these missionaries to move from a regionoverwhelmingly Catholic, alive with dynamic pastoral activities,employing many innovative pastoral approaches in forming BasicEcclesial Communities and developing lay leaders, and caring pastor-ally for tens of thousands of parishioners to a region overwhelminglyMuslim in population with a Church that is only a tiny minority.Aside from caring for tiie small Christian community present inJolo, the main apostolate is one of witness and dialogue. The Oblateshave done tremendous witness work especially in education, establishing the Notre Dame schools which have been responsible for theeducation of many of the Muslims. The Muslims are very gratefulfor this. The new venture is very challenging. The four PMEs havelearned Tausug and are now assigned to missions: Fr. Bourdages inBongao, Frs. Levesque and Piche in Siasi, and Fr. Rondeau in Bato-bato.

In our interview with Fr. Bourdages, he said that the PMEs arestill in a period of adjustment to this new mission, adjustment tothe new language, to the culture, to the people, to tlie local conditions. He sees the main purpose of his work as being able to givewitness that Christians and Muslims can live together in harmony.He sees the special gift that the Church has to give to the Muslim Community is the value of Christian forgiveness. He said that the value, even the word, does not exist in the Muslim world. This isthe special gift the Church has to share with the Muslims. This sharingmust be given in terms of witness.

CONCLUSION

To write history as a synchronic performance is not the intentionin writing the history of the Christianization of Davao. The abstraction of historical facts or their synchronization must rest ultimately,on individual interpretation. To do otherwise would be to commit aninjustice to the significance of the historical past. The writing of theChristianization of Davao beginning in the 17th century up to thecontemporary and present periods, is an attempt to contextualizethe labors of the Catholic missionaries as well as the evangelizationprocess itself within the social or collective experience of the people.The implicit assumption is that Christianization, together with its successes or failures, its strengths and weaknesses, could only beviewed, and eventually understood upon consideration of a dialectical reality as its context.

The Christianization of Davao began in the 17th century in theeast coast where the Spaniards had already laid political claims oncertain communities such as Caraga, Tandag, and Cateel. The early missionary efforts of the Recollects, and later, the Jesuits, were written as part of the social and religious history of the people.Contextualizing the events means describing the occurrences within the purview of the political, economic, and cultural institutionsexisting at the time. It was necessary as well, to write not only of theevents themselves but of the mutual impact that they had on oneanother. The purely religious events created an impact on the non-Tagakaulo woman and childreligious affairs of the community, and vice-versa. Hence, the Christianization of Caraga in the 17th century evoked associations with thepolitical unrest that periodically flared into violent confrontations between the native populations on one hand; and the politico-religious estalbishment on the other.

The native population of Davao, and in particular its ethnic composition at this time was an important dimension of this history.The description of the native Caragans, Bilaans, Manobos, Tagakaulos,etc., help established the evolutionary change that happened to the indigenous peoples. The transformation of some of them into the Christian Davaoeno of present times is an account of the accultura-tive process of Christianization.

The conquest of the Davao Gulf in mid-19th century enabled theSpaniards to penetrate the southeastern interiors of Mindanao. This event was a most important achievement of the period. It madepossible the extension of Spanish influence from the east coast to about a third of the whole island of Mindanao. After this, Christianity made significant headways to the western half of the island, a predominantly Muslim territory. Heretofore, Christianity would be firmly entrenched on the whole eastern half of Mindanao.

The American period which began in the 20th century initiallyresulted in some unfavorable changes for the growib of a now highlyvisible Catholic church. On the whole however, the setbacks weretemporary and insignificant. With the arrival of the missionaries ofthe Foreign Society of Quebec towards the end of the 1930’s, thefurther and unimpeded growth of the Davao Church was assured.The renewed evangelization of Davao was begun in the last decadebefore the end of the colonial period in Philippine history.

This account has focused on the efforts of the PMEs who played a major role in the development of the Davao Church. Althoughthe present Church owed as much to the evangelizing efforts of otherreligious congregations, it was the Foreign Mission Society of Quebecwhich laid the more solid foundations of the Davao Church. By laying emphasis on the development of the native clergy and the activeinvolvement of the community in the church, the PME Society hassecured the basic framework for building the local church. Morerecently, the PME has reprioritized its concerns. It has renewed itsinterest in initial evangelization, hence the birth of the Tribal Filipinos Mission. With this the Christianization of Davao has comefull circle, the nearly forgotten indigenous communities of Davaowho were supposed to have been the first beneficiaries of evangelization have once again become of primary concern. – Heidi K. Gloria

EPILOGUE: “FOR US TO LIVE IS TO EVANGELIZE”

To celebrate fifty years of evangelizing presence in the localChurch of Davao is a special moment. It is a remembrance of the years, the personalities, the events, the difficulties, the achievements,the challenges, the special graces, God’s presence, the response. Yet,to remember the past is also to cherish the present and to look forward to the future. The call and the challenge take new forms, butthey never cease.

Remembering

As Fr. Allary said in the Foreword, fifty years in the history ofthe Church or in the life of a people is very brief, but fifty years inthe life of the Foreign Mission Society of Quebec is a significantperiod because it is fifty years of building up the local Church ofDavao and turning it over to the local diocesan clergy.

In interviewing Frs. Allary and Picard for this study, 1 askedabout the special contributions of the different Regional Superiorsto the pastoral orientations and directions of the PME Fathers inDavao, and I was very impressed by their response.

What was accomplished in Davao was the work of the PME Fathers, all of them. Do not focus on the Regional Superiors. Everything we did, we did together. We would meet every month. Any new undertaking, any new apostolate would be presented to the Fathers. If they supported it, they would try it and encourage it in their parishes, orthey would give it financial support. If they did not support it, it did not succeed. Not that we had unanimity at all times. We made some mistakes, but we worked together. This gave us tremendous support.

Thus, we have an example of authentic communal discernmentPerhaps, this is the reason for the PME’s pastoral achievement in theDavao Church. What was accomplished was accomplished by thePME Fathers together, not individually. Each of the PMEs gave theirunique contribution. There is no need to focus on the RegionalSuperiors; there is no need to focus on the Fathers who had workedin Davao and had become Superior Generals of the PME; there is no need to focus on the Fathers who had worked in Davao and hadbecome Bishops; there is no need even to focus on one of the twoFilipino PMEs who became the &st Bishop of Digos, Davao del Sur:Msgr. Generoso Camiha. The focus is on all of the PME Fathers wholabored tirelessly proclaiming the Gospel, building Christian communities, caring for the people, fostering vocations to the priesthoodand the religious life. This is the work of the PMEs in Davao.

The people remember the work of the PME Fathers.

Fr. Reindeau baptized me. Fr. Sabourin officiated at our wedding. Fr. Lemay took care of my mother in the hospital when she was dying. I served as an altar boy for Fr. Baril. Fr. Pelland helped me very much in discerning my vocation to the priesthood. remember Fr.Pelletier in Bansalan. I remember Fr. Vallieres in Calinan.

The remembrances of the people could go on and on. Perhaps,this is the most significant achievement of the PME Fathers. Peopleremember the years, the men, and the work. It was hard work; itwas humble work; it was work close to the people. The fifty yearsare remembered and cherished not only by the people but by the PME’s themselves. For it has not only been fifty years of giving; it has also been fifty years of receiving, receiving the gift of being with the Filipino people.

Indeed, the missionary experience is realizing the gift of mutual sharing; it is realizing the Church of mutual gifts. There is an interaction of two cultures, and what is created thereby is a gift of the Spirit. It is a humanizing experience, an experience essential for the Church. Fr. Pierre Fisette has described this experience:

When I go back to Canada for my furlough, 1 am struck by what the Canadian people tell me. They say, “You are Canadian, but somehowyou are different from the other Canadian priests we know. You havetime for us. You have time to listen to us. You have time just to bewith us.” These are the special gifts the Filipino people have given us:the gift of appreciating and cherishing the person, the gift of sensitivity, the gift of having time for people. I am very grateful for thesegifts. I have been enriched so much by my missionary experience in the Philippines, and most especially by my work with the Tribal Filipinos

This realization of the experience of mutuality, of the exchange of gifts, is a memory to cherish for the PME Fathers.

Looking Forward

In the 1960’s, there were more than eighty PME Fathers in theDavao region, now there are less than forty. The PME Fathers havebuilt up the local Church of Davao and have tumed it over to theFilipino clergy. Most of the PME’s are old; the average age is aboutsixty. Only eight of them are below the age of fifty: four are in Jolo,working amidst the Muslims; three are in the parish in Malita, Davaodel Sur, working with the Tribal Filipinos, and one is in Holy CrossCollege of Davao. The local Church of Davao still needs the PME Fathers, but now the need is for an accompanying presence, to fillin where needed, to be of service to the diocesan priests. This isindeed their new call, their new challenge, and they are responding as gracefully as ever.

It is significant to note that it is only within the past fifteen years or so that the PME Fathers have been able to undertake the mission that they had originally come to Davao for: to work with the non-Christians. The rapid expansion of population due to the influx ofsettlers necessitated the PMEs responding to the challenge of meetingtheir pastoral needs and setting up Christian communities for them.Now, that this has been accomplished and tumed over to the local clergy, those PMEs who are willing and able to do so are free to undertake the mission of initial evangelization among the Tribal Filipinos. The work of Frs. Samson, Belanger, and Fisette here has been innovative and dynamic, employing the holistic approach of integral evangelization: combining evangelization and catecheticswith the promotion of literacy, agriculture, and health projects. They are joined in this special mission by two diocesan clergy from the Digos Diocese; Fr. Santos Villahermosa and Fr. Rudy Tulibas, several religious sisters from the Missionaries of the ImmaculateConception (M.I.C.) and Presentation of Mary (P.M.) congregations,pinos. 2 and a team of laity, many from the tribal communities themselves. The pastoral approaches and experiences in this apostolate are gifts that should be shared with the wider Church.

We have spoken much of gifts. That is natural for the celebration of a Golden Anniversary of pastoral service. There is one more gift to mention, however, the return gift. The PME Fathers have been a gift of the Church of Quebec, Canada to the Church of Davao, Philippines. Now, the local Church of Davao, Philippines, returns thegift. The young, dynamic Church of Davao, alive with a strong faithand new pastoral approaches, attempting to promote an integral,holistic approach to evangelization, allowing the Gospel to permeate every human situation as it struggles vwth severe socio-economic and political difficulties, says to the Church of Quebec, the Church of Canada, “Thank you for helping us; thank you for evangelizing us; thank you for building us up. Most of all, thank you for the PME Fathers. What they have learned in being with us, they share now with you. They have been your gift to us. They are now our gift to you”

***Appendix 1
PME FATHERS ASSIGNED IN DAVAO WITH THE YEAR OF THEIR FIRST ARRIVAL
[Refer to the PDF file, pg. 17]***