Tag Archives: Women

Human Rights and Gender Equality

The millennium Development Goals (MDGs), with various concerns that include Human Rights and Gender Equality, envision a world where people are able to enjoy their human rights and equally regardless of race, sex, age, creed and background. Access to justice is an important concern of the MDGs. Governments of 189 countries all over the world have committed to ending gender based injustices by its target date of 2015. For women and children victims of violence all over the world, “Justice and Healing” is still elusive dream.

In the Philippines, the Philippine Commision on Women (PCW) is completing a program called ” Women’s Empowerment and Development Towards Gender Equality” (WEDGE). PCW asked me review Chapter 2 of the WEDGE Plan pertaining to “Protection and Access to Justice of women in especially “difficult circumstance”. The chapter addresses protection and access to justice of women who are vulnerable to and are victims of gender based violence, trafficking and prostitution; and women in general who should enjoy equal protection and just treatment under the law and by the legal and justice systems.

The Constant Struggle to Become a Church of the Poor: Fifty Years after Vatican II

The Second Plenary Council of the Philippines (PCP II) was convened in 1991 to officially articulate the teaching of the Second Vatican Council (Vatican II) and its implications for the Philippine Catholic Church. In the “Message of the Council to the People of the Philippines,” the delegates remarkably declared: “Christ bids this community—ourselves, the laity, religious and clergy of the Catholic Church in the Philippines—to be a Church of the Poor” (PCP II 1992, xcvi). There is no doubt that the expression church of the poor has become the core message of PCP II. Did this ecclesiological vision really originate from the final documents of Vatican II? How does one become a church of the poor in the Philippine context? Who are the poor to which the church herself must identify with? These are the main questions that this paper attempts to answer.

This paper has three main parts: The first part tries to do a critical remembering of the Vatican II event; the second part attempts to give a brief account of the contextualization of the church of the poor agenda in the Philippines; and the third part proposes an expanded meaning of the poor in the light of emerging insights from the social and ecological sciences.

A Critical Remembering of Vatican II

The concerns of poor countries are “not totally absent” in the final documents of Vatican II. However, far from stating the obvious, it is important to emphasize that the Third World perspective of the poor is not well developed in the overall framework of the Vatican II documents. In this light, revisiting, if only in a brief way, the odyssey of the church of the poor at the council might be beneficial for the purpose of this paper.

A call for renewal

On 28 October 1958, the conclave of cardinals met to elect a successor to Pius XII and chose the seventy-six-year-old Patriarch of Venice, Angelo Roncalli (1881-1963), son of a humble working-class family of Bergamo, who took on the name John XXIII. Considering his old age, it was expected that this septuagenarian pope would not live very long. Presumably, he was elected as a sort of an interim pope.

This pope, however, surprised the whole church on 25 January 1959 when he suddenly announced his intention to call for an ecumenical council which was to be known as the Second Vatican Council (1962-1965). Many people could not see why he had to call for a council, as there seemed to be no outstanding heresy to be refuted. At any rate, according to the prevailing ecclesiology at the time, the pope can practically do everything by himself. So what was his point of bringing together bishops from all over the world?

The pope’s decision to gather the bishops from all corners of the world was very revealing of his new style of taking on the papacy. At least two important gestures are worth noting here. First, the very choice of the name John XXIII—and not another name in line with Pius—implied that this pope wanted to be different from his predecessors. As his chosen name suggests, he did not simply want to be an apostle of love—like John the Evangelist—but also wished to be a humble prophet—like John the Baptist—who had to decrease so that Christ might increase (Pieris 2010, 3). Indeed, contrary to the triumphalist posture of his predecessors, John XXIII wanted “to shake off the dust of the empire that has gathered since Constantine’s day on the throne of St. Peter” (Congar 1964, 168). This is very revealing of his programmatic vision of the church and the papacy.

Second, John XXIII explicitly called this ecumenical council as Vatican II to signal that he was not just re-convoking the First Vatican Council (Vatican I) which had been interrupted in 1870 due to the Franco-Prussian war. He made it clear that he was convoking a new council and not simply intending to continue Vatican I. As Joseph Komonchak (2000, 72) recounted, Vatican II was called in order “to meet the demands of the day” in a pastorally effective way.

This council has been described as “the greatest event in the last four centuries of Catholicism” which caused a sort of a “Copernican shift” in ecclesiological thinking (Cleary 1985, 168). In Vatican II, the magisterium rediscovered the church as people of God, developed the theology of the local church, and emphasized the praxis of collegiality in church leadership (Forte 1990, 43-104). With John XX1II’s new style of papacy, the church deliberately opened its window to the modern world and allowed fresh air to enter into it.

An encounter of “worlds”

The historic gathering of prelates from practically every corner of the world at Vatican II has been described as an earth-shaking “event” in the history of the church. As the Jesuit theologian Karl Rahner (1979, 717) asserted, the council was “the Church’s first official self-actualization as a world Church.” This awareness of the “world Church,” according to David Hollenbach (2005, 266-291, 285), would “avoid viewing Christianity as a European religion to be exported to the rest of the world along with European culture.” According to the official report, out of the 2,904 expected participants coming from 116 different countries, about 2,449 or 89.34 percent showed up in the first session of the council (Raguer 1997, 171). In terms of demographic identity and economic background, unofficial statistics revealed that the council fathers coming from poor countries comprised the majority of the participants. The composition of participants according to continents are as follows: thirty-one percent of the council fathers came from Western Europe, twenty-two percent from Latin America, twelve percent from North America, twelve percent from Asia and Oceania, nine percent from Africa, and three percent from the Arab world (Raguer 1997, 171-72).

Given the diverse background of the participants at the council, it would not be sufficient to simply polarize them between liberals and conservatives. For this reason, I propose to see the Vatican II event as an encounter of “worlds.” Many people today conveniently speak of three different worlds within one world. The First World comprises of Western Europe, North America, Australia, and Japan; the Second World consists of the former Soviet Union, its several Eastern European satellites, and Communist China; and the Third World (also sometimes called “Two-Thirds World” due to its relative population weight of the global inequalities) includes the so-called developing nations of Africa, Asia, and Latin America. Nevertheless, some writers even speak of the existence of a “Fourth World.” In his writings, John Paul II describes it as “the bands of great or extreme poverty in countries of medium and high income” (John Paul II, no. 31). The existence of a Fourth World simply shows that poverty is a global phenomenon and that it crosses beyond geographical boundaries.

Some people, however, tend to polarize the world in terms of “developed” and “developing” countries. Others use the terms “North” and “South” due to the fact that most of the rich countries are in the North and most poor countries are in the South. Still others have begun using the terms “Majority” and “Minority” worlds simply because, as Sean McDonagh (2006, 8-9, note 8) explains, ” [m]ost of the poor people on the planet live in the Majority World. Most of the rich live in the Minority World.”

In any case, all these worlds—both rich and poor—were represented at Vatican II. The participants of the poor world in the council outnumbered significantly those who came from the rich world. But being the majority in numbers did not necessarily ensure dominance at the council. On the contrary, the perspective of the minority rich prevailed over the perspective of the majority poor.

The disappearance of the church of the poor

Pope John XXIII, who played a significant role in the genesis and preparation of the council, expressed his vision of an inclusive church that would identify herself with the poor. This was explicitly revealed in his radio message on 11 September 1962 when he declared:

Confronted with the undeveloped countries, the Church presents itself as it is and wishes to be, as the Church of all, and particularly as the Church of the poor; … the miseries of social life which cry for vengeance in the sight of God: [A]ll this must be recalled and deplored (quoted in Wittstadt 1995, 438).

Accordingly, this message was very much in the air, opening up a different perspective for the council. As a matter of fact, there was an informal working group called The Church of the Poor, which had been meeting regularly at the Belgian College in Rome.’ Its main desire was to overcome the gap between the church and the poor which, according to its analysis, was caused by the church’s inordinate attachment to wealth. Lyons Cardinal Pierre Gerlier particularly made this point when he spoke to this group on 26 October 1962. Gerlier said: “It is indispensable that the Church, which has no desire to be rich, be freed from the appearance of wealth. The Church must be seen for what it is: the Mother of the poor, whose first concern is to give her children bread for both body and soul” (Raguer 1997, 202).

In the unfolding of the council, it was reported that the Cardinal of Bologna, Giacomo Lercaro, intervened during the 35th General Congregation on 6 December 1962 and made a daring request to make the church of the poor the fundamental topic of the council (Alberigo 1991, 116-32; Raguer 1997, 200). Along this line, there was also a motion by that same group, together with the then bishop of Laghuat (Africa) Georges Mercier, to draft a document on poverty. It was reported that Cardinal Lercaro submitted this motion to the Vatican Secretary of State for a review. Unfortunately, all these efforts to advance the perspective of the poor “have disappeared into the sands of time,” as there is no single discussion solely devoted to the topic church of the poor in the final document (Tanner 2003, 85). Norman Tanner (2003, 383) reported that the content of the second motion is supposedly most significant since it would have given “priority to an apostolate among the most needy, those often farthest from the church and yet the most favorably disposed toward the gospel, including those of the Third World; it also recommended a revival of the worker-priest movement.”

Retrieving the Christian option for the poor

It has to be reaffirmed that “the concern for the poor is not totally absent” in the final document (Lamberigts 2007, 17-40). The council fathers were certainly aware of the fact that the vast majority of humankind “are deprived of the bare necessities” and “have to live and work in conditions unworthy of human beings” (Gaudium et spes, no. 63). At least four important passages explicitly show the council fathers’ concern for the poor.

First, in Gaudium et sees, the council fathers expressed the church’s desire to share the situation and struggles of the poor by claiming them as her own:

The joy and hope, the grief and anguish of the men [and women] of our time, especially of those who are poor or afflicted in any way, are the joy and hope, the grief and anguish of the followers of Christ as well (no. 1).

It has been argued that the subsequent Catholic social teaching on “preferential option for the poor” may be taken to mean as an articulation of this powerful statement.

Second, there is the important passage from Lumen gentium which offers an excellent summary of the christological basis of the church’s commitment to the poor:

Just as Christ himself carried out the work of redemption in poverty and oppression, so the Church is called to follow the same path if she is to communicate the fruits of salvation to men. Christ Jesus, ‘though he was by nature God…emptied himself, taking the nature of the slave’ (Phil. 2:6, 7), and ‘being rich, became poor’ (2 Cor. 8:9) for our sake. Likewise, the Church…is not set up to seek earthly glory, but to proclaim, and this by her own example, humility and self-denial. Christ was sent by the Father “to bring good news to the poor…to heal the contrite heart” (Lk. 4:18), “to seek and to save what was lost” (Lk. 19:10). Similarly, the Church encompasses with her love all those who are afflicted by human misery and she recognizes in those who are poor and who suffer, the image of her poor and suffering founder. She does all in her power to relieve their need and in them she strives to serve Christ (no. 8).

This passage reveals that the church believes that her knowledge and vocation to follow Jesus Christ cannot be real without bringing justice to the poor whom she preferentially loves. The vision of the church of the poor is based on Jesus’ praxis of preferential option for the poor, and not the Marxist ideology of class struggle.

Third, in Gaudium et sees, the council fathers issued a politically explosive statement on social inequality based on the ethical position of Thomas Aquinas:

God destined the earth and all that it contains for the use of all men and all peoples so that all created things would be shared fairly by all mankind under the guidance of justice tempered by charity. Therefore every man has the right to possess a sufficient amount of the earth’s goods for himself and his family…. When a person is in extreme necessity he has the right to supply himself with what he needs out of the riches of others. Faced with a world today where so many people are suffering from want, the [c]ouncil asks individuals and governments to remember the saying of the Fathers: ‘Feed the man dying of hunger, because if you do not feed him you are killing him,’ and it urges them according to their ability to share and dispose aid which will enable them to help and develop themselves (no. 69; cf. Hiinermann 2006, 400).

Here, the council fathers made a correct judgment when they declared that an excessive accumulation of property and means of production by the few is deeply linked with the inequitable distribution of the goods of the earth. Responding to the needs of the poorest, as well as the Christian obligation to help them are challenges for the rich to limit their right to private property.

And fourth, also in Gaudium et spes, the council fathers expresses the church’s desire to be on teh side of the poor as they witnessed the life of evangelical poverty. They challenged the church to be the model of her own appeals. As the document declares,

[The church] never places its hopes in any privileges accorded to it by civil authority; indeed it will give up the exercise  of certain legitimate rights whenever it becomes clear that their use will compromise the sincerity of its witness, or whenever new circumstances call for a revised approach (no. 76).

The wisdom behind this renunciation of church privileges and detachment from the patronage offered by rich people is to maintain a posture of freedom in taking a prophetic stance on social issues involving wealth and power.

Limited perspective on poverty

Many of the Third World delegates were not satisfied with the council’s prevailing perspective on poverty. This was the feeling particularly of those who looked for an explicit appropriation of the Third World perspective on poverty. To them, the final documents have failed to adequately appropriate the perspective of the poor. Cardinal Laurean Rugambwa (the first African cardinal in history) critically remarked that the problems of the poor countries were “sometimes examined with Western eye” (Routhier 2006, 135). The Indian Cardinal Duraisamy Simon Lourdusamy also noticed that the Third World problems had not been given sufficient attention during the council deliberations. The council, according to him, mainly focused on the human condition of the First World countries “that already enjoy the benefits of economic and technical progress and are excessively influenced by the effects of `socialization,’ industrialization; and ‘urbanization”‘ (quoted in Routheir 2006, 135). Aware of this limitation, a Belgian commentator concluded that Vatican II needs “a fair analysis of the problems of this world” in order to improve its theological perspective on poverty (Lamberigts 2007, 30).

Moreover, many theologians from Latin America, where the majority of the people were impoverished by the oppressive ideology of liberal capitalism, criticized the council’s analysis on poverty as inappropriate for the Third World context. Recall that Vatican II tends to view poverty mainly as a lack of development—a view which is unacceptable to the majority of Latin American theologians (Gutierrez 1988, 16-25). Segundo Galilea (1987, 62) concluded that Vatican II “was still very European in regard to Third World concerns.” Gustavo Gutierrez (1983, 193) further clarified that the main problem in the Third World countries is the fact that the poor are being treated as “non-person(s).” He argued that the poor need more liberation than development. Faced with various forms of oppression, the main problem in the Third World, according to him, is how to tell the oppressed people “that God is love” (Gutierrez 1978, 241).

Presumably, the foregoing critiques have been brought to the attention of the ecclesial magisterium. This is discernible in the subsequent post conciliar Catholic social teaching which, to a certain extent, tries to take up many of the unfinished agenda pertaining to the church of the poor and the liberative perspective of the Third world theologians (Dorr 1992; Dorr 2007). Note here that the goals of the church of the poor movement at the council and the pro-poor perspective of the Third World are not contextually the same. As Gutierrez (1978, 241) has clarified: “Liberation theology’s first question cannot be the same one that progressivist theology has asked since Bonhoeffer.” The former originated in the First World context; the latter emerged in the Third World. Nevertheless, it can be argued that both movements have significantly contributed to the magisterium’s appropriation of the celebrated phrase, preferential option for the poor.

The Postconciliar Struggle

Despite its contextual limitations, Vatican II made a strong theological impact on Third World countries. In Latin America, for instance, Vatican II has strengthened the local church magisterium (Consejo Episcopal Latino Americano or CELAM) which provides theologians “the courage to think for themselves about pastoral problems affecting their countries” (Boff and Boff 1987, 68-69). In Asia, Vatican II has also served as an impetus for the inception of the Federation of Asian Bishops’ Conferences (FABC) during the first meeting of Asian Bishops in Manila in 1970. It was during this historic meeting that the Asian bishops committed themselves significantly to building up the church of the poor (Arevalo and Rosales 1992, 5-6).

Meanwhile, Vatican II has become the watershed of renewal in the Philippine church. It was in the spirit of the council that the Philippine church decided to “go to the barrios” in 1967 (Fabros 1988, 99). This revolutionary pastoral practice to reach out to the rural poor was the fruit of the National Congress for Rural Development held in Cagayan de Oro City in the same year. Such congress was intended “to awaken everyone in the country to the crying needs of the rural population…so that [the local magisterium] may come to concerted action to alleviate these needs and to arrive at immediate solutions (CBCP 1967; 2007). Francisco Claver (1988, 23) claimed that, on the side of the Philippine hierarchy, “the go-to-the-barrios decision in 1967 was in effect the Church’s ‘preferential option for the poor.'” This goes without saying that, for Claver, the pro-poor movements in the Philippines had predated that of the CELAM’s Medellin Conference, which coined the phrase preferential option for the poor only in 1968. Elsewhere, Claver (1983, 75-81) argues that the Vatican II “germinal ideas” on dialogue, participation, and co-responsibility were responsible for the birth of Basic Christian/ Ecclesial Communities (BCCs/BECs) in Mindanao and the formation of the Mindanao Sulu Pastoral Conference (MSPC). Both ecclesial movements may be seen as manifestations of the church of the poor.

Perhaps the most significant magisterial appropriation of the church of the poor agenda in the Philippines occurred during PCP II in 1991. In this historic event, the delegates asked themselves: “What kind of a church must we be to meet the challenge of our society as we turn into the third millennium?” (PCP II, no. 87). In response, they boldly declared: “In the Philippines today, God calls us most urgently to serve the poor and the needy,” and so “we need to become the ‘church of the poor”‘ (PCP II, nos. 122-124). Thus, to advance this less developed ecclesiological theme in Vatican IL the PCP II has substantially devoted one section on the Church of the Poor in its final document (nos. 122-136). Luis Antonio Tagle (1993, 54) commented that “the discussion on the ‘Church of the Poor’ [is] the most original and powerful contribution of PCP II to ecclesiology.” He, however, lamented that the perspective on the “Church of the Poor” has not been utilized “as the main interpretative key for understanding the church” (Tagle 1993, 54). It can then be said that PCP II’s appropriation of this particular agendum was a timely attempt by the Philippine church to realize John XXIII’s ecclesiological vision which Vatican II had failed to develop.

Recently, the Philippine church renewed its commitment to dialogue with the poor by sponsoring the Second National Rural Congress in 2007. The focus on the rural poor is quite understandable since according to Asian Development Bank Report (ADB 2005) poverty in the Philippines remains a rural phenomenon. Why is this so? As Antonio Ledesma (2009, xii) has explained, the rural poor “are trapped in a vicious cycle of slavery, dependence and hopelessness mainly due to lack of access to resources.” It is a sad reality that landlessness still dominates the rural landscape in the Philippines even after the decades of agrarian reform. This alarming issue cannot be ignored in the church’s ongoing dialogue with the rural poor.

Having done a cursory review of the struggles to be a church of the poor, we are now going to highlight three important liberative attitudes toward the poor. Firstly, if we wish to understand the reality of poverty, we have “to sit at the feet of the poor,” as the poor “know best from their lot and experience” the existential meaning of poverty and oppression (Labayen 1995, 159-60). The church has to learn from the poor and enable the poor to participate in the process of evangelization. Secondly, we have to liberate the poor by taking up their cause according to the standard of Christian praxis. And thirdly, the poor should not be treated as mere passive objects of charity of the rich; on the contrary, they should be empowered as active subjects of their own liberation and social transformation (PCP II, no. 130).

Expanding the Notion of “Poor”

In Third World countries like the Philippines the poor may be categorized into four: The economically poor, the racially discriminated, the sexually oppressed and the ecologically poor. These faces of poverty are produced by the corresponding forms of oppression that perpetuate them. Seeing these different faces of poverty is imperative to our inclusive understanding of the church of the poor.

The economically poor

When John XXIII announced in 1962 that the church wished to be the church of the poor he most probably had in mind the socioeconomically poor: Those who have been deprived of the basic human necessities and the conditions to live a dignified human life. They are poor because of oppressive economic system. As a dominated “class,” the poor occupy the lowest level in the pyramidal structure of the neoliberal capitalist society (Boff and Pixley 1989, 6). Today, we see them in the faces of the migrants, rural and urban poor, landless peasants, fisher folks, disabled people, unemployed, underemployed, uneducated, technologically illiterate, and many more.

In our present globalized society, the poor are no longer simply on the bottom or on the margins of society; they are excluded or being forced to live outside the society. In the Aparecida Conference (2007), it is stated that “[t]he excluded are not simply ‘exploited’ but ‘surplus’ and ‘disposable. Since they are not useful in the economic system, the dominant class disposes them like “waste” outside the society (Bauman 2004, 24-62). How can the church of the poor be able to reach out to the excluded and to discern the suffering face of Jesus Christ in them?

The racially discriminated

If the socioeconomically poor belong to an indigenous tribe, they are doubly poor. In the words of Virgilio Elizondo (2007, 159), the poor indigenous people (IP) are at once economically oppressed and existentially poor in that their cultural poverty “has more to do with the very reality of who [they] are, where they were born, the color of their skin, the shape of their body, the language they speak, the ethnicity that radiates through every fiber of their being.” Perhaps this is the painful experience of the poor Lumad and Muslim Filipinos in Mindanao. The dominant and powerful ethnicities label them as inferior, uncivilized, backward, unworthy, and undignified. Consequently, many of the IPs have very low self-esteem. It seems that the injurious racial attitude toward the IPs has deeply penetrated their collective psyche to the effect that many of them tend to fatalistically accept any form of oppression, as though being a “dominated culture” is naturally part of the social reality.

The negative residues of our colonial approaches are still operating in the present dominant cultures that force the IPs to abandon their colorful pre-Christian praxis and animistic religions. On this issue, one theologian argues that it would be seriously inconsistent for the church not to recognize the authenticity of indigenous religions, considering that the church magisterium itself understands religion as the wellspring and heart of local cultures (De Schrijver 2002, 318). If it is true that “no one culture is superior or inferior to other cultures,” as Elizondo (2007, 161) has insisted, then it is not right to accept only the positive aspects of the ancestral cultures and uncritically reject the indigenous religions from which their rich cultures originate. Given this sad reality, how are the IPs to be empowered so that they may also actualize their charism of leadership both in the church and in their own cultural communities?

The sexually oppressed

In our present mindset, a poor indigenous person who happens to be a woman suffers the highest degree of poverty. This is true in our patriarchal culture where a poor indigenous woman painfully embodies three layers of marginalization: 1) She belongs to the lowest class; 2) She suffers racial discrimination from both non-indigenous men and women; and 3) She is being viewed as sexually inferior by both indigenous and non-indigenous men. Needless to say, the poor indigenous women may rightly be considered as the “poorest of the poor” (Gebara 1987, 110-117). This reality leads to the “feminization of poverty,” as though “poverty has a woman’s face” (Tamez 2007, 102).

The globalized culture alarmingly promotes different distorted “ideological currents” (for example, male chauvinism) that subject women to “new slaveries,” as well as oppressive ideologies of gender (patriarchal and androcentric ideologies) that falsely deny the full humanity of women. The Latin American bishops have condemned these oppressive gender ideologies as these are not based on authentic Christian anthropology that affirms the equal dignity of man and woman who are equally created in God’s image and likeness. The vision of the church of the poor, therefore, should promote gender sensitivity and mutual partnership in a way that, as the Aparecida Conference (2007) declares, forms “a community of equals in difference.” Are women ready to participate fully in ecclesial, family, cultural, social, and economic life?

The ecologically poor

Without being anachronistic, today’s ecological awareness is practically absent in Vatican II documents, which focuses more on human beings rather than on creation in its full reality. Perhaps this is understandable considering that the ecological concerns were not yet urgent global problems in the 1960s. Nevertheless, Gaudium et sees reminds the reader that the “conciliar program…will have to be pursued further and amplified because it often deals with matters which are subject to continual development.” This posture of openness has led to the eventual recognition of the ecological crisis as an urgent issue in the subsequent Catholic social teaching.’

Why do we have to care for God’s creation? Let me propose three theological reasons which correspond to three ecological perspectives. To begin with, there is the perspective endorsed by the magisterium that sees the human being as “a steward and administrator with responsibility over creation” (Benedict XVI 2009). This theology of stewardship flows from the biblical view of the human being as the image of God. The Catholic Bishops’ Conference of the Philippines (CBCP) reaffirms this perspective by emphasizing that God “charged the human beings to be stewards of his creation, to care for it, to protect its fruitfulness and not to allow it to be devastated” (quoted in McDonagh 1990, 209). In my view, the problem with the magisterium’s stewardship perspective lies in its anthropocentric treatment of ecological issues. As some commentators have critically pointed out, the Catholic magisterium is “ecologically conscious” but its perspective on addressing the ecological crisis remains anthropocentric (Smith 1995, 79).

Moreover, there is the ecological perspective proposed by liberation theologians who consider the care for God’s creation as part of the preferential option for the poor. Perhaps the best representative of this perspective is the Brazilian theologian Leonardo Boff. His preferential option for the poor includes “all the poor with all their many faces, and the great poor one, the Earth” (Boff 2001, 86). Boff does not only listen to the cry of the oppressed human beings but also to the groaning of “Mother Earth,” who grossly suffers due to global warming, poisoned waters, devastated forests, mineral extraction, endangered species, and destroyed ecosystems. Boff rightly argues that with these ecological crises, our option for the poor has to become an option for the earth—an option for all creatures threatened by anthropogenic calamities.

It is good to know that the Filipino bishops have rightly included the liberationist concern for the oppressed creation in their quest for justice. In its most celebrated pastoral letter on ecology, the CBCP declared: “The commitment to work for justice and [the task] to preserve the integrity of creation are two inseparable dimensions of our Christian vocation to work for the coming of the kingdom of God in our times” (McDonagh 1990, 213). Here, we need to emphasize the perspective that, like social domination (that is, domination of human by human), ecological domination (that is, domination of nature by human) is also contrary to God’s kingdom.

Finally, there is a less dominant ecological perspective inspired by St. Francis of Assisi whose religious experience has made us realize that “our sister, mother earth” is also our “common home.” The Franciscan ecological perspective proposes that the sense of communion enjoyed by human beings has to be extended to the whole of creation. The “mere existence” of creation gives glory to the Creator and calls for human beings to contemplate and to make use of them with care and sensitivity. This perspective blends well with the animistic beliefs of the IPs who spontaneously recognize their oneness with nature and the sacred presence of God in the environment.

John Paul II has rightly recognized St. Francis as a model of bearing witness to a “sort of kinship of man with his creaturely environment, fostering in him an attitude of respect for every reality of the surrounding world” (John Paul II 1997). For him, St. Francis offers an example par excellence of “a sense of ‘fraternity’ with all those good and beautiful things which Almighty God has created” (John Paul II 1997). The care for God’s creation that this “celestial patron of ecologists” exemplifies is based on his mystical experience of a universal kinship with all creatures: The realization that everything, including the most insignificant creatures, “had the same source as himself” (Boff 1997, 214). St. Francis cared for God’s creatures because all creatures, and not only human creatures, are literally his brothers and sisters in God. Today, in the light of the emerging earth sciences, we can certainly claim that all creatures are brothers and sisters of one another not in a metaphorical sense, for we know that “we have all evolved from a common ancestry in ways that are increasingly well-understood” (Feehan 2010, 55).

Conclusion

In this paper, the dramatic event of Vatican II using the notion of the church of the poor as a heuristic devise has been revisited. John XXIII initially proposed this ecclesiological vision but Vatican II failed to develop it in its final documents. This lacuna, however, did not prevent the Third World ecclesiastical regions (for example, CELAM and FABC) from contextualizing it. As has been pointed out, in the Philippines, the PCP II officially appropriated it as its core magisterial message.

The meaning of the church of the poor as creatively appropriated in the Third World context has also been clarified. To advance this perspective, the meaning of “poor” has been broadened in order to include the economically poor, the racially discriminated, the sexually oppressed, and the ecologically poor. In this ecclesiological vision, the church is not only the church of the economically poor but also the church of the racially discriminated, the church of the sexually oppressed, and the church of the ecologically poor.

In sum, it has been shown that the term “poor” is analogous as it applies to the poor in terms of class, race, gender, and ecology. Our expanded notion of the poor has significantly broadened our understanding of the church of the poor. This realization allows us to dream of a church that includes all the poor; a church that welcomes all the poor, both the saintly and sinful ones. This ecclesiological vision challenges us to transcend our tendency to build exclusive Christian communities. It calls us to form inclusive human communities. Thus, an inclusive church of the poor is not only a Christian community within the larger human community but also as a human community within the whole ecological community of creation. After all, God’s kingdom, as well as God’s gift of community, is not only for human beings but also for the whole community of creation.

Experiences of Women who Consult at a Government Facility

Reproductive tract infections (RTIs) could affect almost anyone. They include three types of infection: sexually transmitted infections, endogenous infections and iatrogenic infections. However, they are usually perceived to be limited to sexually transmitted infections (STIs). This perception and the stigma attached to STIs would usually make a person with RTIs shy away from seeking medical attention.

Just like health and other health-related issues, RTIs are not just a medical issue. They are also related to the way society looks at women and men, the way the government allocates funds for health and social services and the way women and men relate with each other and themselves.

Experiences shared during workshops on women and health conducted by women’s groups with urban poor and factory women reveal that health workers are nor sensitive to women’s health needs, not only in the kind of services offered but also in the quality of care given.

Most health programs do not take into account women’s perceptions and experiences of health conditions that affect women. This has resulted in programs and services that are not adequate and do not appropriately respond to women’s health needs.

This study looked into the experiences of women with vaginal discharges who consulted health workers at a government hospital. The perceptions of health workers towards women’s experiences with vaginal discharges were also explored.

This study hoped to give attention and importance to women’s perceptions and experiences of the discharge, including their experiences of the response of the government health facility to their illness.

General Objective

To manually develop with health-care providers, women’s groups and health teaching institutions appropriate recommendations and commitments to address specific health needs of women.

Specific Objectives

1. To describe women’s experiences of vaginal discharge in terms of:
1.1 local illness terms used
1.2 characteristics, severity, duration
1.3 other signs and symptoms experienced with the discharge
1.4 perceived cause(s) of the discharge
1.5 effect(s) of the discharge
1.6 health-seeking behavior
1.7 experiences at the government health facility

2. To describe health workers’
2.1 knowledge and perceptions of vaginal discharge
2.2 perceptions towards women with vaginal discharge
2.3 health-giving behavior

Methodology

This study was a short-term, explanatory and descriptive study conducted from June 1996 to November 1996. The study site was limited to Zamboanga City.

Ten women with vaginal discharges who consulted health workers at the health facility and four health workers assigned to the OB-Gyne section of the outpatient department of the health facility participated in the research.

The following methods were used:
1. key informant interviews
2. in-depth sharing sessions
3. non-participant observation
4. round table discussion

Summary of Findings

1. The research participants did not mention local illness terms for problematic discharge. The discharge was described according to characteristics and was related to other health problems. Vaginal discharge becomes problematic primarily when it has affected one’s capacity to function within and outside the home.

2. The women attributed the cause of the discharge to several related causes. Such causes reflected the kind of situation the women are in.

3. The discharge affected the women in many ways. Fear, shame and anxiety outweighed women’s concerns for their physical health.

4. Women’s health-seeking behavior includes self-treatment and then consulting other people (family, relatives, traditional birth attendants and healers, medical practitioners).

5. While some women found some health-care providers kind, most of the women had unpleasant experiences. They perceived health-care providers as insensitive and inconsiderate of their experiences.

6. Women’s health-seeking behavior was affected by the stigma attached to vaginal discharges, their explanatory models of the illness, the experiences they had at the hospital as well as by the existing social, economic and political situation.

7. The health-care providers identified microorganisms as the main infections. They perceived RTIs to be primarily sexually transmitted.

8. The health-care providers” information and knowledge regarding RTIs are mainly based on what they learned in medical and midwifery schools. Abnormal vaginal discharge, as a symptom, is discussed under sexually transmitted diseases.

9. The health-care providers knew that women resort to self-treatments or traditional healers before consulting health workers at the health workers at the health facilities. They perceive home and traditional treatment measures to be ineffective.

10. Most of the women who consulted at the hospital for vaginal discharge were married. This has reinforced the health-care providers’ perception of abnormal vaginal discharge as affecting mostly sexually active women.

11. Health-care providers treated the disease based on the signs and symptoms manifested, including results of laboratory exams. However, they neglected to consider the non-medical aspects of the disease, which include taking into account relationships between women and their partners, women’s situations within the home, and women’s feelings during the consultation.

12. The health-care providers’ health-giving behavior was influenced by their own explanatory models of the disease, their training, the situation within the hospital setting as well as the existing social, economic and political situation.

Recommendations

Women’s health is limited not only to the absence of disease or ailments but also refers to women’s total well being. Women’s health operates in the context of a socio-cultural, political and economic system. It is also affected by the context of power relations between men and women, and between classes.

This means that the management and/or prevention of reproductive health problems like RTIs should not he limited to just treating the disease. Measures should also include non-medical means which should involve the efforts of people from different disciples and sectors.

A. As a Center for Wellness, and with its goal of “veering away from disease-based vertical approaches towards comprehensive and people-oriented initiatives focusing on high risk groups such as women and children”, the health facility should work towards improvement of its services and the quality of care it gives.

1. Specifically, interaction between the women and health care providers could still be improved in the following areas:

1.1 women’s privacy, especially at the examining room. Provision of adequate curtains be made including one at the doorway. A partition should be provided between examining table and the sink so that when other persons use the sink, the women’s right to privacy will not be violated.

1.2 appropriate and adequate information regarding her illness. Causes and effects of illness should be explained, including the importance of the treatment that will be given and procedures that will be done. Preventive measures should also be discussed. Results of laboratory examinations should also be explained. In cases where the women’s discharges are related to a STI, adequate information should be given, especially regarding the importance of having their parents treated.

1.3 experiences of the illness should be taken into consideration and incorporated into the diagnosis and treatment. Women should be asked regarding measures they have already taken before consulting at the hospital. Affirm measures that were found to be effective while at the same time explaining the importance of considering other forms of treatment, including doctor-prescribed treatments. Encourage  the women to ask questions. Cultural diversity should be considered.

1.4 scheduling next visit of patients on days the residents are on duty at the OPD. This is essential for monitoring and to establish rapport between women and health-care providers. The women may not be there on time on the scheduled date; but knowing that the same doctor will see them when they consult him/her will assure  the women that the doctor genuinely cares about them as women and not as mere patients. This will also encourage the women to come back on the scheduled date.

1.5 respect for women’s feelings of shame, fear and anxiety, especially when asked to spread their legs for and internal exam. Explaining the procedure and why it has to be done will help put the women at ease.

1.6 women’s feelings regarding being seen by a male physician. Their feelings and their desire to be seen by a female physician should be respected. When the women are to be examined by a male physician, even with their consent, always have a third person inside the examining room. This could be the clinic midwife or the woman’s companion.

1.7 duty hours of residents. They should be in the clinic by two in the afternoon and stay on until four. This will allow more time between women and health-care providers.

2. The needs of the health-care providers should also be looked into and addressed. Measures should be taken to ease the workload of the residents. There is the need to employ more residents so that the workload could be distributed. Conducting stress-tension reduction sessions are also recommended.  Health-care providers should also be asked how the present health-care delivery system at the health facility could be improved. They should also be encouraged to advocate for necessary improvements that need to be made.

3. Strategies should be developed to integrate the prevention, diagnosis and treatment of RTIs into programs on women which are already existing: family planning, women’s help desk, menopause clinic. This includes the implementation of measures that would improve coordination of the above mentioned programs. At the family planning clinic, appropriate and adequate screening procedures should be done before IUDs (or other contraceptives) are inserted (or advised). Women with abnormal discharges should also be asked regarding problems like abnormal discharges. It is suggested that the OB-Gyne department of the hospital take the lead role in coordinating activities that pertain to women’s health especially, reproductive health.

4. At a training hospital, it is recommended that women’s health with RTIs as focus , should be part of the training program of the OB-Gyne. Discussions should also involve other health-care providers. Discussions on women’s should also include the non-medical aspects related to it, particularly the social, economic and political aspects of health. Venues should also be created to allow the health care providers to examine their own perceptions of sexuality and gender relations. This is necessary to enable residents to appropriately deal with sexuality and gender power as well as interpersonal relations affecting the prevention and management of reproductive health problems. Trainings should also emphasize doctor-women relations which should be respectful, private and non-discriminatory.

5. Residents should also be encouraged to go into multi-disciplinary qualitative and quantitative researches on women’s health. One area for research could be finding out what women do for health problems they experience and their reasons. Findings and learning from the research will contribute to deeper understanding of women’s situation. During fieldwork, the researches had chances to talk with quite a number of women who consulted health workers at the health facility for vaginal bleeding. Residents could also look into this area.

6. The health facility has conducted several training sessions on the prevention and management of certain diseases for community health workers of an urban poor program. It is recommended that it also include in its training sessions topics like patients’ rights, women’s health and socio-economic and political aspects of health. This is one way of fulfilling its mandate as a center of wellness and not only for treatment.

B. The training of health-care providers has been identified to influence the way they deal with women. The medical curriculum has focused more on the biomedical aspects of health which has led to a lot of medicalization. It is recommended that health teaching institutions include in their curriculum modules the social, cultural, and political aspects of health. A holistic approach to health-care teaching should tackle issues and concerns like violence against women and relate this to women’s health. Lay perceptions of health and illness, as well as prevention and practices, should also be considered. Health education should also be capability of women (and men) to make decisions regarding their health and make sure that the information given by the health-providers influence people’s decision-making. Community organizing for health should also be part of the training and education of would-be health-care providers.

C. Organizations that work with people’s organizations should examine the kind of programs they have. Particular attention should be given to women-centered, gender-responsive programs that take into account women’s experiences. Education and training programs should include the following: comprehensive understanding of women’s health, sexuality, violence against women, reproductive rights, health reproductive rights, health of adolescents and maturing women. Discussions should also include rights of women to informed treatment and body awareness, recognizing and being cognizant of women’s perceptions of their bodies and how their bodies function. Emphasis should also be given to the importance of women’s health, taking into account the different languages spoken in the area. Women and their communities should be encouraged to develop individual and collective resources, including their capabilities and rights to demand from the government the services necessary for the promotion of health. This also includes the inclusion of women’s perspectives in the development and implementation of health policies and services. This implies that community-based organizations should advocate for increased participation of women health care and health policy.

D. Areas for further research

Multi-disciplinary research in the following areas is encouraged:

– health-care practices of health problems by different ethnic groups in Zamboanga peninsula

– women’s and men’s perceptions regarding the body and how it functions (include local terms for body parts)

– indigenous methods for preventing pregnancy

– health-care providers’ explanatory models of reproductive health problems (midwives at local health units, nurses, physicians who intend to specialize in OB-Gyne, OB-Gyne Specialists)
– health-seeking behavior for reproductive health problems of health-care providers.

– experiences of women of health delivery systems, particularly at the local health units

– perceptions regarding sexuality and their meanings as they relate to health.

E. Results of this exploratory study were shared with some research participants and some groups. Efforts should be made to bring together the research participants to feedback results of the study with them, including a discussion on reproductive tract infections and other issues relating to women’s health. The results and the recommendation of this study should also be shared with the following:

– health teaching institutions
– health facility personnel
– organizations working with community and people’s organizations
– other government health institutions

These groups should be asked for their commitments to address the health needs of women, particularly the implementation of the recommendations given. Furthermore, they should also be encouraged to dialogue with each other and find ways for individual and collective efforts to be made to address women’s health.

Deradicalization and the Defeat of the Feminist Movement: The Case of the Philippines

Past paradigms associate radical politics with waging a revolution that is class-based, armed, thorough-going. In the Philippines this was represented by the communist-led nationalist democratic liberation movement of the previous decades. After the fall of the socialist regimes and the split of the local leftist movement in the early 1990s, radical politics has become anyone’s claim. The national democrats, for instance, are now judged by its critics as stuck in the past, reduced from vanguard to rear guard of radical politics (Weekley 2001, 259). This viewpoint goes with the current civil society movement that debunks statism and class struggle. On the other hand, staunch proponents of revolutionary change regard civil society engagement as reformist, a cooptation with neo-liberalism.

So much harder to speak on today is feminism. While many women identify with feminist thoughts and live out in their personal lives what could be construed as feminist practice, a greater number are reluctant to be identified with feminism. Others outrightly reject the label. This can be attributed to an absence of a cohesive mass movement that engages the support and interests of women and an attendant lack of feminist theorizing to inform everyday politics.

A difficult question to ask in discussing feminist politics in the Philippines is whether the feminists of the 1980s and early 1990s fought (and were defeated) as feminists or as the women contingent of the national democratic forces. This paper argues for the latter and reiterates that: There is no longer a feminist movement to enlist oneself to in the Philippines today. The feminist and proto-feminist consciousness of the 1980s has been superseded by other competing cultures and ideologies that invaded in the aftermath of the 1990s Upheaval. Those who choose to carry on a radical position stand to be extinguished.

Feminism and the National Democratic Struggle

Women organizing in the national democratic revolution had been the task of the Malayang Kilusan ng Bagong Kababaihan (MAKIBAKA – Independent Movement of New Women). From a Women’s Bureau of the Kabataang Makabayan (Patriotic Youth) in 1969, the national democratic organization’s women department grew into the MAKIBAKA in 1970, which later became the nationwide organization of women, mostly youth and students. In 1972 it changed its name to Makabayang Kilusan ng Bagong Kababaihan (Patriotic Movement of New Women) to emphasize the national democratic intent of the organization. During the Martial Law years MAKIBAKA activists were deployed all over the country to build a basic alliance of women across all sectors of society, specifically the workers, peasants and lower petty bourgeoisie to support the goals of the revolution. MAKIBAKA women became the progenitors of the national democratic feminism that always laid great stress on the need to unify. One of the oldest calls of this tradition is to combat wrong ideas that work against the solid unity of the oppressed class.

Many women writers trace the beginnings of the women’s movement in the Philippines to the anti-colonial struggle of 1890 when the revolutionary movement Katipunan produced heroes like Gregoria de Jesus, Teresa Magbanua, Melchora Aquino and Gabriela Silang (Pagaduan 1993, 106). While there had been various movements pushing for the advancement of women’s rights since 1891 when the right to vote was first waged by middle-class women, in contemporary time, the women’s movement was strongest from the mid-1980s to the beginning of the 1990s. Feminist critic Delia Aguilar (1993, 94) ascribed this to the declining influence of the Left, as well as the macho stance of the revolutionary movement at its height. At the time autonomous2 organizations were sprouting and GABRIELA, then claiming around a 100-member national federation of women-organizations, was leading the mobilizations of grassroots women and making national issues such as the U.S. bases, human rights, foreign debt, IMF-WB, etc. women’s issues. GABRIELA held sole claim to pursuing a “Third World feminism” that assigns gender oppression to problems of poverty and underdevelopment. Guided as it was by the national democratic project, GABRIELA sought to bridge head-on the inherently tense relations between women’s distinct concerns and pressing national interests (Aguilar 1993, 92).

As a federation of women organizations, GABRIELA has always been criticized as primarily a national democratic formation, rather than a feminist organization. As a movement, it had no autonomous agenda but anchored on the program of the national democrats. That GABRIELA’s mass organizations dispersed following the momentary demise of the national democratic agenda in 1993 must lend credence to this. While there were independent women’s movements that surfaced in the 1980s, these did not have GABRIELA’s number and mass character. These groups were easily dismissed by the national democrats as Western-influenced bourgeois feminist formations.

In the Philippines, women’s training in political struggles has always been in support of broader movements for freedom and democracy. The most intensive and extensive training they’ve had was in the national democratic struggle of the 1970s and 1980s. As enlistees to this cause, their first commitment was for the advancement of the revolution. As Aguilar asserts, “tied as it was to the orthodox Marxism guiding Party praxis,” feminism did not find a friendly home in the national democratic revolution (and in MAKIBAKA in particular) (Aguilar 1993, 92). The national democratic strut e of the previous decades always subordinated all other axes of oppression (gender, ethnicity, environment) to class strut: e. If a feminist consciousness did not fully develop in the women’s movement a good part of the blame can probably be laid on this continuing alliance with the male-dominated leadership of the national democratic movement (Angeles, cited in Aguilar 1993, 133).

Despite its hostility to feminism, the culture of radicalism fomented by the national democratic revolution brought on tremendous changes in the lives of people who were involved in struggle. Relationships were restructured as the needs of the revolution came first. Comradeship was replacing other bonds based on bourgeois institutions, and the nuclear-patriarchal family, although still regarded even by revolutionists as a site for reproduction (and women seen as bearers of sons who would carry on the struggle) was being complemented by the bigger family – the collective.; A proletarian worldview was being developed, denigrating middle-class values and institutions and condemning bourgeois consumerism and other MNC-friendly tendencies.

Retrenchments in the Camp: From Feminism to Genderism

The “post-revolutionary era” following the defeat of the national democratic program in the 1990s was a period of vigorous search for alternatives to past paradigms. While activists looked for “interstices and spaces within the political system to advance the progressive agenda” (FOPA 1993, 7), the Ramos government was hastening the country’s integration into the world market. Development aid poured into the country, a big bulk of which was re-channeled through non-government organizations. Activists were getting “new money” to do development work with and a whole new set of NGO jargon developed along with the new formations and relationships. With the passing into law of the Local Government Code of 1991, non-government organizations and people’s organizations were given more power in development policies. Gender projects likewise proliferated, redeploying feminist energies into new programs. This signaled the absorption of feminist-activists into aid agency structures.

With adequate support from funding agencies abroad, the women enterprise branched out into several directions: peace advocacy (gender and peace), eco-feminism (gender and environment), children’s rights, women spirituality, gender and micro-enterprise development, VAW (violence against women), and so on. This broadening of perspective worked two ways: it opened up more avenues to coalesce and work with other groups in important social issues; on the other hand, it further diffused if not finished off the unconsolidated feminist agenda.

This shift in political practice fell in line along the reform and renewal program being pursued by the broader progressive movement that now encouraged heterogeneity and pluralism (via participatory politics, legislation, community-based self-help projects, micro-enterprises, etc.) in development practice — in lieu of hegemonic social transformation projects. There was adequate financial support coming in this direction as traditional funding agencies were themselves reacting to what they felt to be a mistake they made in the past: backing up organizations that sought to destabilize government while incapable of responding to popular sentiments and not directly serving the socio-economic needs of the poor.

With no overarching national or class struggle to hem them in, women projects expanded, from women studies to socio-economic initiatives. Basic services likewise improved as more health centers, reproductive health clinics, and crisis centers were put up. Women desks, committees and GAD (gender and development)5 focal points were installed in both government and non-government offices – a landmark in the women’s struggle welcomed by many, but bothered some. Feminist critic Aguilar (1993, 94) expressed concern saying while it boded well for the women’s movement, it could also take an inauspicious turn of creating a (feminist) bureaucracy dependent on dole-outs from foreign sources.

As a strategy in development practice, the gender framework (also called the GAD framework) moves away from a feminist stance that challenges existing social relations (gender inequality, for one) to an accommodationist (gender) approach that tries to live within a given social order. A feminist approach is basically a political demand, while GAD is essentially an economic strategy which seeks to find relevance within the economic-development regime of the neo-liberalist era (1990s onward). In other words, GAD works within the interstices of the dominant capitalist system.

As what has been forwarded earlier, there is no longer a feminist movement in the Philippines. What we have now is a scattering of women’s causes and projects that serve women’s welfare without really hurting free-market and the neo-liberal regime on one hand, and male hegemony on the other hand. A real bane that many well-funded gender projects do is siphon off the political energies and resources of the women’s movement, contributing to a culture of indifference that is so hostile to radical politics.

In the branching out into multifarious gender interests, feminism thus becomes just one of the older twigs one need not hold on to. It is not surprising that not a few women activists now express queasiness over being called a “feminist,” others even preferring to call themselves “genderist.” Feminism is so associated with the confrontational politics of the 1980s and is seen as “anti-male,” ergo, has no place in a supposedly all-inclusive, enlightened, gender-sensitized civil society movement of the 1990s and 2000s.

Getting Rich on the Home Front?

The dismissal of the class struggle of the previous decades following the triumph of elite politics and the rise of the civil society movement in the 1990s likewise brought changes in the lifestyles of erstwhile proletarian practitioners. For one, the collective life withered away, as bourgeois institutions of old (the nuclear family, the conservative church, government) gained new ascendancy in the lives of former rebel-activists. For another, the pouring in of development money likewise created an NGO bureaucracy living under the employ of development aid, producing in turn a “new middle class” composed of activists formerly trained in the proletarian ethic of “simple living and hard struggle.” Joining them are young university graduates with varying political persuasions and vague ideas about previous social transformation projects.

The 1990s was also the time when people were trying to live down the upheaval of the previous decade. The anti-fascist struggle that claimed lives of family and friends; the discovery of the mass purges; all the aftermath of a failed revolution gave people a sense of disillusionment and a desire to withdraw from “bloody” political action. Self-transformation projects and spirituality quests, deemed to be what the last transformation project lacked, were drawing a number of ex-activists. There was also a sense among many ex-activists that the “post-conflict” climate (post-adversarial politics) might be their one opportunity to compensate for “lost time” to go back to a forsaken career, or to children and family. Guilt-tripped over past parental or filial neglect, the home gained new importance. Housing plans, educational plans, health insurance plans and car plans became “basics” as family life normalized. Under this arguably more peaceful and more affluent regime, a new (political) attitude has developed: one that attunes to, even embraces, capitalist modernity. Proletarian austerity is thus exiled, superseded by middle-class consumerism.

The Hegemony of the Family and Feminist Politics

In the Philippines, the family is decidedly a very powerful institution. The family is also the Catholic Right’s strongest argument against feminist politics. In its fight against Free Choice, for instance, it portrays the recently passed House Bill 4110 (Reproductive Health Care Act, which legalizes all forms of contraception, including post-abortion care) as the gravest threat in present time to the “sanctity of the Filipino family.” While “Third World feminism” has been always concerned with family welfare, reproductive rights and sexuality remain a thorny area that directly put it in direct collision course with the Church. The Catholic Right, in particular, shows great aversion to what it calls the “sexual revolution” ushered in by the invasion of Western products and information base via advances in telecommunications technology.

In the past, the Catholic Church had ironically been GABRIELAs moral ally, particularly in campaigns that had to do with sexual exploitation of women. Though each employed a different language,’ both the women groups and the Catholic Church are for the elimination of prostitution. The present dominance of the Catholic Right and the conservative view that looks at feminism or the idea of female independence as a toxic substance from the West has so much to do with present-day retreats and disavowals in the women’s front: There is no longer a coherent and strong voice — and a mass movement— to challenge misogyny and patriarchy. Besides, the broadening civil society movement draws forces from the multiplicity of voices from various social classes (that includes the religious and the middle-class based and conservative civic groups) that if one wanted to productively pursue advancement of equally worthy causes (e.g., anti-corporate, anti-globalization, peace, environmental protection, etc.), she has to be careful in treading the alliance ground. Feminism being a less attractive fight (since it also fights at home and fights men and bishops), some dissemblance and a little compliance had to be resorted to by practicing women advocates.

Conclusion

In the Philippines, a flowering of people’s initiatives and independent formations occurred following the crumbling of the once solid Left (due to strategic and tactical mistakes) that used to control and define the social transformation project. Abetted by a series of political reforms on the side of governments, e.g., decentralization with the enactment of the Local Government Code, and a system of representation that accommodated in Congress erstwhile state opponents and critics; the absorption of Left personalities in the Cabinet and strategic government agencies; and the pouring in of money in official development aid that has transferred billions of development money into the hands of non-government organizations; all combined to change the face of dissent, what is now called deradicalization. The defeat of adversarial radical politics in favor of an accommodationist, even cooptative, reformist politics. Taking place in an expanding job market and a flow of cheaper consumer goods (thanks both to trade liberalization), not to mention a climate of peace and greater “political freedom” (barring class politics) a better life seems to be “on sale.” The erstwhile activists (a good number of them, anyway), having left class politics and the trenches and having now joined the ranks of the middle class are inevitably trapped into reproducing a way of life that maintains middle-classness. Needless to say, they contribute to the creation of a neoconservative political climate.

For the feminist movement that always rallied behind the once national democratic cause, the defeat of the once Solid Left in the 1990s led to political disarticulation, disorganized the women forces, and demobilized them for a while. With the loss of the Left hegemony and with the emergence of pluralist politics (as encouraged by the State and adequately funded by Churches and governments abroad eager to sponsor political democratization and economic development in the country), new opportunities have been opened for their specific agenda to be heard. However, the sponsorship of gender by development organizations (and the concomitant resources allotted it), and its adoption by government (and the policies and laws enacted to support it) while helping to boost the women’s chances to be accommodated in the male structures of development discourse and processes, also co-opted them. Feminist dissent has been reined in – chastened and placated into complacency and compliance by the laws and institutions that are responsible for their subordination, in the first place. So that even as these women formations struggle to advance their gender interests, their own (feminist) energies get diffused in supposedly more encompassing projects: in the anti-corporate and anti-globalization movement; and in more “compassionate” projects (read as not anti-male): in the peace movement, in the gender and environment movement, in children’s rights, in welfare projects and socio-economic endeavors that do not carry a specifically feminist agenda. All these to reconcile women with, rather than question and challenge, traditional roles that spell their oppression. As feminist causes get institutionalized and the women’s movement relocated to the academe, government offices and other such safe places, adversarial politics and the equality project it seeks to install are demolished. For anyone who insists to stand by this oppositional politics, she stands to lose.

The International Situation of Women

In an unprecedented and historical meeting of almost 15,000 women in Nairobi, Kenya, the United Nations marked the end of the International Decade of Women. Two conferences, governmental and non-government, were convened to assess the decade’s accomplishments, with regard to the themes set, namely, Equality, Development and Peace.

The Non-governmental Organization Forum (NGO), scheduled 1,000 workshops within an eight-day period, setting the frantic pace for the delegates who had to care for their own workshops and to sit in others that caught their interest.

From the very start, the NGO Conference, called FORUM ’85 was already hounded by events that reflected the circumstances surrounding the true status of women in the world today. For example, there ware clear pronouncements from the organizers that the women should steer clear of political issues and should limit themselves to purely women problems. The angry reply from progressive delegates was that women’s problems were political in nature and therefore it was inevitable that political issues would be brought out. In electric workshops ranging from breastfeeding, to prostitution, to revolutionary struggles, delegates evaluated the UN countries’ gains and losses in the past ten years.

Equality

In the last few years, more and more women have come to realize that society treats them structurally and systematically different from men. The main consequence of this “other treatment” is that women have relatively less freedom to arrange their lives according to their own wishes. There is therefore an unequal balance of power between men and women  manifesting itself in various levels of societal and personal life. For instance, women work indoors and outdoors. Indoors: doing housework, rearing children, feeding them, washing, cooking, cleaning, etc. Outdoors: working in the factory, teaching in school, selling in the market, being employed in an office, etc. Yet despite these, women are NOT a social power of any importance. Many of their tasks are unpaid and unrecognized. In Third World countries, including the Philippines, peasant women are expected to help in the weeding, planting, harvesting, tending of a vegetable garden, raising livestock, aside from rearing the children and housekeeping. Yet their contribution to farm and production is largely uncompensated. Among middle class women in the Philippine society, we see housewives employed in the offices at the same time earning extra on the side by doing a little buy and sell business. Her efforts may result to her getting higher income or bringing home bigger pay compared to that of her husband. Yet she is considered a secondary wage earner.

The widespread concept that women are supplementary income earners has further hindered women’s struggle for higher pay and equal opportunities in promotion. That women are secondary wage earners is really a myth, for lately, with more and more men being laid off, more and more women have become the major or only wage-earners. Coupled with the woman’s inherent resourcefulness and initiative, her salary plus other income may result in a higher take home pay than that of her husband.

Education wise, throughout much of the developing world, school is still considered a luxury to be enjoyed primarily by boys.  Although worldwide it is reported that school attendance by girls has risen, still when choices are made as to who gets educated first, the girls have to bow to traditional home decisions that boys have the priority. At present when tuition fees have soared beyond the capabilities of low-income families, many girls will be made to drop out of school.

Unequal opportunities are also the lot of women. In a workshop on working women, some issues were raised: Why is it that multinational companies not only prefer to employ women in their factories but are also increasingly making use of homeworking? Why is an advanced technology being coupled with a pre-industrial form of labor? Why do women, irrespective of their level of education, get recruited into low-skilled and low-paying jobs?

The women who tried to answer these questions countered by saying that the value of women’s work is defined by an ideology which circumscribes their role in the family and by male definitions of feminity. Whereas men are given that status of “real” workers outside the home, the “breadwinner” role which renders them the titular “head of the household, women’s work and attitudes are redirected by their supposed primary roles as wives, mothers, and careers. Even many of their professional roles- in schools, hospitals, and the social services- are seen as extensions of their roles as teachers of their own children, nurses at home, and careers of the home and heart. Although they have vital tasks in any society, they are generally undervalued and underpaid. In this way, women’s subordinates position is sustained through their financial dependence on a higher male income.

Seeing women’s role as domestic also contributes to justify inadequate education and training facilities and lack of promotion for  women. They are not supposed to mind boring and repetitive jobs and are supposed to be unsuited to the acquisition of “trained skills.”

Women who lose their jobs in factories are often unwilling or unable to return to their families in the provinces. They remain in the areas around the factories. For lack of income, they are forced into prostitution as their only means of survival.

The issue inequality is most blatant in the case of women’s situation in the labor market. Filipino women constitute more than of our 56 million population. But until now, they comprise only 1/3 of the recognized labor force. Housework is not counted in the computation of the GNP. In Europe, there is an ongoing movement to recognize housework as part of the productive labor force and to seek compensation from the government for these efforts. These European women announced that on October 24 they will leave their homes, leave their children in the care of a few women, and they will stay in the park not doing any washing, cooking, cleaning or any other housework for at least one day if only to dramatize the importance of housework.

Last week, I saw on TV, a short film clip on housework and how such  a particular household task would cost if we were to put a price tag on it. For example, it enumerated certain tasks and the equivalent amount they deserve: tutoring a grade schooler on his homework, so many dollars; taking care of a sick baby, so many dollars; ironing the husband’s shirts; another set of dollars; and so on and so forth. The amount totaled was staggering, supporting the claim that housework is that the valuable and that underestimated.

In its Nairobi report, NEWSWEEK magazine says that today, women perform 2/3 of the world’s work but earn only 1/100 of its income and own less than 1/100 of its property. Representing half of the world’s population, women still remain bound by cultural, political and economic  constraints that prevent them from becoming full equals of men. Nowhere is women’s burden heavier than in the Third World; which brings us to the second theme of the decade, development.

Development

Here in Mindanao where rural areas highly underdeveloped, women wage a desperate war against the incursion of multinational companies and the consequences of their profit hungry activities. In areas which have been hamletted or bombed chemically, the forced evacuations have caused loss of land and property and even loss of lives. In cases where husbands or other male members of the family have been arrested, detained or even salvaged, many women have been forced to become major wage-earners for their families and at the same time to follow-up cases of those arrests and detentions. Poverty is so common that many young women have gone to the city or urban centers in the hope of finding jobs but often end up as exploited domestic help or worse, as hostesses in bars and nightclubs, or even prostitutes in military bases and tourist belts.

In the name of development, Third World countries prostitute, literally and figuratively, their natural and human resources. The tourism business in our country wittingly or unwittingly promotes the exploitation and degradation of women and children alike. In military bases, in tourist spots in Metro Manila, and in resorts like Puerto Galera or Buracay, children from 9 to 14 years of age fall prey to the evil needs of European and Japanese men who take advantage of the extreme poverty of the people. If this is not sanctioned by our government, why do we have offices that give licenses to these prostitutes? Why are there free VD clinics to check the hospitality girls? In its new pursuit of the all powerful dollar, the Marcos administration has wittingly or unwittingly encouraged prostitution in all forms- mail order brides, tourism hospitality girls, even overseas employment.

Also in the name of development, there is a new phenomenon in the world today called the international division of labor. The last 15 years have seen growing internationalization of industries that traditionally depended heavily on women’s work, such as the textile and garment industry, electronics factories, and miscellaneous manufacturers which include toys, sports goods, etc. Women are now working worldwide in a global assembly line: from the Levi Strauss factory in Tenessee, USA to the Levi Strauss Jeans Factory in Glasgow, Scotland to the Levi Strauss factory in Manila. Then there is the electronic chip plant in Silicon Valley, California, to the micro-chip plant in Silicon Geln, Scotland to the micro-chip plant in the Penang Free Trade Zone in Malaysia. Large firms such as Sony, Philipps, and Motorola have relocated their production from the first world countries play an active role here. They set up free trade zones to attract the off-shore assembly firms to produce under sub-contract for the first world. It is interesting to note, however, that the important stages of production are in the first world while the function of assembling only is given to the third world factories. Let’s take the case of the micro electronic components industry. The work of designing and fabricating the chips is retained in the first world countries. It is the labor intensive process of assembling the chips into wiring harness to make components which is relocated to the third world. The capacity to initiate technological in the industry remains largely in USA and Japan.

Today, for women working worldwide in labor intensive factory jobs, divisions are created by the ever-present possibility of jobs being relocated. The threat is “if you don’t accept the wages and conditions we offer, and produce the output we require, then we will lose orders, and we will close down, we will move elsewhere.” Because the women are numerous and eager to keep the jobs they need badly, they become willing to work twice as hard for a smaller fraction of the wages. American women are set in competition with  Mexican women pitted against those in Southeast Asia; those in Southeast Asia against those in China. The irony is that everywhere, women are designated as cheap labor in comparison to men. They are regarded as less skilled, although they have “nimble outbursts” and had better be discouraged from joining unions, “just in case.”

Although the global assembly line does in some ways divide women, it also gives woman some things in common. They are exploited in these assembly lines. Poverty in the third world countries has forced women to take and guard any jobs they get- therefore high production targets are imposed, long working hours required, low wages endured, harsh working conditions experienced as management techniques characterized by patriarchy and racism are patiently endured by these women who need the jobs badly. Even very harsh working conditions that threaten their health are undergone by women who need to be able to continue working. For example in a factory in Barnsley, England, which makes tennis balls, women workers were poisoned by chemical fumes. Six hundred altogether were affected and 24 were made to stay in the hospital for some time. In India, asbestos workers have very few anti-pollution or dust control measures. Here in the Philippines, a similar asbestos factory has a been accused of not providing safety measures for its workers. In most factories especially in electronic plants, the areas are very clean. In most Export Processing Zones, such as in Malaysia, India and Thailand, the health risks are so great for workers that most women are laid off when they are about 23 years old. It means they have reached the end of their capacity to work. These are usually women in heavy duty garment factories. In Hongkong, a study was done in 1981 on electronic workers. It was found that 90.2% of those using microscopes had eye strains, and those who had been working there for a long time were in danger of losing their eyesight. They were all women.

The Philippine government’s report on the status of women shows that more women have been employed these past ten years compared to the period before 1975.  It is true, but what kind of work have they gotten into? A British manufacturing company established in the Bataan Processing Zone has materials coming from Hongkong but the labor  is Filipino. Why? At least ten Filipino workers can be had for  the price of one British worker. This is supposed to be development, but for whom? So much is invested in projects that enhance the prestige or tourism of a third world country, but little attention is given to basic services like water system, transportation, health care and the like.

Peace

To stress the theme of Peace, a peace tent was set up in the University of Nairobi campus, the site of the Conference. Easily one of the most popular places in the ares, it accommodated  discussions, debates, spontaneous sharing, formal  press conferences and informal dialogues on the controversial issue of Peace. The university of this topic affecting so many women in many countries today, drew a lot of support so much so that on the third day of the Conference, the Kenyan Government, threatened to close it down. Only when the NGO Coordinator, Dame Nita Barrows threatened that if the Peace Tent were closed down she would close down the entire Forum, did harassments of the Peace Tent stop. However, the number of military men in plain clothes tripled in the following days:

This kind of action is typical of numerous events manifesting the many faces of militarization in liberationists countries today. State violence against women is rampant but is most intensely felt in countries for genuine liberation. In Nicaragua, El Salvador, Chile, Guatamala, Erytria, Zimbabwe and in our Philippines, more and more women are uniting and openly fighting the effects of militarization in their own nations. Yet peace is a ticklish issue. The Philippine government’s report did not include any details about peace. In a sincere attempt to explain the true condition of Filipino women especially in highly militarized areas like Mindanao, GABRIELA, presented a special report on peace entitled, “Peace Is An Illusion.” Cutting across all sectors of Philippine society, the issue of peace is a dream most avidly desired by the sectors. The peasant women are losing land, property, husbands, children, and brothers in their fight for survival against elements such as the military, paramilitary units, and armed fanatical groups.

The labor sector encounters the force and might of military power as they exercise their right to strike, picket, or express their grievance against an unjust and unfair management. The crackdown on labor continues as more and more workers who are suffering under the intensifying economic crisis are airing their legitimate demands. The urban poor women are in constant fear for their own safety as well as that of their families as raids, zoning, strafings, and salvaging become ordinary occurrences in communities.

Tribal Filipino women suffer in the hands of military forces who come with the incursion of multinational companies that grab their tribal land and destroy their indigenous way of life. Teachers have the National Service Law to contend with, and the students, increasing campus militarization. Even church women are not exempted from the regime’s harassment and repression as more and more religious women who are involved in mass actions are accused as leftist organizers of innocent people. The middle class women who used to enjoy some amount of comfort in their lives are now the nation’s noveau poor not the noveau rich, as they become direct and indirect victims of the regime’s repression. When we look around and see children dying from hunger it is not only a scandal but a grave mortal sin against God and the people.

Peace is truly an illusion in the Philippines. In a country that has more than 750 recorded political detainees, more than a hundred are women. This tragic state I have become personally involved in since the arrest of my husband, and since I joined FREEDOM. In Bicutan, political prisoners are called public order violators, a clear indication of the regime’s denial of the existence of political prisoners.

The End Results of the Forum

It is unfortunate that the United Nations did not look at the non-governmental forum as a meeting of the minds so significant as to warrant a plenary session with a synthesis and a collation of resolution. In the absence of this, women delegates, nevertheless agreed to meet again five years from now to assess once again their  decision to implement concrete programs that sprung from their decade get-together. The consciousness-raising will have to give way to specific action to ensure women’s health. economic quality, true development, political clout, and genuine liberation. The solidarity expressed by women from the first world countries for the suggle of the third world was truly inspiring and the warm embrace of statehood by other liberationists countries was enough to assure the women that they are not fighting a lonely battle against oppression and exploitation.

We, in the Philippines should begin to cast away the centuries old feudal traditions that tied us to home, that limited our growth, and that reinforced the feudal, patriarchal mentality that women are dependent on men, and inferior to them. We should join other women who have awakened to the reality that unless they participate int he struggle against all forms of domination and oppression, we cannot attain dignity and true freedom. If we are concerned not only about our own happiness but also that of our children, and their children after them we have to take our place  in the national struggle for liberation. The decade just ended, but for us, the task building a new nation is just beginning. The forces of imperialism must be banished from our shores for they will dehumanize not only the women, but even our own men. Together with other Filipinos advocating democracy, nationalism and independence, let us all be one in our struggle for true change.

Women’s Narratives of a Micro-Disaster: The Flash Flood in Colongulo Surallah, South Cotabato.

On the night of 6 September 1995 at around 7:30, people in Allah Valley heard a loud bang in the direction of the peak of Parker Volcano. Little did that know it was the beginning of a nightmare for those living in the barangays along Allah River.

The Global Volcanism Network Bulletin v. 20, no.9, September 1995 reports:

The overflow of Maughan Lake, the crater lake at Parker Volcano, followed heavy rains associated with a passing typhoon and caused flash flodding in NW-flank Allah River, which drains the crater Lake from 1,000 m. down to 540 m. elevation (Barangay New Dumangas, T’boli, South Cotabato Province). Below this point it was transformed into a sheetwash. The floods killed more than 60 people, destroyed 300 homes and nine bridges, and displaced 50,000 people…

The numberof casualties and extent of damage to properties were unimpressive, even neglible, compared to the past calamities like the eruption of Mt. Pinatubo in Luzon and Typhoon Uring in Ormoc. This must be very reason why a few days after being the center of media coverage, we never heard of the tradegy again. It can also be noted that only one barangay, New Dumangas, was mentioned in the news.

Most often, the misfortunes of unknown people in unknown places are never recorded.. Considered minor events, they are soon forgotten, except by those most directly affected by the micro-disaster.

The flash flood took place five years ago, but I am still haunted by the faces of the women whom I met the day after the flood. Deeply etched on their faces were the burden and pain of what they had gone through. The experiences stored in their memory, as well as, in their body are precisely what have remained with them when everything else is gone: home, land, properties. But the “official story: of disasters generally overlooks women’s experiences as victims as well as responders (Enarson and Morrow 1997).

This paper therefore aims to make space and give voice to these women so their experiences are heard and known. This will as well give them the much-needed opportunity to find meanings in their experiences as part of their life and eventually to be able to form out of theses experiences a cohesive whole. As Portelli (1998) writes “What is really important is that memory is not a passive depository of facts, but an action process of creation of meanings.”

Women are caregivers and attend to most of the household chores. In the rural areas, they work in the fields along with men. Thus women experiences are valuable to understand better households and communities hit by disaster (Enarson and Morrow 1997, 116).

This paper is also an appeal to concerned government officials, as well as, concerned men and women to see the plight of micro-disaster people, to be part of their stories and empower them to rise above their present predicament.

Barangay Colongulo, The Site

Colongulo was once home for the T’bolis ruled by Datu Dianon. The abundance of cogon grass, which the T’bolis call “colon” and lemon grass, which they call “gob”, gave the place its name Colongulo, also spelled Colongolo. It is one of the barangays of Surallah, a first class municipality in South Cotabato, the breadbasket of the south. (See map on the PDF Form, Page 2)

In 1949, the first batch of Christian settlers arrived in Colongulo when it was still a sitio of Barangay Centrala. They won the goodwill of ‘Datu Dianon and the other datus of the surrounding sitios of Ela, Mahe, Lamtangan and Colombarinong and were allowed to make Colongulo their home.

The second batch of settlers mostly from Antique came in 1953. This explains why Colongulo is predominantly Antiqueno. What became of the datus is not known, but the present Colongulo does not have any of its original T’boli inhabitants.

Traversing the length of . Barangay Colongulo, Allah River is the source of water for the irrigation system, bringing prosperity to the fast growing agricultural barangay. Until September 1995.

Being There

Initially my purpose in conducting interviews in Colongulo was solely to comply with the requirements for my course in Anthropology of Map showing Colongulo and the other barangays of Surallah.
Development. I stayed there on 27 and 28 January 2001, armed with a tape recorder and photos, which I had taken of the place the day after the flash flood in September 1995. I found myself more of a pilgrim than a researcher. I had come again to the place I knew as a teenager. One thing I have in common with people: we have the remembrance of the Colongulo of old.

I interviewed seven women although I had planned originally to interview only five. The narration of the experiences gave structure not only to the experiences but also to the research encounter (Becker 1997). Thus, the two other women who happened to be there during the interview shared their story spontaneously when they heard the narration of the others. I chose the women randomly as to their availability and willingness to be interviewed. Their ages ranged from 34 to 64 years old. Two men in their 60s, husbands of two of the women, and two men in their 30s were also present during the interviews. They corroborated the stories of the women.

The women’s narratives are quoted verbatim from the Ilonggo transcription of the interviews. Sentiments are social realities that provide valuable data for what people want for themselves, as “feelings are facts”. Thus, the feelings of the women as they call to memory and analyze what happened to them serve as the building blocks of their narratives.

Memories

One of the women I interviewed was a schoolmate who recalled with nostalgia:
The shape of the river was so beautiful. Its crystal water and the big boulders lining the banks made it an ideal place for swimming and picnics. There were a lot of fruit trees, rich rice fields…

The photos, which I showed to the interviewees, elicited mixed emotions. There was the excitement of recalling where the houses once stood, the bumper crops they enjoyed, the neighbors they treated as brothers/sisters and their luck to own lands near the river. Adelina, choking with emotions pointed out in the photos her lost house saying:

We had a house here. It was about half kilometer away from the dam. With one and a half hectares of irrigated land, we had more than enough. We still had savings.

Automatically the photos led them to the narration of what actually took place on the night of the flash flood. Aurora had this to say of her experience:

We had a fishpond, which had been pawned to us by Mr. Bernal. We were about to harvest in a few days time when the flood washed it all away. Four of us, all fishpond owners, suffered the same fate. Along with our fishpond was our rice field.

Aurora must have wanted to hide her pain as she punctuated her sentences with uneasy laughter. She kept on stroking the hair of her daughter on her lap, who was just four months old during the flash flood. Her narration above reveals the relative prosperity she and her family enjoyed, thus it explains how the experience must have deeply affected them. She continued her story:

It was drizzling like any other day. My husband, a barangay councilor, was having a drink with his friends after a day’s work of repairing our house. The wife of one of the men came to fetch him as the water level of the river was rising up fast. He and my husband wasted no time. They immediately went out to wake the people up. They warned them not to sleep but to keep watch of the riverbank.

The moon was bright and people started running frantically to the higher grounds. That was around 7:45 pm. Fear seized us. We did not want to leave our house but we felt the danger of the water that was already sweeping away our neighbor’s house. The river was a raging torrent. Our driver took the children and me to my mother’s house which was on the safer side of the barangay. We evacuated there, and my sister’s family, who came from the other side of the irrigation lining, joined us. The water in the irrigation canal overflowed and washed out some of the houses. We spent a sleepless night…

The following day, we went back to see our house that was still standing but the house we had near the fishpond was completely gone. Good, we did not sleep there as we used to do.

Our dog drowned, as my husband was busy waking up people. He was not able to see his farm before the flood. Big fishes swam out from our fishpond. We really lost everything.

Aurora’s family suffered maximum damage in terms of loss of source of livelihood as the flood occurred when both the fishpond and the rice field were about to be harvested.

When I interviewed Flora, her husband Jose and her two sons were looking at the photos. Flora kept sighing, feeling their great loss. She kept on enumerating the names of the people who owned the houses and lands that had become just heaps of sand in the photos. While the experience was in a sense personal, the story telling and story sharing made it communal (Alejo 2000, 149).

Flora narrated:
It was a Wednesday night. The rain was pouring. We were watching TV and we were not aware of what was happening. At first it was just a drizzle, so we continued watching TV until 10:00 pm.

Barangay Councilor Soliva was on a tricycle informing everyone that the water already covered the bridge.

Her husband Jose interjected:
Our house cannot be seen here in the photos but it was exactly towards this side. There were many houses, mostly of the Pentecostals. Among them was the house of the son in-law of Tay Mamer. This one was the farm and house of Dr. Habaluyas. She was staying there. (Jose pointing at Remedios who happened to be there in their house during the interview.)

Of course, we were very scared as (the radio station) DHKR was warning us to take precautions. The following day Noli de Castro came here on his way to Lake Maughan. My sons were tending our carabaos when they overheard his plan of crossing to Lake Maughan.

Jose’s face beamed with pride when he mentioned Noli de Castro’s visit. It seemed that a visit of a known person somehow assuaged his desire to escape momentarily from reality.

I never expected to meet Remedios there. She shared her own experiences:
I was the caretaker of Dr. Habaluyas’s property. I stayed in her farmhouse that was in an “island-island”. I was too afraid because my aged mother was with me. She could not walk, so my son, who was a bachelor, carried her across to the other side of the river. I could not cry because of my intense fear.

Then Remedios stopped for a while as if trying to recapture the intensity of that experience or she might have been trying to avoid feeling the pain of the experience as she changed the flow of her narration:
It is good if you can interview Manang Ena because her house was completely destroyed by the water It will really be a good interview because as- she got down from her house, it was swept away by a strong current.

As Remedios grappled with her emotions, Flora volunteered to tell her own story:
Kumare, we were still lucky because the irrigation canal was not overflowing yet at that time. But were it not for Unyok we could have not survived. His son is married to my daughter. They slept in our house that night…after helping us, he left his family with us and went to help his own parents. According to him, there was already water in the house when he arrived. They were able to save some of their things. Unyok was our hero.

We carried nothing When we came back to find what we could retrieve, our sack of rice was already fermented. We ran off only to save our three carabaos and ourselves. We left behind our pigs. Our neighbors promised to look after our house. All our clothes were put on top of a cabinet, and actually after a week, we got them while we were in the evacuation camp in the town proper.

As if to lighten the emotionally charged moment, Jose told an anecdote:
When my brother went out to see the extent of the flood, he said that he saw a bamboo house that got caught among the branches of a fallen tree. It was funny, as inside the house was a whole family! I did not know from where they were carried away by the flood but one thing was sure, they just woke up from sleep.

Remedios was already calm when she continued recounting her experiences. Like the other interviewees, she relativized her experience by comparing it with the more difficult situations of other people:
Kumare Conching was really pitiful. She was weeping while she was briskly making openings through the mud dikes of the rice paddies for the water to pass through. In between her sobs she kept on saying that her rice field was to be harvested the following day. We had to literally pull her away so she would leave her field immediately as the water was rising.

We did not pack our things anymore for there was water all over the place. The water level was already more than the height of the carabao. When I mounted it to cross the river, it had to swim.

One of Ate Sally’s carabaos survived the flood. We found it a day after the flood, still tied to a tree with its snout buried in the mud. It was truly a blessing to have survived because if it had been freed, it would have died.

Having said that Remedios must have regained her momentum:
There were trucks sent by the mayor for those who wanted to evacuate to town. Since I was with my grandchildren, we decided to wait for the dawn in the waiting shed.

There were many people along the roadside. They stocked all that they had saved of their houses: galvanized iron, pieces of wood… Some purposely destroyed their houses before the flood would wash them away. The roof of our house was made of cogon grass so we did not take anything. We just left.

In the afternoon of the same day, we went to the evacuation center in the town proper. DSWD and some volunteers distributed food and canned goods. Since our farm was located across Allah River, we lost a number of the few personal belongings which we had saved because we kept transferring from one place to another.

When I was leaving the house Jose showed me their cooking stove made of clay that was just outside their house:
We had this in our former house, this very same cooking stove.

Flora accompanied me to the house of Ena who was just too willing to tell her own experience about the flash flood:
Our house was near the river at the side of the road. When it started to drizzle we did not have the slightest idea that the water would rise. I only commented to my husband that there was a foul smell coming from the river.

We were here (pointing at the picture), a little further, about half a kilometer from the dam. We just got down from our house when it was swept away and I heard our neighbor shouting that the water had already reached the road. By then the water was up to our waistline… we got out from there as fast as we could…

Ena gave more details about what happened before they fled from their house:
I was with my grandchildren at that time. Imagine, there were six of theml I woke them up and I told them to cover their heads with blankets. The youngest of them who was about a little more than one year old shared the umbrella with me. We ran to a higher ground towards the direction of Pingoy’s house. The wind and rain were so strong that we could not go straight. We had to duck from time to time while running. It was already five in the morning when we reached his house. There were just the two of us, my husband and I, with six children… Their parents were also working in the mountain so we looked after their schooling.

It was good our neighbor warned us. We left our house at around 11:45 pm. It was not yet 12 midnight when our house was carried away by the flood. You can’t imagine how strong the current was.

My daughter in Manila never thought we would still be alive. The following day, I went to town and called her up. She told me she kept on crying when she heard the news from the radio. She did not expect we would be saved, knowing that the small children were with us. The eldest was only nine years old. We left everything.

Looking in the direction of the river, she held back her tears as she said:
The difficulty that we had to go through…it was really very, very difficult. It was providential that two of our neighbors helped us carry our grandchildren across the river.

This forms part of her previous narrative, which she added to complete the story of how they fled their house.

Viola, a spinster in her thirties, did not heed the flood warning. Confident that their house was on a safer ground and that the flood was just one of the usual floods that affected the barangay, she opted to stay home when everybody else ran away:
I stayed home because of our sow that was giving birth. I thought it would be just like any other flood in the past… I did not know it was that serious.

A six-year-old boy, Narciso, died. His thirty-year-old mother up to now has not recovered from a nervous breakdown.. That night, like any other night, his father was in a house across the river with his friends drinking and watching TV. When the flood came, Narciso’s mother mounted their carabao single-handedly with the two of them, the other still an infant, and crossed the river. Narciso, who was seated behind his mother, lost his grip as his mother held on to the mount and the other child… She became crazy forrshe could not forget the boy’s voice calling out to her for help. And she could not do anything.

This was the first time I heard that somebody died in Colongulo. The other women whom I interviewed confirmed this to be true. In the municipal record, three very short paragraphs mention the flood but not of any mortality. The record merely says, “though no human life was lost, properties were greatly damaged.”

Noemi, Viola’s sister, had her own remembrance of the flood. We ran and we saw the water overflowing from the irrigation canal. I went back home to get my manicure set for I was thinking more about our future. It was only on the following day that I was able to cry for I was too nervous then to remember to cry.

Rosalie, a hardworking farmer in her forties, told this story:

Eleven o’clock in the evening… somebody shouted outside our house. I thought it was a drunk. It never crossed my mind that the flood was coming. The bridge collapsed and we had to evacuate. Four days before that, one of my children was discharged from the hospital for flu. My other two children were also down with the flu so when we ran, I covered them with blankets, the only things we were able to save and, of course, a small bag where I kept my money. We even left the feeding bottle of my youngest daughter, and in the middle of the night, she started crying for it.

I was very afraid of the water. Another thing was Papang and Mamang did not know anything I looked for them among the milling crowd but I did not find them. I convinced my husband to accompany me to look for them and get milk for my baby.

I found my old parents hiding inside the house for they thought there was trouble outside as they saw people running, and they heard gunfire. Somebody fired shots for people to get out of their houses. Actually when I called for my parents to get out, it took them sometime to open the door. My father’s blood pressure shot up when I told him about the flood. He could not walk so I had to drag him out of the house…

That was four o’clock in the morning. Our house was not swept away by the flood yet so we went back to put all our clothes in the sacks. We did not have our carabaos as we left them with a caretaker in another farm so we had to carry everything on our heads. I tell you, what you cannot carry, you will carry.

It was only at three o’clock in the afternoon when our house finally fell into the water. I could not bear to watch it…it was too painful. My husband watched, but later confessed to me that when the house was falling, something seemed to pierce his heart. And when our house touched the water, his tears welled up in his eyes.

The Causes of the Flood

When asked about the cause of the flood the women said that the reasons given were mere speculations. Some reasons appeared plausible, others not. They seemed to be evading to answer the question directly, but eventually they expressed what they felt and thought about it.

Rosalie said:
They said it was an explosion. It started raining at around nine o’clock in the evening, but at eleven o’clock, it was already flooded. Only two hours of rain, we already had the flood Before, it would rain for one whole day, but we never had this big flood. It was really the biggest so far.

Jose offered an explanation:
We saw the wooden bridge along the road give way, and the debris was carried by the water current behind the darn, causing an overstop, and delivering a massive flow downstream. Of course, the water really came from Lake Maughan that is why there was a flash flood. They said dynamites were used in the explosion because they wanted to get gold underneath the lake. Very old lakes yield gold. There was a case filed by the provincial government but nothing came out of it.

Aurora was non-committal in her answer. Maybe it was because she is the wife of the present barangay captain:
I don’t know what caused the flood. They said Lake Maughan only overflowed.

The narratives of the two women showed that the impact of the flood was sudden for those whose houses were in close proximity to the irrigation dam, and gradual for those whose houses were far from the dam. This latter was the case of Rosalie whose house was about four kilometers away from the dam. She said:
Almost all of the people in the barangay evacuated. The spread of the flood was not really so sudden, it was a bit gradual. Otherwise, many would have died. I do not know what it was.

On the other hand, Flora whose house was a few meters away from the dam had a different experience:
When we went out of the house, we immediately saw the sheets of water rushing from upstream down below.

Flora’s experience was shared by the other women as gleaned from their narratives.

Slow Recovery

The people of Colongulo were affected by the flash flood in varying degrees but all the same they had to start all over again. The end of the flood was not the end of their suffering. It was just the beginning of another stage of their struggle for survival. Rosalie recalled the birth of the Core Shelter, a resettlement area where there are now around 92 families that have been given house and,lot:
Of course, the government knew that the flood destroyed our houses. A few days after the flood we put up first our temporary houses by the roadside_ On 28 September 1995, Pres. Ramos visited us, and there and then he donated an amount to purchase land for the construction of our houses. On 20 November 1995 the construction started.

According to Aurora:
The provincial government bought this land and constructed houses for us. Each lot is about 10 meters by 15 meters. Remedios had her apprehensions:

The case of this resettlement area is still going on because we do not have the title to the land yet. The former owner, Mr. Miranda, mortgaged this land to a certain Domingo Uy who showed a deed of sale and a title proving he is the owner. The provincial government has the money but does not know whom to pay. Because of this situation we do not feel secure, as we do not have the title to the land in our hands.

The governor assured us that eventually the land would be ours. While the case is going on we try to be patient and not panic as we have already invested some amount in the house.

The Core Shelter is government funded. We are around 92 families. We were given the first priority for our destroyed houses were right on the riverbanks. And then, there are 114 families that were given house and lot by the Seventh Day Adventists as second priority, for their former houses were in the danger zone and the flood also affected them.

Ena should have lived in one of the core shelters but, with the permission of concerned authorities, she swapped houses with her son who wanted to stay near the house of his in-laws. She said:
After the flood, my elder brother took us to barangay Centrala. For the sake of my grandchildren’s schooling, we stayed there for three months. I felt like an exile there as my friends were here. My son then told me to transfer as this has been given by the government. But we do not have the land title. We only have our number on the list. They said some have already sold their rights…

Resettlement policies were not laid down clearly as their main purpose was only to meet the dire need for immediate housing. Rosalie wanted to make her point so she added:
We felt very insecure when one day we heard over the radio about this land. It was mentioned that they would drive us out from here. Ah, if that happens then that will be the time that I will carry a gun. I will fight for our right to be here.

We have been here for several years now. If the government had not given us this land and house, then we would not have invested in improving the house. So far, this kind of news has stopped. Before, there was somebody who came here to monitor us because about half of the beneficiaries had sold their houses. I told them that they should only monitor those who sold their houses, as they were exactly the people whose houses were not destroyed; so they did not need these houses.

I do not know what the government will do about this. By the way, they coem here from time to time. I think they will give this to us. How can they take it back? But we do not have the title to the land. If this had been paid in cash, we would already have the certificate of ownership. Pres. Ramos gave a copy to our barangay captain. That was the only copy that was supposed to be xeroxed and given to us.

Actually we complained why Adventist Relief Agency (ADRA) I and II beneficiaries have certificates of ownership while Core Shelter beneficiaries do not. The Adventists turned over all the houses. In fact, there are no Adventists in that area. Most of them are Alliance, Catholic, Jehovah Witness, UCCP, and Protestant. We have so many religious dominations here. I am really wondering why it has become so. Before there were many more Catholics, but after the flood many changed religion.

Before that the Catholic chapel was here. But the one who donated it used the land as collateral in the bank, and he could not pay back the loan anymore. Then the chapel was demolished. . .

Aside from their insecurities because of the uncertain land tenure, they also face the challenge of finding sources of livelihood. Since most of them are experienced farmers and there is no more land to till, their problem of survival continues.

When we transferred here, I opened a sari-sari store as we also have  a tricycle. For several years we did not work in the farm. We started to farm again only last year but not int he same farm. That land now is useless. All farms that were affected by the floods are now covered with sand . . . They have become unproductive. Some people have planted them with vegetables. Big boulders are all over the farms. We really have to start from square one, as we have not recovered our capital.

Not all are as lucky as Aurora. Flora described what happened to  their farms:
Our lands have not recovered their fertility. When you plant rice, it gets buried in the sand. The soil does not seem to be sandy; it’s more like lahar. It smells of sulfur. We all own vast lands of sand and stones, really useless. Before we had irrigated fertile lands, but now we are harvesting stones.

Some who used to receive regular salaries from the farm are now unemployed. Remedios lamented:

Habaluyas did not tell us to leave as caretaker of her land. She just told us that she could not afford anymore to pay us because the land does not yield anything. We were paid P500 per week for maintenance, and if we had worked in the farm, we were paid extra.

If there is an alternative place where we can work, we are ready to move out from here. What good is it to have a house when you have no source of livelihood? Before, all our needs came from the farm and we had enough.

Ena and her husband grew old in their former farm, and adjusting to their semi-retired existence in the resettlement area made them feel useless. Ena longed to go back:
My husband used to catch fish from our fishpond using a. hook. In just a few minutes he could fill up a cooking pot. Bananas were in abundance and we had a garden.

We are really in a bad time now…and we cannot do anything about it. Some of our friends tried to plow their fields again but they ended up working in another farm as daily-wage earners. Rice grows but does not bear grains even when you apply fertilizer. I do not know what disease it is!

What happened to us was most painful. We lost everything… nothing was left, not even a single dress. We had to start from zero.

We had been farming in that place since 1969. That is why I feel we are still evacuees here. We are already too old to go to other farms to work. My three daughters are in Manila working as sales ladies. They send us money for their children and for us. I have this sari-sari store to augment whatever we receive from them, even to provide fare for my grandchildren. We used to earn money on our own so I really feel useless just depending on my children’s salary.

Even Rosalie and her husband feel the pinch of impoverishment despite their having another piece of land outside Colongulo. Rosalie reiterated:
We really had to tighten our belt after the flood. Our land near the river was an irrigated first class farm, so it affected us not to be able to produce anymore from there. Maybe if you spend thousands of pesos, it can still be cleared of sand and stones. The bulldozer costs P280 per hour-for only ten hours you pay P2,800.00. And you need days to finish. How much would that cost? One thing you are not sure is whether the land underneath is still arable. If only our farm was not flooded…

We started from the very beginning again. For more than a year we did not have anything We exhausted all our savings. With all the expenses of my children in school, our daily food. Everyday we had to spend, no income, at all. We also consumed our reserved rice. We really had nothing. Good, my husband is a very hard-working man. He works really hard. When he finishes the work in our farm, he goes to plow in another farm to have extra money for my daughter’s daily bottle of coke.

Rosalie is a very enterprising and resourceful person so that even if they suffered economic setbacks,her family is still able to have their daily needs. She is proud of her accomplishment:
Most of the people here stay at home when there is no available work anywhere as farm work is also seasonal. I have my own project cow fattening. We first bought a cow. My husband suggested having somebody look after it but I insisted that I should be the one, as I did not have work to do. Then we bought another. In no time the cow gave birth, and then another. Whenever we need cash we simply sell a cow. Now I have eight cows. Two are pregnant.

In truth, people here indulge in gossip as in any barangay. They simply sit around and wait for the harvest of others to borrow money. You almost kill yourself working, while they do not do anything. I was not used to farm work but I learned. When it’s time to work you won’t find me here.

Since most people have unproductive land, they work somewhere for P100 per day which is not enough until they get another job. Some families send their daughters to work as housemaids in Manila, Marbel, Surallah or abroad.

Quo Vadis?

The exodus of the young people from Colongulo in search of employment deprives the place of more active and able-bodied members of the community. If the trend continues, social decay may set in. But if they do not leave, what chances do they have?

The now concrete highway from the town through Colongulo leading to Lake Sebu is a welcome sign of progress. It could have been a tremendous help in marketing their products. But with the vast farmlands still covered with sand and stones, where are the products that have to be transported on this road to the market?

It is ironic that the dam in the barangay does not irrigate the fields where nothing now grows except togon grass and weeds. Water in the irrigation canals is generated in the Colongulo dam, but what benefit do they get from the presence of the dam in their midst?

The resettlement area with its rows of houses has met the immediate need for shelter of the displaced flood victims. How can it province security and sustainability to its dwellers?

I do not have the answers to these questions. People know better what is best for them. They need the right projects and programs suited to their needs, a challenge indeed to our government and civic leaders.

This attempt to put in print the women stories is but a little effort. The enormous task is left undone. But I take comfort in Hastrup’s words: “Today, the responsibility for redressment lies not only with the local people, but also with the anthropological community, sharing their pain by studying it.” (Hastrup 1993).

The stories of these women give us a glimpse into the world of people in micro-disasters. There are many more out there. . .