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Barangay 10, Agusan Del Norte

A Profile of Barangay 10

The municipality of Buenavista is one of the coastal towns in the province of Agusan del Norte. It is 16 kilometers east of the city of Butuan, and has an approximate coastline length of six kilometers. Marine and inland fishing  are the primary sources of livelihood among coastal residents of Buenavista which includes the fishing villages: Sacol, Manapa, Abilan, and Barangays 8, 9, and 10 of the poblcaion. Barangay 10 covers two purok, namely Calangaman and Tangka. Its shoreline stretches to almost two kilometers. It has a total land area of 7,200 sq. kilometers, part of which is seashore land. The barangay, which is along the way to the famous Tinago Beach, can easily be reached  by walking or by tricycle.

In the 1972 survey, the total number of households was 219 with 5-6 members per household. Barangay 10 residents are young; 60 percent of them are 21 years old and below. Almost all of the residents are Catholics. The majority speak Cebuano because its inhabitants come from the different Cebuano-speaking provinces of Visayas and Mindanao. A sizeable number are also migrants from Leyte and Bohol.

Most of the houses are made of mixed materials, i.e., wooden/ cemented walls with G.I. roofing or wooden walls with nipa roofings that are in poor state of repair. Almost all homes have a radio and wooden sala sets. Many homes also have one or two fishing boats placed upside down, under or beside the house, thus giving the impression that these have not been used for some time. It is apparent that many fishing households had seen better times.

Sunday is supposedly a day of rest, but for fishermen, it is another day to go out to sea and fish. Instead of sleeping after the Sunday fishing trip, the fishermen huddle in sari-sari stores to drink tuba or cheap wine, exchange pleasantries, or talk about their problems. Others relax by playing volleyball or by mending their nets on the shore. The wives are not to be outdone. They relax on Sundays, by keeping abreast with barangay events while mending their husband’s net or making a new one.

Despite its proximity to the market place, the barangay has numerous sari-sari stores as the main source of income. Since the barangay is near beach resorts, the sari-sari stores make good business from excursionists.

Barangay 10 is a recipient of many government projects which have improved the living condition in the area. The projects include a water system, electricity, fish landing, and the dike; but the people about the construction of the dike and the fish port. They believe that these construction projects result in the slow erosion of one portion of the shore, causing destruction to homes.

The cheerful atmosphere in the area during Sundays conceals the inner fears of the barangay residents. The people fear that time will come when the whole barangay will be eaten up by the sea. In a conversation with a senior citizen of the barangay, it was learned that a big portion of the land had already been washed out so much so that many of the houses had to be moved back.

In recognition of the almost total dependence of Barangay 10 residents on fishing, the Ministry of Human Settlements had granted fishing loans to a big number of fishermen. With the release of the funds, the fishermen have reasons to look forward to a better tomorrow.

This discussion on the study’s findings is divided into four sections: a profile of the fishermen, fishing activities, participation in organizations, and the fishermen’s needs and aspirations. The profile covers the fishermen’s demographic characteristics, levels of living, consumption and expenditure patterns, and the morbidity incidence in respondents’ households. The section on fishing activities describes the fishermen’s knowledge of their craft and their technology, production activities, and their sharing and marketing arrangements. The last two parts describe the participation of the fishermen in different village organizations, their attitudes towards different government projects and their needs and aspirations in life.

Profile of Fishermen

The mean age of the respondents is 36.6 years with a standard deviation of 11.22 years. The youngest respondent is 20 years old, while the oldest is 70. A close look at the data shows that the respondents are relatively young with 60.6 percent belonging to the 20-39 age group. The middle-aged, or those who belong to the 40-59 age group, comprise 30.3 percent while the remaining three percent are 60 years old and above. A great majority (89 percent) of the respondents are married.

The study also reveals that majority of the respondents are immigrants to the place. Only 26 percent of them were born in the barangay under study. Fourteen percent were born in the other barangays of Buenavista. Another 14 percent of the respondents were born in other places of the same region (to which the municipality of Buenavista belongs). A greater percentage (42.4 percent), however, was born in the Visayas, while only three percent are migrants from Luzon. The respondents’ length of stay in the area ranges from one to 56 years. On the average, the respondents have lived in the area for 20.3 years.

Of the 99 respondents, 97.9 percent have received formal education. Seventy percent have reached the elementary level while 18.6 percent reached the high school level. Only 6.2 percent reached college.

Almost all (98.99 percent) of the respondents are Catholics while the rest are affiliated with the Iglesia ni Kristo.

Cebuano, the major language in the municipality, is reported as the mother tongue of 95 percent of the respondents. The remaining 5 percent claimed Ilongo, Tagalog and Binutuanon (a dialect of the natives of Butuan ) as their mother tongue.

Socio-Economic Profile

The houses in Barangay 10 are generally constructed out of strong and light materials. Of the 99 fishermen respondents, 25.3 percent have houses built of light materials, that is, wooden walls and nipa roofings. Of this group, 19.2 percent are in a poor state of repair. Only three percent of the respondents have dwelling units with galvanized iron roofings and cemented walls, most of which are in a poor state of repair. The remaining 71.7 percent of the houses are built from mixed materials. These houses are temporary in nature and are built along from shore.

Only nine percent of the respondents own the houses and the lot they occupy. Forty percent own the houses but not the lots on which their houses stand. They do not pay lot rentals, however, because their houses are built on shoreland. Another 40 percent own their houses but pay for the lot rental. Two percent rent both the house and the lot they occupy. The remaining include those who rent both the house but not the lot (8 percent), those who do not pay any rent (3 percent), and those who have other arrangements aside from those already mentioned (2 percent).

The single detached house is the dominant dwelling unit in Barangay 10. This comprises 85 percent of the houses occupied by the 99 respondents. The remaining 15 percent are barong-barong (12 percent), duplex (1 percent), commercial buildings, and others (2 percent).

The houses occupied by the respondents have rooms ranging from one to three. Almost one-half (48 percent) of the respondents live in a single-room dwelling units. All household chores and activities are done in this limited space by household members. Forty-four percent of the respondents occupy two-room dwelling units, while a small 8 percent are occupants of houses with three rooms.

Electricity provides lighting to 55 percent of the dwelling units in the sample. The remaining 45 percent still use kerosene. Wood appears to be the main cooking fuel used by the respondents in Barangay 10. Not one of them uses an electric stove or LPG for cooking.

The major source of water supply for most respondents (96 percent) is the artesian well constructed through the barangay development program. The remaining four percent have their own pump wells.

Almost two-thirds (72 percent) of the fishermen have toilet facilities such as the open pit, the antipolo type, or the water-sealed type of toilet. The remaining two percent who do not have any private means of disposing their waste make use of the wide seashore, especially in the evenings.

The radio is the most common household appliance in the barangay. Sixty-one percent of the respondents have radios and claim to listen to it everyday.

Some (37 percent) own inexpensive dining sets made of ordinary wooden materials. A good number (48 percent) of them also own sala sets made of light wooden materials. Televisions and refrigerators are rarely found in the fishermen’s homes; only two percent of the respondents own these expensive appliances.

Livestock raising can be very helpful in times of financial crisis, but this activity is a rarity in Barangay 10. Only 35 percent of the sample have chickens, the average number being 1.1 per household. Similarly, only 25 percent raise pigs.

Three-fourths of the respondents own fishing boats, majority (55 percent) of which are motorized. Almost all (92 percent), however, own the fishing gear they use. The most commonly owned gear is the multiple hook (73.5 percent). The other types of gear used are big nets (20.4 percent) and small nets (5.10 percent).

Rice and fish are the staple food of the fishermen. Around 92 percent indicated that they eat rice and 89 percent said they have fish each meal. Fifteen percent prefer corn grits, however, as their staple food. Dried fish is a supplementary food in the fishermen’s diet. In the absence of fresh fish, dried fish takes its place. Meat and eggs are rare items in their menu. Only 16 percent can afford meat, and only three percent can buy eggs.

The total amount spent by each household is broken down daily, weekly, monthly, and annually. The total daily expenses on food per household member is P2.35. With an average of six members per household, the family will need at least P14.10 daily in order to survive. This would imply that the family spends P5,146.50 annually for food alone. If this amount is computed against the family’s income, there exists a shortage of P1,753.85. This suggests that the difference between the actual income and the actual expenses on food is taken from other sources like the middlemen, the loan sharks, or their suki (regular customer).

Fishermen and members of their households suffered varied ailments a year before the survey. The most common ailments, were flu with fever (98 percent), and colds (95 percent).

During the year prior to the interview, 184 members of the respondents’ households got sick. Of these, 96 percent needed medical treatment, but because of financial problems and the distance to the hospital from the area, only 30 percent were actually brought to a physician. The remaining seventy percent resorted to self-help treatment by herbolarios in the barangay and in nearby barangays.

Fishing Activities

Ninety percent of the respondents interviewed reported that fishing is their primary occupation. They have engaged in fishing from one to 45 years, with 16 years as the mean. Seventy-six percent said they acquired their fishing skills through experience. As children of fishermen, they learned how to fish from their parents and enhanced this knowledge through experience. Some fishermen, about 14 percent of them, obtained new knowledge by attending seminars conducted by the Bureau of Fisheries and Aquatic Resources. However, none reported having been able to make use of the skills they had learned in these seminars. One reason is that they could not afford to buy the necessary equipment to try out new fishing methods.

Almost all of the respondents (95 percent) are engaged in offshore fishing, spending between three to seven days in the sea and an average of eight hours per fishing trip. A majority of them (75.8 percent) own the boats they use; 55 percent of the boats used are motor powered. The others rent (17.2 percent) or work as crew members (7.1 percent). Three-fourths of the fishermen use multiple hooks, while the rest use big or small nets.

Sharing Arrangement

Sharing arrangements are either in kind or in cash. They affect only 24 percent of the respondents, particularly boat renters and hired crew members. Of this 24 percent, only six percent receive their share in cash, and the rest receive theirs in kind. Their sharing practices- classified as 20-80, 50-50 or 75-25- are based on several conditions: who spends for fuel, who owns the fishing gear used, who shoulders the expenses on food, etc.

Production

Fishermen consider the months of March, April, May, June, and part of July as peak fishing months. At this time, the fishermen stay out at a sea longer because the weather is good and the sea is calm. This does not necessarily imply that their catch will be abundant, however. The catch is more likely to depend on the kinds of boat used by the fishermen, the gear he uses and whether he is engaged in off-shore or deep-sea fishing. In contrast, then lean period is of a longer duration. when the sea is rough, fishermen seldom go out to fish. To insist on fishing is to incur great risk. It is not even certain that they can bring home something for the family consumption.

As expected, the productivity of the fishermen during the lean months is very minimal, and their income may not be enough to make both ends meet. At these times, the fishermen, as household heads, resort to borrowing money, even at high rates of interest, so the family can survive. Borrowing money from middlemen, or any other source, can partly explain why fishermen, especially those who have no other sources of income aside from fishing remain poor. During the lean months, the fishermen sometimes return home empty-handed and may have already spent some amount for gasoline and food. If they are fortunate, they may catch enough to earn the equivalent of P152.00 a month.

I based on the theory of supply and demand, it can be assumed that there is no great difference in the income of fishermen during peak and lean months. Other factors however, such as the kind of fish caught during the lean months also influence that marketability of fish. Thus, even if the supply of fish during the lean months is less and the demand for fish is great, we cannot assume that the fishermen’s earnings during the lean months will be more. The fishermen’s catch may be classified into two categories, namely: a) biggest catch for one fishing trip in a year with the corresponding cash value, and b) the smallest volume of catch for one fishing trip with the corresponding cash equivalent.

Values

The results show that “salvation” is perceived as the most important value; 97 percent of the fishermen rate it as “very important.” This is followed by “self respect” (96 percent), social recognition (91 percent), family security (89 percent), sense of accomplishment (82 percent), and comfortable life (68 percent).

More than one-half (71.1 percent0 of the respondents expressed a great desire to have their children finish college. Considering that the average educational level of the respondents is only Grade 5, it is not surprising that they have high hopes for their children. Education has always been regarded as the key to the improvement of one’s lot. It means better opportunities, better jobs, and better salaries. So when parents desire to have their children finish college, they hope that one day they will be able to enjoy a better life. This hope is captured in a fisherman’s statement: “Maayo na lang kung makahuman ang among mga anak aron naay among kasaligan sa among katigulangan.” (“It is good if our children could finish a college degree so that there is someone we can lean on during our old age.”)

Marketing

Eighty-two percent of the respondents report that their catch is both for sale as well as for consumption. Selling is done by the fishermen themselves, their wives, or their children. Almost one-half (48 percent) of the respondents said that they sell their catch themselves. The other half of the respondents said that the selling is done by the wife or the children. Some of the fishermen (20.2 percent) said that even while they are still at sea, they are able to sell their catch because some buyers go out to meet them. About 13 percent sell their catch at the fish landing. A larger percentage (34.4 percent), sell their catch at the town market, while 26.3 percent sell their catch outside of town, most probably in Butuan or in Nasipit where the demand is greater and the price is higher. Forty percent of the respondents sell their catch to the middlemen, 37 percent to final sellers, and only 18 percent to final consumers.

On the average, the biggest sale reported by the fishermen recorded P702.00, and the smallest, only P45.00. The largest volume of fish sold, on the average, was 73 kilos, while the smallest was 5 kilos.

Participation in Organization

The majority of the fishermen (59.7 percent) who were interviewed are not members of any organization, although half of them expressed interest in joining religious organizations. They do not join any organizations because their time can be used for more productive activities. Moreover, membership in any organization is a drain on their pockets since every now and then, members are asked to give financial contribution. Worse, they do not receive the corresponding benefits from these organizations.

Of the 30 who are members of organizations, more than one-half (18) belong to religious organizations, while the rest belong to different socio -civic organizations. Nine out of 30 members are officers and their length of membership varies from 1-18 years, with three years as the average. Asked to rate their participation in the organizations, the members rated themselves as very active (31.2 percent), active (43.7 percent), and slightly active (18.8 percent). Their rating was based on the number of meetings that they have attended and the activities that they have participated in. Despite the problems that they have experienced, lack of funds and lack of cooperation for example, they report that they have received benefits from the organization, foremost of which are financial and social.

Considering the popularity of religious organizations and the importance of receiving financial aid, Alay Kapwa sa Kalipay ug Kasakit is one organization worth mentioning here. It is an exclusive organization, open only to the members of the Dona and the Banaria families, and it is not solely dependent on member’s contribution as its source of funds. the primary aim of the organization is to give financial aid to the members at times of kasakit (sorrow, like death) and kalipay (joy, like weddings). The organization raises funds by asking the members a monthly contribution of P5.00. The amount is placed in pundo (common fund0 and kept by the president of the organization. At the same time, they supplement their funds by selling firewood (done by the male members) and by making nets for the fishermen (done by the female members).

Awareness and Attitudes Towards Government Projects

Majority of the respondents (94.9 percent) are aware of several government projects which have been undertaken in their barangay at one time or another. They were able to identify projects which fall under one of the six government projects identified in the survey. They were also able to rank these projects according to the benefits received.

The level of awareness of the respondents of the Kilusang Kabuhayan at Kaunlaran (KKK) is very high; it ranks first among the projects mentioned. This high degree of awareness stems from the fact that it is one of the most recent projects launched but he government. However, the actual benefits derived from the project is very low: only 5.7 percent of the respondents said that they have been benefited by KKK. It receives in fact, the lowest rating in terms of actual benefits granted. Since KKK is a new project, it has not yet reached many people and therefore few respondents have been benefited by it. The respondents  also reported that of the six government projects mentioned, they have derived more benefits from the water system, electrification, and infrastructure projects. Their level of awareness of these projects is low however.

Attitude Towards Government Projects

Fifty percent of the fishermen agree with the statement that government projects serve only the interest of organized groups in business and labor but are not concerned about the needs of the people in general. In turn, forty-nine percent disagree with the statement that the government is undertaking so many things including those that the government has no right to do. The negative attitude of the fishermen towards government projects arises because they have not been recipients of benefits from the different government projects. It is worth noting that despite their disappointment, they still believe that the government is engaged in the right kind of activities.

Needs, Aspirations and Perceptions

Despite many problems, 42.8 percent of the fishermen said they are “happy” about life as a whole, while 33.7 percent said they are “just happy.” Sixty-five percent also said that they are “happy” about their ability to satisfy their family’s wants and needs. Nineteen percent, however, said that they are “neither happy nor unhappy.”

With regard to their participation in organizations, 87.5 percent said that they are “happy” about it , while only 12.5 percent are not certain of their feelings. However, a majority (56.3 percent) are happy about the government projects which are undertaken in their community. When asked if the projects can improve the living conditions of their families, 73.9 percent of the respondents said “yes.” They strongly believe that the government can greatly help improve their living conditions and the economic progress of their community. This belief is shared by 89.7 percent of the respondents. They believe that this could be done by the government of their fishing loans are approved. They shall then be able to buy new fishing equipment and hopefully increase their catch. Eventually, they said, this will lead to the improvement of their lives.

The results also show that more than one-half (51.5 percent) of the fishermen assess their current status as below the middle positions (steps 2 and 3 ) of a 10-rung leader, while only 25.3 percent assess their current status in the middle positions (steps 4 and 5 ). However, circumstances were different five years ago.  More than one-half (51.5 percent) assessed themselves to be in the middle positions. This statement is supported by comments like “Arang-arang ra ang among kahimtang niadtong miaging mga tuig (Our living conditions were a lot better in the past years).” As to where they would place themselves in the ladder 5 years from now, 26.3 percent said that they will still be in the lower positions, whereas 39.4 percent hope to rise to the middle positions.

Comparing the self-assessment of the fishermen five years ago and now, the results indicate that they perceive an improvement in their socio-economic status and anticipate a better life ahead of them, especially five years from now. This anticipation of improvement is expressed in statements like “Pag-abot nimo sa ubos, wala na kay laing padulngan kung dli sa taas, (When you reach the bottom, you have nowhere else to go but up).”

Literature and Social Awareness

At the outset let me clarify something. I am taking the term “social awareness” in its broader context or meaning, for the first part of this talk. I take it  up in myself. Since as teachers we are dealing with adolescents, creatures who are still immature – in the sense that their primary, and oftentimes their only, concerns are with themselves -this broader understanding or acceptance of the term is necessary before we go into its more sociological connotations.

Let us start by saying that teenagers are extremely sensitive when it comes to violations of their dignity. This is especially so when they feel that they have become victims of injustice. If you are not one of those “terror” teachers, but instead are an understanding, tolerant, sympathetic, thoughtful, even affectionate, mentor – what a howl of protest anyone of protest anyone of your students will raise against you if you have done him wrong. And yet this same martyr, this same victim of alleged persecution, this same aggrieved champion of a lost cause – how unfeeling, how callous, he can be when it comes to violating your rights! For example: A student fails to hand in an assignment on a designated day. Two or three days later, on a special holiday, he comes into the campus with the late assignment He is unable to hand it to you because there is no class that day, but with a little effort on his part he could easily have located you. In the next class, he blames you. He had brought the assignment but you were not there! Does this sound familiar to you? Good! Welcome to the club.

Another aberration peculiar to teenagers is their brazen presumption, You set an appointment with a student. He does not show up. The next day you ask him why he did not come. “Oh,” he says, “I was held up by traffic. I knew I was going to be late. So I did not come anymore.” In his mind he has a perfectly legitimate excuse, so his conscience is clear. He is even surprised why you are making such a fuss about it. By some sort of ESP you should have known why he was late. So you have wasted half an hour waiting for him, and at the end you wind up the culprit, the verdugo.

This is what I mean by adolescents being in a bind, a mindset, focused entirely on themselves. I usually tell my students, the moment you stop thinking of yourselves, the moment you start thinking of others, you have become adults, you have become mature.

Perhaps this “immaturity” can be partly explained by our own Filipino culture. Most of us come from families in which the father rules with an iron fist. His word is law. There is no referendum to his constitution, much less amendment. We grow up cowed, fearful of our own voice. This is where inferiority complex starts. This is where we get stuck with a poor self-image. For years we suppress what we really think and feel. We conform. We acquiesce. We do not speak up. We are afraid to make mistakes. By the time we finish high school we are drab, colorless, spineless, individuals who would rather keep the peace, at all costs, than rock the boat.

Let us examine at least three areas in which this immaturity manifests it self. First, somewhere along our process of growing we have picked up the notion that to say “thank you” is demeaning. We are actually ashamed to say “Thank you!” We say “T.Y.” instead, making a joke of it. The person who accepts it may take it seriously, and we are happy if he does. Or he may think it “corny”, in which case we are saved the embarrassment. So we leave it ambiguous. We do not want to put ourselves on record, we do not want to sign ourselves on the bottom line, as being truly grateful — openly, unabashedly, unshamefully, proudly — GRATEFUL! So we say “T.Y.”

We are also ashamed to apologize. We consider it a great humiliation to make an apology. We are so insecure in our self-image that we think our reputation will be shattered to smithereens if we admit to a mistake. We feel it unmanly, unladylike, to be found less than perfect. Worse, we think less of the person who apologizes. We are embarrassed for him. We make such a national virtue of saving face when, as a matter of act, it is not worth the saving. The truth would serve us better.

Perhaps this shame in acknowledging our fault, saying “I’m sorry”, stems again from our culture. As much as possible we want to avoid confrontation. So when we have hurt somebody, and we do feel sorry for it, we talk again to the person as if nothing had happened. If the other person answers, that means that he has accepted the implied apology. If he does not, we can pretend that he has not heard us.

It is also to our shame as Filipinos that we cannot rejoice for or with, another. We are great at consoling a person in sorrow. It is natural for us to share in his grief, shed tears with him. But to be happy in his joy, to be jubilant with him in his success, this we find hard. Somehow we feel ourselves diminished by his good fortune, pushed off center-stage by his prosperity. You remember Max Soliven’s little story about the crabs inside a basket in San Francisco? Someone shouted, “Look out! Those crabs are crawling out of the basket!” “No they’re not,” replied the owner. “They’re Filipino crabs. As soon as one crawls out, the rest will pull him back!”

I am recounting to you these unpleasant traits of ours because these are qualities of character that are immature, whether the person is grown up or not. They are traits that keep us from becoming a great nation. If we find them in. ourselves now, we certainly will find them in our students, who are actually images of our younger selves. There are probably other qualities about ourselves that we recognize as immature and which we would like to correct. If we look at them honestly enough and accept them for what they are, perhaps we can be tolerant of them when we observe them in our students.

I am essentially a freshman English teacher, with an added upper class English course thrown in each semester. My principal preoccupation is to get my students to read. As such, the stories we take up in class are short and simple, like Alejandro Roces’ “My Brother’s Peculiar Chicken”, Saki’s “The Open Window”; or they are long but thrilling, like Richard Connell s The Most Dangerous Game”, or Henry Syndor Harrison’s “Miss Hinch.” In general, these stories have very little social content.

We do have stories that could be tapped for social awareness, stories whose values transcend the merely personal. “Lament”, for example, by Anton Chekhov tells the story of lona Potapov, a sled driver, who has just lost a son. He tries to tell his passengers about it, but none of them want to listen. At the end he is forced to share his grief with his horse.

I connect this story with Lino Brocka’s movie, “Miguelito” – in which a 17-year old boy discovers that his real mother was a nightclub hostess who as just been released from prison. This is the first big crisis of his life. His heart is broken. He is terribly lonely. He does not go to his father or to his foster mother, to a guidance counselor, a priest of a nun, or to any adult. He goes to another teenager.

I ask my students, have you known such loneliness in your life? How did you get over the experience? Who helped you overcome your loneliness? I narrate to them the two instances in my life when I had felt lonely. Both happened during Christmas. The first time was in 1959, shortly after my Ordination, when I was assigned to Gettysburg, Maryland on a Christmas call. All the priests of the parish had gone home that Christmas Eve an was left all alone by myself in the rectory. I could not leave the house, even just to roam around the block or go “window-shopping”, because a sick-call could come any moment. Even with the TV and a stocked refrigerator, I still felt miserable.

he other time was in Manila, a few years ago. An Ateneo de Davao student, learning I was in Manila, invited me to his home for Christmas Eve. He himself left the house, stranding me with his family and relatives. Have you ever felt alone in the midst of company — when you know that you do not fit there and that people talk to you sheerly to be polite, secretly they wish you were not there so they could enjoy themselves better, and you yourself wish you were somewhere else? It is a frightful experience.

In their first semester in school, college freshmen, are usually lonely. Your chief concern as a teacher should be that of adjustment. You should see to it that your students gradually conquer the feelings of homesickness, shyness, timidity, fear. Your class is a mixture of graduates from exclusive, as well as from public and barangay high schools. Your first task is to create a community out of this hodgepodge, to build up trust and confidence among them so that they will not be afraid of being laughed at whenever they make a mistake. Tell them to laugh with one another, not at each other. Tell them, they are going to make mistakes anyway, later on, why not make those mistakes now, in your class, where they can be sure of understanding and support, encouragement and compassion, among their own classmates and you, their teacher?

For those with inferiority complex – and you will be surprised how many  of them there are – tell them the story of “Charley”, the movie made from the short story, “Flowers for Algernon”, which won for Cliff Robertson the Oscar Award. Charley is a moron, the butt of jokes among his factory pals. He becomes the guinea pig for a scientific experiment which gradually improves his intelligence, even to genius level. One day he is eating in a restaurant when a moron kitchen help drops, a tray of food. Everybody laughs. Everybody except Charley. He bends down and helps the moron pick up the spilled food. Charley sees in the moron the kind of person he once was.

Empathy. Putting oneself in another’s place. Charity. We are here to help one another, not to pull each other down. Also this lesson: our greatest weakness can become our greatest strength. Our very difficulty in mastering a subject will force us to greater effort to explain that subject to somebody else who does not know. In turn, we clarify the subject to ourselves, we develop our power of elucidation, of expression. Our shyness and timidity will make us more approachable to others as shy and timid as we.

In Ateneo de Davao we are fortunate not to have racial or religious discrimination. Chinese and Muslims are treated equally with Filipinos and Christians. To show our students, however, that such social injustice does exist, we study Gilda Cordero Fernando’s “Sunburn,” about a newly-married Filipino couple in America who are refused the rental of an apartment because they are not white. The story ends on a note of irony: the Statue of Liberty towering in the mist, the words on her door proclaiming:
Another story of racial discrimination, but with a delightful twist, is Somerset Maugham’s “Mr. Know-Ail.” The narrator is a British snob, the proper English gentleman, supremely secure in the sense of his own security. To his dismay, the Englishman finds himself berthed in the same cabin with a Mr.Kelada, a Levantine from, probably, Lebanon. He is exasperated with Mr. Kelada’s aggressive bonhomie, his air of knowing everything. One evening a discussion arises between Mr. Kelada and Mr. Ramsay of the American Consular Service. Mr. Kelada claims he would know a real pearl when he sees one. Mr.Ramsay challenges Mr. Kelada, on a bet, to assess his wife’s pearl necklace. Sure of his judgment, Mr. Kelada is about to declare its genuineness when he sees the terror in Mrs. Ramsay’s eyes. He admits his mistake and pays the hundred dollar bet. Later, an envelope, with a hundred-dollar note, is passed under their cabin door.

So there is something good, even in the worst of us. Or, in more complicated prose: “Within the most violent and degenerate man there remains some element of decency and tenderness, some aspiration toward the kind of life and the set of values which he has, apparently, repudiated.” This is the theme of that sentimental short story, Bret Harte’s “The Luck of Roaring Camp” — about the regeneration of a whole mining camp by an Indian baby. The same theme is developed in Robert Louis Stevenson in his essay “Puivis Et Umbra.”

Perhaps we can pause here for some quiet reflection. Let us try to recall our past experience as teachers. Let us try to remember the faces of the students we had taught We have no trouble remembering the bright ones, the pretty ones, even the naughty ones. It is those who were quiet, so quiet we hardly knew they were there; the diffident..the tremulous, the helpless, the hopeless. What ever became of them? Did we ever really try to find out what went on inside those heads, what problems plagued them in the family, in school? Did we make an honest effort to dig out the real gold hidden in the dark recesses of each one of them, buried beneath the rubble of their mediocrities?

We now take up the stricter definition of the term, “Social awareness”, as the consciousness of, the concern for, the unfortunate or the marginalized; the awareness of the unjust social structure responsible for their oppression and the determination to dismantle them.

There are a few stories in our literature course that help freshman students  acquire this awareness. “The Washerwoman’s Day” by harriette L. Simpson, for example. In it, a little white girl tells how their Negro laundry woman dies of pneumonia contracted after taking off her shoes and scrubbing the kitchen barefooted. A group of white woman bring roses, give six of them to Laurie Mae, the dead woman’s daughter, feeling very self-righteous about. After everybody has left the cemetery the little girl sees Laurie Mae take the white roses one by one, throw them in the mud and push them out of sight with her foot and rake the mud over them. The life of her mother, this bundle of an illegitimate child in her arms -all these to be paid for with six white roses! It is the same inner rage against an unjust social structure that drives the gardener Elias in Luis V. Teodoro, Jr.’s ” The Adversary; that prompts Sofia in the movie, “The Color Purple”, to answer “Hell, no!” when asked by a white woman whether she would like to work for her.

We also touch on the poverty aspect of social injustice, so often exploited in our Tagalog movies. ” Because We Are So Poor.” by Juan Rulfo, given to his twelve-year old sister, Tacha, has been carried away by the river. Now her chance of marrying is slim and  she may wind up a whore, like her two other sisters.

“Hunger in Barok” by N.V.M. Gonzales narrates an incident in Mindoro during the two or three months of the year when there is half-famine. Pare Crispin, a tenant; tells his landlord, Mang Cesar, that he is thinking of leaving his kaingin because of drought. Shyly he asks for some rice. Mang Cesar replies he has no rice to give, except seed rice. Pare Crispin accepts it. Next morning Mang Cesar visits Crispin’s hut, expecting to find him and his wife pounding the seed rice for food, instead, he discovers the hut empty. The entire family is up in the clearing, planting the seed rice. We could point out the spirit of self-sacrifice latent in even the humblest of our people. We could observe that the  poor are capable of giving up the enjoyment of an immediate satisfaction for the sake of an ultimate, greater good.
This story should remind us of the present hunger in Negros. Give a situationer on the state of the sugar industry in Negros and ask the students to bring to class newspaper clippings and magazine articles on the plight of the sugar workers.. Here, for example, is a poem by Alexia Gunther Bowley, an American church worker-organizer who had spent some time in Negros:

The soldier demanded santol, langka, all the eggs.
They took a short break in the feasting to murder him.
They tore open his empty stomach
laying him among the sugar cane
that he couldn’t touch in life.
They tore up the bananas and cassavas
planted perilously by mothers
of empty children
in the eyelash of land
between the fence and the river.
Her eyes were not empty,
there were tears enough’ to
fill the river,
to bloat the empty stomachs
of the children.
They were afraid that determined men
in rugged red would fake the
fine finished wood table and turn it over,
sending platter and plates of savory meat
crashing gravy on the finished floor
for the dog who already
ate meat every day.

Sometime In their first or second year, our students undergo an exposure program. They are sent to live with a poor family where they learn the hardships of life at first hand. I tell them about my own exposure in Negros some years ago when for two weeks, with two other Jesuits, 1 moved from hacienda to hacienda, often on the sly, to get to know the lives of the sugar cane workers. My other exposure was in Navotas, Rizal, with a Dutch and a Hungarian Jesuit. For six days we lived with a family of five in a shanty, 10 feet by 10 feet, over a swamp. We were in the midst of the action when the Metro com came to dismantle the hovels and the squatters fought them with rocks The confrontation ended when we were drenched by the water hoses of the fire department. Although in our school Normal feedback from the students’ exposure experiences is processed by the Ateneo Student Exposure Program (ASEP), the students can share those experiences with their classmates and thus enrich everybody’s social awareness.
More Insidious than hunger or poverty is the evil of materialism or consumerism, because it saps the spirituality of the young without their even being aware of it. The craving for material success, glorified in such TV serials as “Dynasty” and “Falconcrest”, disorients our youth from the goals we have set for them – being men and women for others; dedicating themselves to the ministry of their fellowmen, service to the nation.
D.H. Laurence’s “The Rocking-Horse Winner”, a fantasy, underscored the insanity of this money-madness and makes an unforgettable impact upon the reader. The protagonist is Paul, a boy “emancipated from a nursery governess” yet “too big for a rocking-horse”. He is concerned over his mother’s constant need for money, her lack of luck. So he rides his rocking-horse “to where there is luck.” The rocking-horse empowers him to predict the winners of horse races. He wins money on the bets he places, which he later gives to his mother. But the luck exacts a murderous toll — Paul pays for it with his life.
The love of money is the root of all evil. The love of what money can buy can make a man lose his soul. This is the theme of F. Sionil Jose’s “The God-Stealer”. Philip Latak, an Ifugao corrupted by the soft life of the city, returns to the Mountain Province. With him is Sam Christie, an American Peace Corps volunteer, on his way back to the States and hunting for a souvenir. Philip steals his grandfather’s god for Sam. The theft breaks the old man’s heart, he dies. Philip realizes what he has done, stays to carve another god.
Shortly before this, in a conversation with the Reverend Doone, who managed the Mission, Sam Christie had asked, “Can a man lose his soul? “You have seen examples,” Reverend Doone smiled wanly. In the city —people corrupted by easy living, the pleasures of the senses and the flesh, The mass corruption that is seeping into government and everything. A generation of soulless men is growing up and dictating the future …”
“How can one who loses his soul regain it?” Sam came back with sudden life.
“It takes a cataclysm, something tragic to knock a man back to his wits, to make him realize his loss …”
For Philip Latak, that cataclysm was the death of his grandfather. What will it be for the countless young men and women who are losing their souls to consumerism? Perhaps “soul” is too theological a word to bandy around. Substitute for it “ideals,” “integrity”, “Holy Grail”, “altruisim” – whatever it is that means selflessness, dedication, generosity, service.
The false values of mass media. The tinsel virtues canonized by the latest song hits. “Vanity of vanities — all is vanity!” That seems to be the message. And nowhere is it more strikingly driven home than in the oft-anthologize story of Ivan Bunin, “The Gentleman from San Francisco”. The protagonist, 58 years old, a retired American millionaire, reminds us of the rich fool in the Lord’s parable who said: “Soul, you have ample goods laid up for many years, take your ease, eat, drink, be merry.” But God said to him, “Fool! This night your soul is required of you; and the things you have prepared, whose will they be?” (Luke 12:19-20) The Gentleman from San Francisco dies of a heart attack in the library-room of a hotel in Capri during a world pleasure tour. People no longer care for his wealth or his social position now that he is dead. His body is transferred from his sumptuous room to a cubby-hole; it is stuffed into an oblong box for English soda-water and shipped back to America in the hold of an ocean liner.
The Gentleman from San Francisco makes a fitting contrast to “The Doctor of Lennox,” the chief character in an inspiring story by A.J. Cronin. Carry is the Doctor of Lennox — in his youth, crippled, stuttering, poor, but in the end a force.
These are the social values I try to teach in my classes. As to the methods employed, several come to mind: (1) The Interview Method, in which students are asked to interview certain people coming from different social strata. A freshman student from Ateneo de Naga, where I taught for a while, wrote a term paper based on her interviews with prostitutes in the city. (2) Family Interview, in which students interview their mother to get the family income and expenses. (3) Role-Playing, in which a real life-situation is presented to the class. This situation may be taken from a short story not yet studied. Students are given roles and asked to resolve the conflict in class. (4) Talk show, in which four to five students are chosen as TV guest panelists to discuss the morality or theme of a story.
In the final analysis, however, it is not any one method that will implant social awareness in the minds of the students. It is the teacher himself. If the teacher is a man possessed with a mission, if he is an apostle caught up with the love of God and neighbor, if he is a person who believes that teaching is a ministry, a service, and who lives not for himself but for others, we will not have to worry about communicating social awareness to his students. From him, “it will flame out, like shining from shook foil,” gathering “to a greatness, like the ooze of oil crushed,” as Hopkins would say. Love always does.

A Multi-Purpose Survey of Four Fishing Villages in Eastern Mindanao

The Eastern Mindanao Research Consortium (EMARC) which composed of four social  research centers (Ateneo de Davao University, Holy Cross of Digos, Notre Dame of Cotabato City, and Urios College of Butuan City) has completed the first phase of its poverty survey of four fishing communities in eastern Mindanao. The focus on fishermen and fishing villages appeared as a research imperative since fishermen are often alluded to as “the poorest of the poor” in many poverty studies. Each of the EMARC members selected one research site in its locality in which the survey was conducted.

The multi-purpose study was primarily undertaken for the purpose of providing information which will hopefully help in the formulation of policies and programs that will improve the living conditions of fishermen; and secondly, for the purpose of generating hypothesis as to why fishermen are poor and remain so. More specifically, the survey intended to:

1. present a socioeconomic profile of coastal households;
2. describe economic activities related to fishing communities;
3. determine fishermen’s participation and attitudes towards existing organizations;
4. determine their attitudes and perceptions towards government-assisted programs; and
5. describe their perception of poverty, aspirations, needs, and sentiments.

The single research design divided the work into three phases:

I. preliminary survey of the fishing communities;
II. final selection of four fishing communities, pretesting instruments, immersion activities, and community survey;
III. mapping/household listing activities, selection of sample households, interviews.

Household listing and mapping activities were undertaken simultaneously for one week. The listing generated 150 eligible respondents for the study and 100 fishermen-respondents were randomly chosen from the list. Substitute respondents equal to ten percent of the sample were likewise chosen.

Response of Potted Tomato Plants (Lycopersicon Esculentum) to Different Concentrations and Varying Exposures to Colchicine Solutions

Agricultural productivity and the quality of crops have been Improved since the time man started horticulture. Today with plant genetics as the scientific  tool, improvement in plant breeding is being accelerated. The resulting technology has allowed farmers to manipulate plants so that their propagation with the  qualities as desired can be done without waiting for nature to take its course.

Human intervention in plant breeding has taken various forms such as selection, hybridization, and artificial mutation. Artificial mutation is induced  either through chemical means or through X-ray and gamma ray radiation. Among the more successful chemical mutagens being used in plant breeding is colchicine, an alkaloid derived from the autumn crocus, Cotchicum autumnale
(Poincelot, 1980). With colchicine treatment, plants may double their chromosome numbers, as oftentimes expressed in the doubling of fruit size or the  enhancement of any desired plant quality. Colchicine has been an effective chemical mutagen for a variety of plants. USDA scientists were able to make the small disease resistant Loretto grape produce berries up to three times as large, and bunches two and a half times as large as the normal plant (Science News letter, 1955).

In this present study, there is an attempt to use colchicine treatment in improving the quality of tomato fruits (Lycopersicon). The study seeks to find the effects of colchicine on potted tomato plants. Specifically, the researchers would like to answer the following questions:

1.  What are the effects of the different concentrations of colchicine solution on:

a. height of tomato plants
b. flowering and fruiting time
c. weight of fruits
d. cell size of leaves
e. Vitamin C and protein contents of tomato plants?

2. What are the effects of varying time exposure to the different colchicine concentration on:

a. height of tomato plants
b. flowering and fruiting time
c. weight of fruits
d. cell size of leaves
e. Vitamin C and protein contents of tomato plants?

One of the primary considerations that go into having a good crop yield is the use of seeds from plants of high yielding varieties with other desirable traits. Towards this end, genetic researchers  have done a tremendous job of improving the yield, and quality of farm products. Among the methods being used are hybridization and mutation through chemicals. X-ray irradiation, and sonar exposure. Some researchers have grown and propagated plants in test tubes so that the genetic make-up of the plants will not be altered through the effects of extraneous materials. Other investigators have met success in producing a extraneous materials. Other investigators have met success in producing a variety of triploid watermelons whose fruits are larger and seedless with the use of colchicine.

This present study which will investigate the effects of varying concentrations of colchicine solution on tomatoes is a parallel study in that it hopes to improve a chosen variety of tomato in height, food value, number of fruits per season, weight of fruits and fruiting time.

The study is concerned mainly with the effects of the different concentrations of colchicine and the varying lengths of exposure to the solution on the phenotypes of TM variety of tomatoes. Only the F of the potted tomato plants were considered. There were forty two (42) treatments with five (5) replicates for each one.

Review of Literature

Davidson, Pertens and Zhao (1983) cited the findings of Eigsti and Dustin on the response of plants and animals to colchicine. The results showed that when proliferating cells were treated for short periods, e.g. 1-3 hours with colchicine, two, (2) responses were observed;

1. Inhibition of spindle formation and arrest of cell development at metaphase stage with          chromosomes undergoing increased contraction and disorderly arranged (co-metaphase).

2. Reversion of C-metaphase to the interphase condition. It was also observed that as the cells began to recover from the colchicine treat ment, spindle fibers were formed in the mitotic cells and chromatids segregated at anaphase. However, some chromatids would lag, and the spindle could have three or more poles resulting in a multinucleate cell.

Tetraploid plants may be produced using colchicine. Artificially induced tetraploids usually have larger and thicker leaves and organs, slower and coarser growth, larger cell and pollen grain size, and often reduced fertility (Jules Janick, 1972).

Reese (1951) found out that Avena and Helianthus which were treated with  colchicine showed no growth-promoting properties. High concentrations of colchicine instead inhibited hypocotyle elongation. Low concentrations on the other hand, caused slight stimulation.

Ghosh (1950) studied the effects of colchicine on rice. He observed that when sprouted rice seeds were treated with increasing concentrations of colchicine, there was swelling of both radicle and plumule. Treated unsprouted rice seeds had only the swollen plumules. The size of the stomata was not affected by colchicine treatment but the pollen grain size increased. There was retardation in the flowering of plants treated with colchicine. However, treated rice plants gave increased grain yields as compared to the control plants.

A study of the effect of colchicine on Trifolium hybridium was done by Armstrong Robertson (1960). It was found out that the tetraploid plants showed some improvements over the diploid plants in several aspects. In addition, they also observed that the increase in height, leafiness and stem thickness were responsible for the greater hay yield in the tetraploids. Bali and Tandom of India (1959) reported that in Iberes umbellata, colchicine generally increased the size of the stamens, ovary, ovules and pollen. They also noted that pollen fertility and fruit and seed setting in tetraploids were poor though these fruits and seeds were larger than those of the diploid.

The study of Sanders and Franzke (1962) revealed that chromosomes could undergo a reduction in somatic cells following colchicine treatment. This observation supported the idea that somatic cell reduction is one of the mechanisms which gives rise to colchicine — increased true-breeding diploid mutants in certain lines of sorghum.

Armstrong and Robertson (1960) did a chemical analysis of (Trifolium hybridium and found out that the nectar of the tetraploid Trifolium had a slightly higher concentration of sugar than the diploid. However, the diploid  was slightly higher in protein and ,ash contents than the tetraploids. Moreover, the Jiploid had lower nitrogen-free extract than the tetraploid.

Screenivasan and Wandrekan (1950) reported that plants treated with Review of Literature
colchicine showed decreased ascorbic acid formation in the earlier stages of germination. These previous studies point out both the beneficial as well as bad effects of colchicine on different plants.

Methodology

The study was conducted on the roof garden of the Ateneo de Davao University. The 210 potted tomato plants were arranged according to the split plot design treatment. All the plants received the required light exposure for tomato crops.

A. Treatment of Tomato Seeds
Viable tomato seeds (TM1 variety) were immersed in different concentrations of colchicine at varying lengths of time.

These were the treatments used in its study:

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B. Analysis of Soil Used in the Study
The soil used in this investigation was obtained from Rapnaga, Ulas,     Davao City. It was analyzed by the Bureau of Soils. Recommendations of the Bureau of Soils were followed strictly.

C. Germination of Treated Tomato Seeds
The treated tomato seeds were germinated in IMo. 13 clay pots which were labeled accordingly. The pots which contained 10 seeds each were placed on the roof garden of ADDU. Upon germination, 9 of 10 seedlings were randomly uprooted, leaving only one plant per pot.

D. Measurement of Cell Size
Inprints on the lower epidermis of the youngest leaf of each  tomato plant were made using colorless nail polish. These imprints were carefully placed on slides and covered with cover slips. Measurement of the sizes of the cells was done by using the micrometer under high power magnification. The cells measured for the different treatments were chosen at random.

E. Other Parameters Used
Beside size of leaf cells of the tomato plants, other parameters were used in the study:

1. Flowering and fruiting time
The onset of the flowering and fruiting periods for each tomato plant was noted.
2. Height of the plants
Measurement of the height of the tomato plants was done using a meter stick. These measurements were done at thirty-seven (37) days, seventy (70) days and one hundred forty-four (144) days after germination.
3. Weight of the tomato fruits
Ripe fruits were harvested and immediately weighed using the platform balance.
4. Vitamin C content of the tomato fruits
Immediately after harvesting, randomly chosen fruits were air dried and powered for Vitamin C content analysis using the p-dichlorophenolindphenil method (Pearson, 1970).
5. Protein content analysis
Two grams of the powdered tomato fruits from each treatment was analyzed for protein content using the macroKjeldahl method (Osborne, 1978).

Discussion and Analysis of Results

In this study, several parameters were used to find out the effects on the tomato plants of the different concentrations of colchicine and varying lengths of exposure of the seeds to the colchicine solutions. These parameters are the height of plants, the onset of the plant’s flowering and fruiting, weight of the fruits, cell size of leaves, and Vitamin C and protein contents of the fruits.

Plant Height

Tables 1,11,11a, b, and c show that increasing concentrations of colchicine and increasing lengths of exposure time produced significant differences in the height of the control and experimental plants during the early vegetative days but produced no significant differences at maturity. Treated plants were generally shorter at the start but were able to outgrow untreated plants as they approached maturity. The tallest plants were those grown from seeds exposed to 0.50 to 0.75 percent colchicine. Increasing concentration higher than 0.75 percent tended to decrease height. Plants exposed to colchicine for 6 hours were generally taller, and increasing exposure time longer than 6 hours tended to decrease height. However, no consistent pattern of response relative to increasing exposure time was observed.

At 37 days from sowing, the plants treated with colchicine were generally shorter than the control which had a height 8.43 cm. Increasing colchicine concentration depressed height and a drastic reduction became very apparent at concentrations higher than 0.75 percent. The shortest plants with mean heights of 5.67 cm. were from seeds exposed to the highest colchicine concentration of 2.0 percent. Increasing exposure time produced significant but inconsistent
differences on plant height within a range of 6.0 to 8.75 cm. At this stage, plants exposed to colchicine for more than one hour were generally taller than those exposed only for one hour.

Table I. Influence of Varying Lengths of Exposure of Tomato Seeds to Different Concentrations of
Colchicine on Height of Tomato Plants.

[Refer to the Original Copy]

Table IIa. ANOVA Results on the Influence of Varying Lengths of Exposure of Tomato Seeds to Different Concentrations of Colchicine on Plant Height 37 days after Sowing.

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Table 11b. ANOVA Results on the Influence of Varying Lengths of Exposure of Tomato Seeds to Different Concentrations of Colchicine on Plant Height 70 Days after Sowing.

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Table 11c. ANOVA Results on the Influence of Varying Lengths of Exposure of Tomato Seeds to Different Concentrations of Colchicine on Plant Height 144 Days after Sowing.

[Refer to the Original Copy]

At 70 days of age, all treated plants were taller than the 58.77 cm. of the control. Maximum height was at 0.25 percent colchicine at 69.0 cm. The retarding Influence of Increasing concentrations on plant height continued to be exhibited at concentrations higher than 0.25 percent. Inconsistent response to increasing exposure time continued to be exhibited Inspite of the resulting significant differences In height (Table lib). Plants exposed to colchicine for 6
hours or more also came out taller than those exposed for only one hour.

At maturity (144 days) all colchicine treated plants were taller than untreated ones by about 5 to 11 cm. Maximum height of 89.69 cm. was observed in the plants treated with 0.50 percent colchicine. However, statistical analysis showed no significant differences (Table He). Similarly, no significant differences in height were observed with increasing exposure time inspite of the tendency of plants exposed for 6 hours or more to be taller than those exposed for only one hour. Statistical analysis showed no significant interaction between colchicine concentration and exposure time.

Yield and Yield Components of Tomato

Yield components of the tomato plants include the number of days from sowing to flowering and the number of days from sowing to fruiting. Tables III and IVa & b show the data on the yield components of the tomatoes. Tables IVa and b reveal that increasing concentrations of colchicine significantly delayed the onset of flowering but produced no significant differences in the fruiting time. Increasing exposure time had no influence on the length of time from planting to flowering and fruiting.

The earliest flowers produced in 48.33 days were in the untreated plants as shown in Table III. Exposures to increasing colchicine concentrations resulted in an increasing delay in the flowering (55.29 days) to a maximum of about 7 days in 2.0 percent colchicine.

As for the fruiting time, although the tendency of increasing colchicine concentration to delay continued to be exhibited, no significant differences were observed (Table IVb) between the control and the treated plants.

Table III. Influence of Varying Lengths of Exposure of Tomato Seeds to Different Colchicine Concentrations on Number of Days from Sowing to Flowering and Number of Days from Sowing to Fruiting.

[Refer to the Original Copy]

Table IVa. ANOVA Results on the Influence of Varying Lengths of Exposure of Tomato Seeds to Different Concentrations of Colchicine on Number of Days from Sowing to Flowering.

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Table IVb. ANOVA Results on the Influence of Varying Lengths of Exposure of Tomato Seeds to Different Concentrations of Colchicine on Number of Days from Sowing to Fruiting.

[Refer to the Original Copy]

Fruit Yielding

Table VI shows that increasing concentrations of colchicine and length of exposure time significantly increased the yield of tomato to a maximum point beyond which yield a decline was observed. Optimum yields were observed in plants from seeds exposed for 24 to 48 hours in 0.75 to 1.5 percent colchicine concentrations (Table V).

From 399.62 gms. of yield in the untreated plants, treating seeds with colchicine concentrations of 0.25 to 1.5 percent increased the yield to 402.06 and 418.90 gms. respectively or 4.8 percent higher than that of the control. Optimum yields were in colchicine concentrations of 0.75, 1.00 and 1.50 percent with yields of 415.14,417.40 and 418.90 gms. respectively. Plants exposed
to 2.0 percent concentration yielded only 287.05 gms. which is significantly lower than the control.

Increasing exposure time resulted in increasing yield with the optimum at 24 and 48 hours which registered yields of 462.65 and 452.15 respectively. Compared to 293.58 gms. yield from plants exposed for only one hour, this represented an increase of 57.6 percent Exposing seeds for 72 hours resulted in declining plant yield to 356.22 grams.

Interaction between colchicine concentration and length of exposure time was significant indicating a relationship where the effect of increasing exposure time is enhanced with increasing concentration.

Table V. Influence of Varying Lengths of Exposure of Tomato Seeds to Different Colchicine Concentrations on Fruit Yield.

[Refer to the Original Copy]

Table VI. ANOVA Results on the Influence of Varying Length of Exposure of Tomato Seeds to Different Concetrations of Colchicine on Total Fruit Yield.

[Refer to the Original Copy]

Cell Size

Table VII reveals that increasing the concentration of colchicine from 0 to 0.50 percent also increased the size of the cells in the leaves of the tomatoes. Maximum size of 10.32 microns was reached with 0.50 percent concentration.  Further increase in the concentration reduced the size of the cell until it reached the smallest size of 8.26 microns at 2.00 percent concentration. These differences in cell size were significant. (Table VIII).

On the other hand, the biggest cell measuring 8.81 microns came from tomatoes exposed for only one hour. Increasing the exposure time tended to decrease the size of the cells. The decrease, however, was not consistent although it was significant. The smallest cell, measuring 7.36 microns was obtained from tomatoes exposed to colchicine for 12 hours. The effect of concentration on the cell size varied with exposure time. The interaction effect was significant.

Table VII. Influence of Varying Lengths of Exposure of Tomato Seeds To Different Colchicine Concentration on Cell Size.

[Refer to the Original Copy]

Table VIII. AIMOVA Results on the Influence of Varying Lengths of Exposure of Tomato Seeds to Different Concentrations of Colchicine on Cell Size.

[Refer to the Original Copy]

Vitamin C Content

Table IX shows that increasing concentration of colchicine increased the vitamin C content of tomatoes, except at 0.50 to 1.00 percent where the vitamin C content decreased. The highest Vitamin C content was attained at 2.00 percent colchicine. These results indicate that colchicine treatment of seeds can be used to enhance the Vitamin C content of the plant (Table X).
Varying lengths of exposure time also resulted to significant differences in the Vitamin C content of tomatoes. No consistent pattern of increase or decrease, however, is evident. Vitamin C content was at its highest in the plants grown from the seeds with 24 hours exposure while the lowest was noted at 12 hours of exposure.

Interaction between concentration and exposure time was highly significant. This means that the effect of different levels of concentration on the Vitamin  C content varied with different lengths of exposure to colchicine.

Table IX. Influence of Varying Lengths of Exposure of Tomato Seeds to Different Colchicine Concentrations on Vitamin C content.

[Refer to the Original Copy]

Table X. ANOVA Results on the Influence of Varying Lengths of Exposure of Tomato Seeds to Different Concentrations of Colchicine on Vitamin C content

[Refer to the Original Copy]

Protein Content

Table XI reveals that as the concentration of colchicine increased from 0 to 0.75 percent, the protein content decreased from 0.97 to 0.83 mg/IOOg.  Further increase in concentration, however, resulted to arr increase in the protein content. Optimum amount of protein was obtained at 1.50 percent concentration. The differences in protein content due to the varying concentrations of colchicine were highly significant (Table XII).

The effect of exposure time on the protein content of tomatoes was not consistent just like that of the effect of concentration of colchicine (Table XI). As the exposure time increased from 1 to 24 hours, the protein content increased from 0.93 to the optimum level colchicine (Table XI). As the exposure time increased from 1 to 24 hours, the protein content increased from 0.93
to the optimum level of 0.99. Further exposure time seemed to decrease the protein content. The effect of exposure time on the protein content of tomatoes was also significant (Table XII).

The AIMOVA also revealed a highly significant interaction effect of concentration and exposure time.

Table XI. Influence of Varying Lengths of Exposure of Tomato Seeds to Different Concentrations of Colchicine on the Protein Content.

[Refer to the Original Copy]

Table XII. ANOVA Results on the Influence of Varying Lengths of Exposure of Tomato Seeds to Different Concentrations of Colchicine on Protein Content.

[Refer to the Original Copy]

Summary, Conclusion and Recommendations

This study attempted to find the effects of colchicine on the phenotypes of potted tomato plants. Specifically, the researchers wanted to know.the effects of the different concentrations of colchicine solution and of varying time exposure of the seeds to the different colchicine concentrations on tomato plants

a. height
b. flowering and fruiting time
c. weight of fruits
d. cell size of leaves
e. Vitamin C and protein contents

The study showed that increasing colchicine concentrations and increasing lengths of exposure time produced significant differences in the height of the control and the experimental plants during the vegetative days. There was no such significant difference, however, in the height of the control and the experimental plants at maturity.

The increasing concentrations of colchicine significantly delayed the flowering time of the tomato plants. There was, nevertheless, no significant difference in the fruiting time of the control and the experimental tomato plants.

The study, likewise, revealed that increasing concentrations of colchicine and length of exposure time increased the yield of tomato significantly. Maximum yield was observed in the plants grown from seeds exposed for not more than 24 hours to not more than 1.5 percent colchicine concentration.

The largest cell (10.32 microns) was observed in the 0.50 percent colchicine concentration. Beyond the said concentration, size of the cells decreased. The differences in cell sizes were found to be statistically significant. On the other hand, the biggest cell was observed in plants from seeds exposed to only one hour in colchicine solution. Vitamin C content increased significantly as colchicine concentration, as well as the length of exposure time increased. The highest Vitamin C content was observed in plants coming from seeds exposed for 24 hours to colchicine.

This study also showed that protein content in the tomatoes was at its highest at 1.5 percent concentration. The differences in protein content due to varying concentrations of coichicine were found to be highly significant. Furthermore, the highest protein content was observed in plants exposed to coichicine solutions for 24 hours. Statistical test also showed that the differences in protein content due to varying lengths of exposure time was highly significant.

In conclusion, this study has positively indicated some effects of coichicine on the growth and development of Lycopersicon esculentum. The effects of the alkaloid mutagen varied with its concentration, the length of exposure of the seeds, and the developmental stages of the plant. Thus, while increasing concentrations produced significant differences in the heights of the control and experimental plants during their vegetative growth, no such effect could be observed at maturity. Likewise, while higher concentrations and longer exposures significantly increased the yield and the Vitamin C and protein contents of the fruits, these delayed the flowering time of the plants. High concentrations also reduced cell size. This latter observation seems to support the findings of Sanders and Franzke (1962) which revealed reduction in somatic cells following coichicine treatment.

Recommendations:

The researchers would like to recommend the following points to future investigators:

1. a similar study can be done using tomatoes in garden plots.
2. Chromosomal analysis of the tomato cells from different parts of the plant be made.
3. the extension of the study of the F2, F3 and F4 generations to determine if the characteristics induced in the parent plants by varying colchicine concentrations and varying lengths of exposure time, are inherited.

Christian Radicalism

Ritual Thought

My first thoughts, on this your graduation day, are most ordinary ones indeed. You hear them all the time. You will say “corny”, and you will be right. But I will voice them out anyway: Where will you be five years from now?  Or ten?  Or fifteen?  Or next year? And will the education you have earned at this institution- at great expense to your parents and trouble to yourselves- make a different at all to your lives and the lives of the others? And will that difference be for the better? or for the worse?

These are , as I said, very ordinary thoughts. Prosaic. Expectable. But ancient. As ancient as those expressed  in an institution rite, ages ago when mankind was young- and a wise old shaman spoke to young initiates of duties and responsibilities they were to take up as adults,of the ways and traditions of the tribe of which they were henceforth to be full-fledged members.

It is a ritual thus , that we go though here, usual, commonplace. And it is ritual questions we ask , also usual, commonplace, but for all that, necessary. And not at all irrelevant (unless, of course, you want to make them so because the future, yours, the community’s, the people’s, the nation’s, is never an irrelevancy- for the mature citizen, for the real Christian) And that maturity, that Christianity -I take for granted here.

So, though we go through rituals today, I trust we will not be indulging in irrelevancies; nor in asking questions about your future, in fantasies. For the future I am concerned with is the future that stems from the present . And it is present that does not allow for an escape into unrealistic dreaming. True, you are young. And you must dream. But there is dreaming and dreaming. And is the kind of dreaming,built on reality, not on sheer fantasy, that would like to dwell on today.

Today

The reality of today. Or realities. 1983 Anno Dommini. The 462nd since “the Discovery of the Philippines”. The 85th since “the First Republic”. The 38th since “Independence.” The 11th since “the New Society. “The 2nd since “the Fourth-or Fifth?- Republic.” It is strange that all those labels are just that, labels. And labels that cloak, not reveal, the reality they are supposed to name.  And that, my dear graduates, it the first fact we will note about today’s reality: its as if character.

The second is like the first. If the first does violence to our sense of the honest and the true, the honest and the true, the second does violence too- because  it is violence Militarization and counter-militarization – these are the order of the day. Not one day passes but we hear of murders, of killings, not the usual ones perpetuated by common criminals but by those who are supposed to ensure “peace and order” for the people on the one hand, and on the other hand, by those who are supposed to be “liberators of the oppressed.” In short, there is a war going on, a real, shooting war. And despite the high and noble intents claimed by the combatants, it is directed against the people. A fratricidal war.

The third fast born from the first two: fear, uncertainty. IN the atmosphere of easy suspicion under which we live and the easy charge of being “subversive” , of being a “rebel” or, contrariwise, of being  ” a hindrance to the revolution,” “and enemy of the people”- for so anyone who dares to refuse to be cowed by fear is labeled-the ordinary citizen cannot but fear.  And then, the most common response to enervating fear is apathy, unconcern. This state of things, this reality does not bode well for the health of ourselves as a nation- and as individuals.

That , in  great part, is the reality. Our reality. Or at least my reading of it. You contest it. You can deny it. You can analyze if differently. But  whatever you do whether you agree or not, you will have to do more than look  at the surface reality O have focused on.For the untruth, the violence, the dear, problematic as they are , I am afraid, only the symptoms of a far more serious sickness. There is a deeper reality.

Roots

This deeper reality I speak of is more during – a reality that will not go away by our simply naming its components, by talking about them- -or re-labeling them. Because they are the hard roots of the surface reality we have just reviewed: poverty – endemic, destruction of dignity;injustice – all-pervasive, corrupting both perpetrators and victims; and selfishness — institutionalized, glorified as virtue.That is the reality you are going into and for which your education, presumably, has prepared you.That is the reality about  which I asked in the beginning whether you would make a difference to it, in it, at all by what you will be,by what you will be doing after today.

So let me ask this further question: If this in truth is the reality you are to live under as adult men and women; If you are to be part of that troubled-and troubling -society; if you are to be responsible, concerned citizen, cognizant of your rights and duties and fulfilling them precisely because you are citizen; and if you are also men and women of faith to whom justice and charity are not simply private virtues but social as well, having much to do with our common striving for the good of all; what will be your response to the challenge demand of our reality and the problems that we see mark it and make it what it is? This question and your differing responses to it are no longer going to be discussed and analyzed under classrooms conditions. They will have to be lived. And  the living -that is going to be tour task and lot henceforth. Out there.

Radicality

The living, if it is to be answer at all, if it is correspond with all you have learned so far from textbooks, will have to go in only direction. It has to go at those roots. In a word it has to be literally radical. The term is fast becoming another of those labels that hide, rather  than reveal truth, reality, meaning . Just a few weeks ago, I was reading a commentary on the Catholic Bishop’s latest joint pastoral letter, and the author of the piece noted bow not one of the bishops of the Philippines had yet “gone radical.” It wasn’t hard figuring out what he meant by his statement: No bishop has yet come out in support of bloody revolution. He was right in the narrow way he understood the term. But is that what it means? To be radical in the Philippines today means to be for violence, for bloodshed, for revolution? I am not too sure.

To be radical, according to the ordinary dictionary sense, is to depart considerably from the usual, the traditional; to make extreme changes in existing views, habits, conditions or institutions. If that definition holds, I see nothing radical about violence: Countering violence with violence is as old as the hills, dating back in fact to our beginning in the jungles. Neither do I see anything  radical with the ends the champions of revolution propose: Replacing a totalitarian system of government with another just as totalitarian is no change at all. And, yet , we will have to say too, apathy, unconcern,as responses to violence, or criticizing and talking but doing nothing – passive acceptance of things as they are – these are no way radical either. So what is radical?  Who is radical?

Gospel Radicalism

A young man put it to me very simply once: “The truth is the one who lives by the Sermon on the Mount.” That definition does not sound too exciting. And you may laugh at it, reject it out of hand. I didn’t when I first heard it. If it had been said by the priest , a holy manang, a professional cursillista of charismatic, i might have dismissed it as conventional religion at bet, as pious dribble at worst. But the young man who spoke those words had known war and violence, insurgency and counter-insurgency, and had gone through such soul-searching as may a thoughtful young man or woman does today not only in regard to his mode of thinking but as well in the style of life he and his family were to live . And knowing all that, I saw his acceptance of the Sermon on the Mount as his charter of radicality made plenty of sense.

If his words still strike you , as I said above , as sheer “pious dribble,” try doing what he did: Try giving up great opportunities for economic and social preferment for a life given over to service, often thankless service, of the needy; try putting everything you have in working mightily for justice and turning the other cheek when you are slapped for your efforts; try hacking away at entrenched oppression and exploitation and keeping at it even when you see no result , or when there are, seeing them brought to naught because to the powers-that-be they are “subversive”; try facing the nozzle end of a gun held by one who looks at you as a hindrance to his ends of power mainly because you are for peace, truth, justice, and still go on working for those ends, come what mat; try in the face of frustration  after depressing frustration to continue believing in the human capability to find answers to the apparently impossible, to go beyond “last resort”  solutions; try walking the way of peace when that way leads through violence, hatred, the threat of death-for yourself.

I don’t think this particular young man can be easily ignored, his Christianity dismissed as “opiate”. For if there is anything what will go to the roots of our untruths, our violences, our fears, do something drastic to our poverties, our injustices, our selfishness it of his formula. Or rather, Christ’s. We talk of options a lot of these days, of alternatives, ideologies, approaches to change.And when we do, we think in terms of huge systemic, political, and economic structure like capitalism and communism and the like. We debate and argue and fight among ourselves about which system will best bring about the millennium of peace and prosperity to our poor benighted country. We talk about reform, renewal, restructuring . We talk about radicalism.

The meaning I give radicalism, I am fully aware, is not acceptable to many of you here. Events in this part of the country in the recent past only serve to strengthen the definition of radicality in terms of violence and the destruction of present  oppressive structures of society through violence. But that is exactly the point: Change there has to be, but if the change we envision is to be truly radical, the methods and means we use should also share in the quality to radicality of our ends, the process of bringing about change must carry in itself, if only in germ, the radically new structures we aim to build. The seeds sown, the harvest reaped, cannot, as the folk saying goes, be two different things, Neither can the manner, the how of sowing and the reaping

Hope

These are heavy thoughts for a joyful event such as today’s. So let me end on an up-beat note. And that note is hope. Our young man is not an isolated” voice crying in the wilderness.” There are thousands like him, I am happy to say, little people, the majority away at their Christianity in the midst of killing and bloodshed, rapine and fear, and consuming  selfishness. They are our hope. Though unnoticed,though unsung, they will make a difference in their attempting to go beyond  mere labels to the radical core of their Christianity. With them striving , plugging away, suffering in the manner of the Preacher of the Sermon on the Mount, whatever happens in the future to us as a people, they will make a difference to that future.

You too will make a difference, certainly, whatever you do, whatever you will be after today. I only pray it will be the kind that those little people I spoke of represent the kind that will enlarge out hope . From these rites, then from our rituals questions and our ritual answers, we pass on from symbols to reality. In that reality, let us make- hope.

Eastern Mindanao Area Research Consortium (EMARC)

Annual Report: 1982  

The Eastern Mindanao Area Research Consortium (EMARC) was formally  established on 8 January 1982 upon the signing of a Memorandum of Agreement between the Philippine Social Science Council (PSSC) and four Mindanao-based academic institutions Ateneo de Davao University, (Davao City), Holy Cross College of Digos (Davao del Sur) Notre Dame University (Cotabato city), and Urios College (Butuan City). Fr.  Arong (President of Notre Dame University) was elected Chairman of the EMARC Governing Body, with Ms. Teresita N. Angeles (Director of the Social Research Office of the Ateneo de Davao University) as EMARC Coordinator. In June 1982, Fr. Emeterio Barcelon (President of Ateneo de Davao University) was elected Chairman in lieu of Fr.  Arong whose term of office as university president has expired.

      It has since pursued a range of research-related activities  in its efforts to promote local expertise in conducting socioeconomic and cultural researches relevant to the development needs of the region. Such areas of mutual cooperation and assistance among the consortium-members include designing and conducting a joint research project on poverty, participating  in various training workshops conducted during the research project, and designing a graduate-program in applied social research for faculty and staff development.

EMARC Research Project

     The initial research project addressees itself to rural poverty and id entitled “A Multi-purpose Study of Fishing Villages in Eastern Mindanao.” It focuses on the socio-psychological and economic realities confronting 400 fishermen households located in four fishing villages.
The survey report contains the individual profiles of the four fishing villages, and covers such variables as household characteristics, fishing activities, awareness and attitude toward government assistance, organizational participation and fishermen’s needs, aspirations and perceptions. A final section integrating the individual profile has similarly been prepared.
The results of this initial research project will be presented in a multi-sectoral conference to be held in May at the new PSSC Center in Quezon City, along with the two other PSSC initiated research consortia will similarly be presenting their respective poverty researches.
Tentative plans for the second EMARC research project consist of secondary research utilizing the existing data set on fishing villages. These will hopefully result in a series of research papers developed from the initial study. Research participants may include both the members of the Research Committee and the grantees of the ongoing EMARC faculty development program.

Training Program

Training workshops and meetings were likewise held during the year relative to the research project on fishing villages. These ranged from developing an integrated research design for the four study-sites, a structured household interview schedule, requirements for computer-processing, data-analysis, interpretation, and report writing. Attended by the members of the EMARC research team during the various phases of the study, the workshops were held in Davao City, Digos (Davao del Sur), Cotabato City, Butuan City and in UP Los Banos. The PSSC-EMARC consultants (Dr. Ricardo Abad, Dr. Vicente Pangueo, and Dr. Henry Magalit) provided the necessary technical assistance in directing specific phases of the study. As an expressed need by the research team, a workshop on “Index-Construction” by mid-1983 has been proposed by Dr. Ricardo Abad.

Faculty Development Program

The consortium has likewise embarked on a faculty development program as its own contribution to the national goals of human resources development which is relevant and specific to Mindanao. It consists of a two-year series of graduate courses offered for the degree “Master of Arts in Applied Social Research” (MASOR) with a final year for research practice in the home-institutions as the thesis requirement.
The initial courses offered consisted of “Theory Construction and A Review of Classical Sociological Theories” (MASOR 101) and “Communications and Motivations” (MASOR 102). Two faculty members from UP Los Banos (Dr. Jaime Valera and Dr. Pura Depositario) handled the courses during the initial two-week training period. Thirteen graduate students are currently participating in the EMARC_MASOR program, nine of whom are EMARC faculty-grantees. Appendix B contains the lists of participants. The second two week training period was scheduled for April 4-16, 1983 in Davao City. Two UPLB faculty (Dr. Leonardo Chua and Dr. Jaime Valera) were similarly  invited to handle the next two-courses “Social And Cultural Change” (MASOR 103) and “Sociology of Development” (MASOR 104), respectively. The third set of EMARC-MASOR courses involving “Social Research Design” (MASOR 105) and “Fundamental Statistics” (MASOR 106), was held in May. These were handled by Dr. Henry Magalit and Dr. Leonardo Chua of UP Los Banos. It is hoped that faculty resources of other academic institutions be harnessed  for the other EMARC-MASOR courses in the interest of providing the trainees a wide exposure in social science research expertise within the context of Philippine society.

Financial Status

To date, PSSC has released the total amount of P284,400.00 to the consortium. Given the activities mentioned earlier, a total of P191,530.91 has been disbursed. A detailed financial statement will subsequently be prepared by the Finance Department of the Ateneo de Davao University.

Philippine Perspectives 1945-1985

Lingayen Beach 1945

It is a beautiful day in July of ‘85.1 walk upon a beach whereon I once ran ashore on the 9th of January of 1945. The beach, a scimitar of pale gray sand, stretches for 40 miles around the crown of a horseshoe shaped gulf facing the China Sea. Our landing, the largest amphibious operation of the Pacific war, occurred in the Lingayen Gulf of Luzon Island in the Philippines. It was the pre­lude to our dash down the Luzon plain and the liberation of Manila.
I look to the sea. Instead of 600 ships, a lone fishing boat, with outrigger and two men, approaches through the gentle surf. Overhead, the sky is blue with high flying clouds; the haze from the ship’s guns and rockets is missing. I look to the left and right. Six people are all I see. The beach is clear, not even one piece of litter. I look toward land. The scene has not changed; two hundred yards of windy sand slopes upward into the row of low lying dunes, blue sky beyond.
Why did we come here forty years ago? We never asked, but we learned as we move southward and into Manila. We had come from fighting in the jungles of the Solomon Islands, a place where warfare hurts only the combatants. There  entered a world of people, families, children, villages, farms, a large city. The people taught us why we had come: the sick children who had never seen a doctor, the churches without a minister, schools and universities closed, malnourishment evident on every hand, and in Manila, starvation the norm.
Why have returned? I have wanted to see what had happened to a people in forty years. Have they changed? We had been very close. We shared our rations. We suffered and died together. The Philippine people had been part of us. Had we done much over the years? Do the people have enough to eat? What about schools, health, transportation, jobs? What is life like?
In ’45, we ran over the low dunes, miraculously with little opposition. We ran along the rice paddies and fish ponds to our point of rendezvous. Everything was exactly as the rubber contour maps we had studied on the long ship journey had predicted. Across the dunes it looks the same today, but there are more bamboo (nipa) huts, for the population has grown. I remember hurrying through Binmaley, our first village (Barrio) after landing, only this time my wife and I have had a delightful lunch at a beautiful restaurant built on pilings out over a large fishpond. All the villages have grown. In an adjoining town, Lingayen, we found a memorial park containing two old Navy fighters and two Sherman tanks, each on a concrete pad. A troop of boy scouts were setting up camp, a comforting sight.
The first night ashore, three of us crawled under a nipa hut to get out of a light rain. The little huts were made of basket woven bamboo with thatched roofs and were about four feet off the ground. An entire family may live in one.
All night long a baby cried. It’s voice was music to our ears, for we had not seen a baby since leaving Fiji  two years before. That touch of family gave us a feeling of warmth. The next morning when our battalion aid station was set up, that family appeared along with many others. Later, I talked with our surgeon. He told me that the baby was dying, and he could do little. From that day onward until that war ended and we went home, our medics treated civilians for all the illnesses that had developed in a land deprived of proper medical care for three years.
My division, the 37th, pushed southward, the 40th on our right and I Corp on our left. manila was our goal, 100 weary miles away. It was rice paddies or sugar cane fields with frequent barrios and town, all criss-crossed with rivers and streams. Our retreating foe usually had destroyed the bridges.

Urbiztondo

The morning of our first Sunday ashore found us approaching the village of Urbiztondo. In the distance, coming from the center of town, were the un­mistakable notes of a trumpet. Soon we arrived at the town square, a grassed area of a few acres with a church facing one side and houses and stores on the other. Some of the buildings had balconies similar to those seen in New Orleans. Standing on a balcony, overlooking the road from the North, a young man was blowing on an old battered brass trumpet. He was playing “Star Dust” over and over as more troops appeared and passed through town. He rested from time to time when his weary lips gave out or whenever a lull appeared in the traffic, but soon he would point his horn skyward toward the north and render a few more choruses of the tune he loved best. His tear washed face radiated happiness. Between performances, he waved and shouted his joy.
It was my luck, that morning, to park my radio command car in front of the church under a tree beside the bell; hence, I could observe the parade of little events that usually go unnoticed. The church was typical of that land, large in area, but with a low roof; made of white stuccoed masonry with a somewhat higher facade. The village churches had an appealing charm. Some of the churches had tall bell towers, but this one did not. Its bell hanged from a small four-pole bamboo structure in the yard. It also happened that the Catholic chaplain of the 148th Infantry, pack on his back, wandered into town. Finding a church at hand on Sunday morning, his first in a couple of years, he unslung his pack and went in telling some bystanders that he would conduct mass, the first, it turned out, that the town had had in three years. Word spread quickly. Soon a man appeared and began ringing the church bell. Others opened all the doors and windows. People came from miles around, women wearing mantillas on their heads, men with roosters under their arms, children at their feet. The men would tie the rooster’s feet together, place the birds under a bush, and with their families, go into church. Inside, the good father conducted one service after another all to the clear overriding notes of “Star Dust”.
Damp-eye people came out as new arrivals went in; units of troops approached and passed southward. The chaplain and the trumpeter continued with their self-appointed obligations. Men retrieved their roosters and gathered in little groups about the square. Women visited as they tended their babies.
Children romped about. Every one was waiting respectfully for the chaplain to finish. Finally the last mass was over. The chaplain came out, pausing to receive the thanks and blessings of the grateful, teary-eyed throng. He stopped by my car to fill his canteens and chat a moment.
“How did it feel to have a civilian congregation for a change, Father?”, I asked. “A most satisfying morning,” he replied. “A very devout people. Very devout”, he added, with a touch of reverence in his voice, as he glanced about the little groups of men now busy organizing cock fights and placing bets. So saying, he slung his faded jungle pack on his back and headed southward, on foot, in pursuit of his paripatetic flock. As he departed down the road the gold notes of “Star Dust” trailed after him.
Urbiztondo has grown. We find the square a bit cluttered with more build­ings. The church? It’s had its roof raised about one storey and has a new gleam­ing facade, higher and more ornate. The bell is gone, but from what looks like a new belfry a huge loud speaker protrudes. It stands on the spot where I parked 40 years ago, under the same but larger shade tree. The church has lost much of its charm and we are alone in the square, not even a rooster passed by, but then it is a Thursday afternoon.

The Upper Plain

After Urbiztondo my unit passed through village after village: Bayambang, Camiling, Paniqui,and the town of Tarlac. As we arrived at each we were greeted by women with tears in their eyes and, as a gesture of welcome, passing out chunks of raw sugar. The sugar crop was just in, and much like maple sugar they simply boiled down the juice and poured it into half coconut shells to harden. They gave away tons. We munched raw sugar all the way to Manila. It dripped molasses and loaded with B vitamins and minerals. It was just what we needed, but did not fully appreciate. They wanted to give us all their food, but sugar, their current cash crop, was really all they had. It was unnecessary for them to give it away no matter how grateful they felt. We did, however, repay the debt later in Manila. Whenever we stopped for a day, kids swarmed around us, climbed over trucks and equipment and sucked on C ration hard candy. Their older sisters asked for magazines so they could find out from the ads what kind of dresses they should be wearing. For about a week we kept expecting air raids, so we dug fox holes everytime we stopped very long. I remember a friend. Bill Poporoski, digging a huge hole. I asked him, “Why?” “I figured I can grab four kids in each arm and sweep them in under me when the bombs come”, he replied. Bill was the biggest sucker for kids. Unlike our jungle warfare, no bombs ever came.

As we moved further south the people did not look as healthy. Being farther from the coast and its abundant fish, protein became scarce. At first it showed up in isolated families; later malnutrition became endemic. Its victims developed extended bellies, running sores, matted eyes, sick looking skin, and were prone to illnesses. The state of malnutrition climaxed into starvation in Manila.
There is a second great plain on Luzon Island. It is the Cagayan valley that contains the Cagayan river flowing 130 miles northward to the top of the island. Yamashita chose the valley and its parallel mountain ranges as the final great delaying action for his retreating troops. Access is through rough mountains by narrow passes or by air. While we were in our rest area after Baguio the war in Europe ended, which meant that junior divisions were being sent to the Pacific to join us in the final big one coming up. The point system was announced and soon a few higher point men were heading home. We received many replacements for all units and once again basic combat training began. Meanwhile the 25th division had managed to move up route 5 toward the Cagayan valley as far as the Balete pass where they bogged down. Our 148th was sent up to help them. In five days the enemy was routed and the 24th could pass through and have the honors. The follow up action by the 25th was too slow so once more we were on the move. Passes to Manila were canceled, and farewells to girls were made. We ran through the pass.

I remember passing through the 25th area. They had whitewashed stones lining the walkways to their tents, every sign of a leisure garrison life. We passed a large fenced area. A sign said, “25th division stockade.” What kind of an outfit is it that needs a stockade in war time?
Soon we passed through the mountains and onto the billard table flat plain; our goal was Aparri at the mouth of the river at the sea. Speed was essential. Yamashita tried at many towns and river crossings to set up defenses, but our infantry always arrived too soon. Our regiments leapfrogged each other with the resting units spreading out chasing straggling units into the flanking mountains. We had all kinds of supporting troops: heavy corps artillery, air support, a half dozen Philippine guerrilla and newly organized army units, and all kinds of support units. At times the division was spread over sixty miles. Communication within my battalion was a problem, especially if a mountain got in the way. Every time we moved a firing battery it was put right up in front with the infantry outposts, otherwise, within a day it would be out of range. Our bulldozers never stopped moving forward. They would get the gun positions dug and then head up the road hoping that at their 2.5 mile per hour speed they would be at the next position in time. We chased from one side of the valley to the other as enemy units moved into the hills.
I remember once driving out one of those side roads looking for one of our scattered firing batteries. My driver and I were alone. It was the kind of terrain that made one Leary. Stragglers and infiltrators love to catch lonely vehicles like mine on out-of-the way roads. We passed an abandoned enemy tank, its gun aimed at us. I regretted having only a pistol. Then suddenly we rounded a curve, and I heard a bell. We slowed and approached cautiously. There, in a clearing stood a little country schoolhouse straight out of my Midwest childhood. In its doorway a young woman stood ringing a hand bell, the kind I remembered responding to at the end of recess time. I felt an overwhelming feeling of security and good will. I had never felt safer in my life. We watched the children run past her into the school, then we drove on. That scene was typical of those people. Schools had been closed for a long time, but as soon as we had passed through, the teacher did not have to be told. She knew her duty. She opened the door and rang the bell. The kids responded, much like the church scene I mentioned earlier.
A new aspect of that war developed. The enemy was running out of supplies and all the things that were needed. We began to find stragglers too sick to go on and more often,a few at a time surrendering. I remember once seeing two enemy soldiers trying to surrender to a long string of fast moving trucks, but nobody had time to stop. Other times we would find where the enemy had shot the sick and wounded rather than have them surrender, but more and more the pathetic troops came out of the hills and accepted our hospitality. Over the years the enemy had been rarely visible. We did not have strong feelings.one way or the other, toward them. Ours had been a feeling of, “Get the job done so we can go home”. Now as we watched those pathetic, sick, hungry wretches come out of the hills we began to have feelings for them. It was difficult to imagine them as the fanatic enemy of the past years. We also wondered about the near future when we would be fighting the worst battle of all time: the invasion of their home land; their brothers totally surrounded, equally fanatic, would have nowhere to retreat to.
Despite all our best efforts and speed we did not make it to Aparri first. We were up above Tuguegarao when the 11th airborne dropped in on Aparri by parachute thus taking the honors.
Not too long thereafter the bomb was dropped and the war officially ended. Our infantry still had weeks of work persuading the enemy to come out. Yamashita did. Radios were dropped to known enemy groups so they could be assured of the surrender, and thousands did. I remember seeing a truckload of enemy nurses; we had never associated women with the enemy. Everything possible was done to get the poor people out and cared for. There are those who, with hindsight and the benefit of later knowledge, have condemned the dropping of the bomb. If it had not occurred there is no evidence that the enemy would have surrendered before the whole country of Japan would have been destroyed. We would have been fighting every man, woman, and child. Those who disagree never faced those people as an enemy. The death toll would have been enormous on all sides. Nobody ever wins a war; you just get them stopped.

Fort Stotsenburg

Within two weeks of landing, the 37th had.moved sixty miles south. I Corp on our left flank had encountered much opposition as the enemy retreated eastward into die mountains leaving us with an exposed flank 53 miles long. When the 40th on our right ran into heavy resistance in the foothills of the western mountains we knew our turn had come. Clark Field and Fort Stotsenburg lay dead ahead. The battle for the area and the surrounding highlands delayed us about a week with the 129th Infantry regiment aided by part of the 145th and the 160th from the 40th Division doing the job. The enemy, with every advantage of terrain and fortifications fought with the kind of fanaticism we had been expecting from our experiences in the Solomons. The battle was short but bitter, a portent of things to come.
Meanwhile Mac Arthur had brought the 1st Cavalry Division up from Leyte, attached it to our corps, and said, “Join the race to Manila”. The completely motorized units could move faster than our infantry and the glamorous “Cavalry” better suited MacArthur’s posture in the news. Our 148th pushed on down Highway 3 while the 1st took parallel Route 5. I remember seeing MacArthur. He arrived in his jeep and was held up at one of the blown-out bridges. We were trying to get our 105’s and ammo across to keep up with the infantry. He had to wait. The guns had higher priority. He and our Division Commander, General Beightler, met at that point. Although they were old comrades from Rainbow Division during days of WWI, the 1st Cavalry had his blessing
The race was on. Our 148th was off first with the rest of our division leapfrogging after. Both Divisions met ever increasing opposition. The need for haste was humane. Several thousand Allied civilians were interned at Santo Tomas University, and the native civilian population was getting desperate Our route led through swamp lands and jungle-like terrain. Over 50 bridges were blown and the rivers had to be forded One long bridge at Calumpit used up all the bridging materials that the engineers had and still wasn’t enough. We had to use boats and pontons. The delay cost us the race. The highways joined near a town called Plaridel. We got there first so we had the job of cleaning out 350 enemies who were putting up a desperate delaying action. The road to Manila was now direct.
Soon we reached the city line.
When MacArthur left Manila three years earlier he declared it an open city to avoid its destruction. He now gave the enemy an opportunity to do the same. Our division piled up in open fields just north of the line. An armored unit of the cavalry, having passed through us below Plaridel, entered the city and broke through the walls of Santo Tomas University grounds to rescue our citizens. History gives them the credit for the race, but once in, they were surrounded and couldn’t get out. Meanwhile, at the city line we found a large building, the Balintawak brewery, full of beer. As units approached they got the news. Soon every available container was filled with beer. Beer flowed. To get to it one waded. Men poured helmets full over their heads. The surrounding hillsides and fields were full of joyous men flushing out the dust of miles and weeks of struggling down the plain. The next morning General Beightler, contrary to MacArthur’s desires said, “Go in”, and the boys of the 148th slugged in and rescued the cavalry and our citizens at Santo Tomas.

Manila

Manila is divided into two parts by the Pasig river which flows from the east into Manila Bay. The original walled city called Intramuros lies on the south side of the river mouth. It is dominated by Fort Santiago which was a prime target when Dewey arrived in 1898. The fort proved to be our final target also. Manila, The Pearl of the Orient, was a beautiful city of wide avenues crossing graceful bridges, of handsome modern reinforced concrete buildings, churches and colleges built in the old Spanish tradition, spreading residential areas, and occasionally, clusters of little nipa huts. One had a feeling of air and spaciousness. Tropical trees and park areas were scattered throughout. Manila was a centuries-old melting pot of many races and cultures. The local language, Tagalog, reflected that mold. Everyone seemed to speak three languages. The native Filipinos might include several Philippine dialects as well as Spanish and English, and the Chinese, at least two Chinese variations. Many Americans married to other nationals lived there.
The enemy chose to defend the city. The Admiral in charge had over 16 thousand men. They stripped every damaged plane and ship in the area of all weapons, bombs, depth charges, and supplies. All were moved into the central areas. Streets were mined with depth charges and heavy bombs. Naval guns were set up for anti-tank usage. Concrete buildings were turned into fortresses that had to be taken room by room. All bridges were blown up. Civilians were often forced to stay in the buildings along with the defenders. The buildings were usually mined so that they would blow up as the retreating enemy set them afire.
Our division moved rapidly into the city against ever-increasing resistance, pushing toward the Pasig river. That first day I remember well. We were set up on the grounds of a slaughterhouse. Our field kitchen promised something more than C rations. We had barely begun to eat our noonday meal when about fifty civilians appeared with buckets made from old tin cans and grabbed our garbage as fast as any appeared. There was nothing left to dispose of, nor would there be for the next month. The following morning I wanted to brush my teeth, but all the cans and my canteens were still full of Balintawak beer.
We moved deeper into the city. Ahead, we could see clouds of smoke rising. The enemy was setting buildings on fire as he was forced back. The fires set off the mines and ammunition he had planted in the buildings and streets. As a result whole sections were completely destroyed. Professor Ronald H. Spector, in his recent book, Eagle Against the Sun, blames us for much of the damage and resulting deaths of civilians by heavy use of artillery. The fact is we had strict orders, from MacArthur on down, that no artillery could be used against any building until all civilians were out. The result was that the infantry had to go in against fire and take a building room by room. The orders were not needed. Often our men found clusters of bayoneted civilians in buildings when they went in, but most of the time our men got in on time to rescue the civilians alive When artillery was used it was against specific buildings or corner of a building, so as to have accuracy. There were no civilians in them.
The beginning of the battle for Manila found the 37th covering the city between the bay shore and a line running from the Chinese Cemetery on the north down to the railway and hence along the south easterly running tracks to the Pasig River. The 1st Cavalry had the rest of the city and suburbs to the east. The 40th was off in the western mountains aimed towards Bataan. Meanwhile, a new arrival, the 11th Airborne Division was working its way around the southern side of the bay. It too wanted a piece of the city. Ours was most of downtown Manila where most of the enemy waited. The battle for the city really began on February 4th and soon advanced to within a few blocks of the Pasig River.
Old Bilibid Prison was one of the first landmarks to fall. There, unexpectedly, were found 1275 American prisoners, both soldiers and civilians. The whole area was set afire by the enemy. The streets were mined, buildings blew up as the fires set off mines planted within them. The enemy raked the area with artillery, machine guns, and sniper fire Escaping civilians crowded the streets. When the unit head permitted, our infantry moved ahead building by building, floor by floor, room by room Artillery support could only be used for clear spot targets.
The jungle fighters from the Solomons quickly learned to fight in a different kind of jungle Acts of heroism on the part of men and officers and of Philippine civilians were common.
What are my memories of those first couple of weeks? It seemed I slept but little Communications were vital. As section chief, I was on the jump day and night I slept curled up in the front seat of my radio command car. Civilians were everywhere, sleeping under trees, in schoolhouses, public buildings, and all of them were hungry. We were officially not supposed to give them our rations, but once the food was in our mess kits the decision was ours. Crowds permanently stayed by our field kitchens cleaning up every scrap of garbage. As we got our mess kits filled at chow time we would walk away past those people. What could one do? We would hold out the kit. In seconds it would be grabbed by the handfuls and eaten. For some unknown reason there was a bakery battalion following us, and for the first time in three years we had bread. Fresh bread! We expressed our joy by keeping our slice of bread and munching it slowly as we sipped our huge canteen mug of coffee. For those first two weeks I never ate a meal, but after dark when no one could see me as I sat in the front seat of my car I would slowly eat a can of C rations. ‘Till then I had never thought that eating food could be a sin.
We stayed in one spot for several days. A girl, about ten years old, along with her little brother, orphans I guess, never left our garbage can area by the kitchen. They exhibited all the worst signs of malnutrition and starvation. They were too weak to scramble with the others and grab at our handouts. They just stood there, eyes matted shut, running sores, bellies distended, pitiful, revolting. Yet in a few days, they improved immensely. As near as I could figure out, coffee grounds did it. When the mad fighting scramble would be over only coffee grounds would be left for the more feeble, all of which were eaten. Once, I held out my mess kit toward a young wild eyed mother with two small children. She made a grab and knocked everything, dehydrated potatoes and Spam, into the dust at our feet. Instantly both children dove into the dirty mess and grabbed handfuls. She dove down knocked both kids aside and ate. The three of them fought over the last remnants, scraping up dirt, dust, and all. The sick, homeless, hungry, desperate people taught me that this civilization of ours is but a thin veneer that can vanish in a day. Those people included European, Philippine, American, Chinese, and others. I swore that I would never, as long as I live, willfully waste food.
Somehow food for Manila began to arrive from the States. It must have been flown in to Clark Field at first and later sent by boat. They must have emptied warehouses, in Hawaii maybe, of all canned foods. The craziest things began to appear: gourmet sardines in mustard sauce, expensive red salmon from Alaska It made a big difference, but things were touch and go for six weeks.
On the lighter side, I remember our infantry liberating a house stuffed with cases of half pints of Canadian Club. Those little bottles fitted nicely into fatigue pockets and were a pleasant interlude.
I cannot forget our medics and aid men From dawn till dark they never stopped treating civilians as well as our own people There are many stories of their heroism of going after casualties under fire. Many Filipinos helped. I must tell one story from my division history.
The first crossing of the Pasig river was made by the 148th in the Malacañang Palace area, all under heavy enemy fire. The medics were busy and there were many heroic acts of rescue of wounded men. “Chico”, a little, 37 year old Filipino who had been a technical sergeant in the Philippine Army before the war, adopted the 148th aid station. He had fought in Bataan and had been interned along with the others, but being Filipino, had been released before our return. With our return to Manila he decided it was time to get back in harness. He dug up an ancient battered American soup bowl helmet and long hidden U.S. insignia and went looking for action. At the palace grounds he found it. Every time a man collapsed under the heavy fire, Chico spotted him and was usually the first to reach him. Dashing across the shell-swept ground with a borrowed medical kit, he rushed to the casualties one after another and gave them aid. Seemingly impervious to the shelling, he made many trips through the grounds to assist wounded men and saved many lives.
Later, after a pontoon bridge had been installed across the river and the heavier fighting had moved south of the river, civilians by the thousands began moving north across the pontoon bridge to the somewhat safer side. Crowding into the command post area in the Malacañang Gardens, on the south side, the civilians were in pitiful shape. With an unerring eye, Chico detected the most seriously wounded and ill and sidetracked them into a hastily prepared aid station while, with a strident voice and commanding gestures he kept the unending procession moving across the bridge, out of the way of men and vehicles moving south. Throughout the Manila campaign, Chico combined the best feature of aid man, traffic cop and dental technician, as he accompanied the regimental aid station and dogged the steps of Major John Gallen, the regimental surgeon. Only those who were genuinely sick or wounded received attention of that self-appointed arbiter. Chico was consequently cited by the regimental commander for, “exemplifying the highest traditions of his people in his courage, his devotion to duty, and his ability”.
I remember crossing that bridge with its unending stream of civilians moving north. One of my battery mates was severely wounded by a mortar shell soon after the initial crossing.

South of the Pasig River

In those times the city south of the river surrounding Intramuros was mot open-wide avenues, parks, large public buildings. The infantry found less cove but we could use the artillery more often The enemy was making his last stand. The mining of streets and open areas, the fortress-like barricades of the large buildings, and the use of heavy weapons far exceeded what had gone before There were homes, schools, and churches, but the enemy favored defend in public buildings. The General Post Office, Paco Railway Station, City Hall Legislative Building, Agriculture Building, were all fortresses that had to b taken room by room before the area east of Taft Avenue was secure. Home were burned, and civilians bayoneted and used as shields by the defenders. Our medics were swamped. The Philippine General Hospital and the University of th Philippines lay across Taft Avenue. Our troops had reached the bay below the hospital and had turned north thus completing the trap around the defenders.
The enemy had crowded over seven thousand civilians into the hospital complex; Americans, Europeans, and Orientals. Again the infantry had to get in by hand, before the defenders had time to turn on the civilians. It was touch and go under heavy fire through mined areas, but the people were rescued. It took several days to clear all the buildings; some were eventually destroyed. Other sites such as the post office building did not have civilians interned; hence, could be attacked with heavy artillery before the infantry went in, thus saving many lives. Those buildings with their cemented windows, sandbagged approaches, heavy weapons, surrounding mine fields of 500 pound bombs, and pillboxes in the hallways were indeed fortresses. They had to be demolished to get the enemy out The University of the Philippines was pretty well destroyed.
All of the foregoing was but the preliminary to the final job: the taking of the walled city, Intramuros. While our infantry were cleaning out the General Hospital area, the 1st Cavalry having cleared out the eastern regions of the Manila area had swung around the south of us and had worked up along the beach taking the Manila Hotel, thus completing the encirclement of Intramuros. The moat area around the walled city had long been filled in and served as a golf course. The walls were about thirty feet high, medieval Spanish in design. The enemy had guns placed everywhere along the walls, pillboxes scattered throughout the streets, tunnels under the streets, trenches, barbed wire, obstacles, mines, tons of ammunition, and civilian prisoners held in strategic places. How to get him out? There was a weak area in the north wall facing the river. Across the river we placed artillery wheel to wheel and fired point black into the wall area destroying the wall and making a ramp from the water to the top of the rubble. At the same time heavy shelling destroyed the north gate area in the east wall. As soon as the walls crumbled the 129th Infantry was boated across the river. They ran up the bank and rubble and were inside the wall before the enemy could react. At the same time the North Gate was entered by the 145th. Again it was building by building with Fort Santiago as the climax. Again, it was, “Get the civilians out.” In the first six hours about 2000 were removed. The Cathedral was one of the defended points. As the infantry entered, about 200 refugees, mostly women and children accompanied by nuns and a few priests, came out, all part of the delaying action. Fort Santiago fell rather quickly, but in one of the dungeon-like ammunition rooms the bodies of 600 Filipino men were found, five layers deep, their bodies partially burned. Today a sign stands at the entrance to the dungeon, testifying to the event.
Three buildings remained just south of Intramuros: Legislative, Finance, and Agriculture. These were probably the strongest built modern earthquake proof structures in the city. Admiral Iwabuchi with seven hundred men were holed up in these, the most defendable in the city. The open park land around them was heavily mined. The 148th, the 1st Calvary, and many corp units participated. Since there were no civilians, artillery and all possible weapons were used. Still the enemy had to be cleaned out room by concrete room. An attempt was made to get the enemy to surrender in the Legislative building. Our Nisei members spoke to the enemy by loud speakers during a ceasefire, but no enemy came out The Finance building was next. This time 22 enemies came out, a record. Later, an officer and an enlisted man came out, but the man was picked off by one of his comrades. The destruction and fall of those buildings ended the battle for Manila.
The enemy lost 16,664 men of which the 37th accounted for 13,006. The 37th lost 461 men out of 3732 casualties. We bore the brunt of the city fighting, yet, at the time I remember tuning in the news from home on short wave and all one heard was how those dismounted horsemen were fighting in the streets. Time called us all Marines. We felt that Time and the radio people were currying favor with MacArthur and that cavalry sounded more glamorous. Newsweek was more honest and accurate. In the years since, I have preferred Newsweek.
The men of my division during the Luzon battles were often cited for gallantry in action, the battle for Manila accounting for most. There were five Medals of Honor, 65 Distinguished Service Crosses, 609 Silver Stars, plus over 9000 Purple Hearts and lesser awards.
Professor Spector in his book says that 100,000 civilians were killed out of a population of 800,000. That simply is not true. If one in eight people had been killed they would have been piled high in the streets and we would have all been on an incredible burying detail. It did not happen. Others have called the Philippine operation a needless waste. Hindsight and a total disregard for a starving ill people, or our own citizens, or any humanitarian feelings might cause one to agree During all those weeks no one ever said to me, “You should not have come”. And this time back I still am thanked.
After the fall of Manila my unit moved out to Quezon City, a suburb, where we stayed in empty mansions of a wealthy neighborhood. Soon boys, 10 to 15 years old, appeared and attached themselves to us, running errands, getting laundry done, and giving us excuses to give them food. An odd aspect of the occupation was that a twelve year old boy might be a better bread winner than his father, since adults were watched and their movements restricted whereas a boy could scurry about, barter, or earn a peso. Two boys with the help of a little 12 year old Chinese girl commandeered me. Food was still scarce but increasing and the people and the government were beginning to get things back to normal. We became acquainted with families, shared our food with them, invited them to our movies, and in return were invited into their homes. Friendships developed and an occasional romance. We soon got to know people who, before the war had been of successful middle class business and professional families. The war had destroyed their businesses, some never to be regained. What got to me was the demoralization of the men. For three years they were helpless in their efforts to support their families. They were literally prisoners in their homes or neighborhoods. I talked to those men. They felt emasculated, embarrassed in front of us. Men usually cannot help expressing their air of success or failure before one another. I guess we radiated our feeling of confidence and success since conversations with the older men were usually awkward. A lethargy seemed to prevail as the people slowly recovered.
There were exceptions. I remember one Filipino who, before the battle for Manila had ended was buying, trading, or collecting electrical equipment of all kinds, particularly motors. By the time I met him he had a shop going repairing equipment of all kinds that soon would be needed. Another exception was the father of one of my boys. His cigar manufacturing and exporting business was gone forever, but he was a rock on which his friends and neighbors seemed to lean. That family and I soon became good friends, and we have kept in touch over the years. My first move on this trip was to visit one of the family still living in Manila. He reminded me of the wonderful powdered eggs and dehydrated potatoes I had sent home to his family with his little brother. Their main diet had been sweet potatoes grown in their backyard. I reminded him of the times his mother invited several of us to their home, our first in three years. With little to work with, she served delicious food, on china and linen. Came Easter Sunday, she managed a wonderful dinner. I couldn’t believe all that was on the table. I sat at her right. It was good to see a degree of normalcy return to those people. Soon we knew we would be leaving for there were more Islands to take before the war would end. It was a pleasant time: parties, dances, basketball teams, girls, backed up mail, and packages from home. We even wore our chinos and left our weapons behind when out on pass.

Baguio

Baguio, the summer capital, sits a mile high in the mountains to the east of Lingayen Gulf. It is a small city set in beautiful surroundings with green grass and pine trees. The air is cool, a delightful contrast to tropical Manila. In those weeks of early ‘45 the area was strongly defended by the enemy. At the time of our landing in the Gulf other divisions had the task of driving inland to the east. The 33rd Division had been working east from Bauang and Naguilian and had gone maybe six miles by the end of March.
Our days of rest at Manila were over. The 129th went up first and passed through the 33rd. The 148th followed Soon our infantry became experts at mountain warfare. The enemy dug in caves on the sides of steep mountains. Nearly every road cut had a cave or two. You never knew what was in them. They might be small or lead into a large room, be empty or full of explosives. All had to be blasted. The going was exceedingly rough; however, we could use artillery to the fullest and we had remarkably good cooperation from air support. I remember the campaign well. We had help from a Philippine unit of Igorot troops and the invaluable assistance of Igorot women working as pack carriers hauling supplies on their backs through the forests up the slopes, never tiring, absolutely fearless in the face of enemy fire. They were incredible little women.
The roads leading to Baguio involve many hairpin turns, steep grades, and breath-taking views. I remember approaching the city. We rounded a tight horse shoe curve in a valley. Scattered all about were the remains of an enemy artillery battery caught by our artillery fire as it was on the move. It looked like a WWI scene. The horse drawn guns and caissons with their wooden spoked wheels, the men with their paucity of equipment and supplies seemed pathetically inadequate for our kind of warfare. We passed through and by the carnage unmoved, it was an old scene Then I noticed, in the middle of the horse shoe, a little horse still alive. His legs were spread, his head hung low. His body was covered with little shrapnel wounds. He did not move. He seemed in total shock. Suddenly I felt overwhelmed with pity. I felt a great urge to put him out of his misery with my carbine, but I couldn’t shoot from my moving vehicle since across the horse shoe more of our vehicles followed, and I might hit someone.
By the 26th our infantry had swept into Baguio as far as the cathedral in the center of the town where they were greeted by several thousand civilians. We pretty well controlled the area between Baguio and Trinidad, a town to the west.
Meanwhile the 33rd was working its way up from the south. We received orders from Corps: “Back out of Baguio and let the 33rd have the honors.” We did; however, the 33rd was greeted by a large sign at the city limits that said, “You are now entering Baguio, courtesy of 37th Infantry Division.” It was also fitting that our 129th should welcome them since way back, in earlier square division days, the 129th was part of the 33rd. We had a pleasant stay in Baguio. The evenings were cool, and we wore our jungle sweaters.
While the Baguio affair was going on, our third regiment, the 145th, was on another task. To the east of Manila, in the mountains, near Montalban and San Mateo lies the water shed for the city of Manila. It was essential that the enemy be driven out of that heavily defended region. The 6th division had the task, but was bogged dowa On the 15th of April, the 145th was relieved of the job of policing Manila and was sent to join the 6th for what was expected to be a mopping up affair. As it turned out, that “Anticlimax to Manila” was the bitterest chapter of the regiment’s fighting history, and for sheer obstacles of terrain and fortified positions it equaled nothing the division ever met. The 145th was given Mount Pacawagan to capture. The usual caves were full of ammunition, heavy guns, and fanatic troops. The mountain sides were steep. All attempts by the 6th against Mt Pacawagan had failed. The 145th attacked at night led by heavy artillery fire. Then in daylight the mountain sides was blown up cave after cave. By late afternoon the southwest summit had been taken, but the fighting went on for 25 days. The 145th took three major mountains and thus secured the water supply of Manila. MacArthur in an official communique called the 145th struggle the bitterest of the Philippine war.
Soon after taking Baguio, we moved back down onto the plain where we expected to get ourselves in shape for the big one to come. While our recent action was under way, Iwo had occurred and Okinawa was in full blast. The main enemy home islands would be no picnic, hence, it was imperative that our division be reassembled, strengthened, and rested.
When each of our units had left Manila the farewells were tearful. The girts were sure that they would never see their true loves again. We were sent off with gifts of rum and mementoes. My two boys were determined to come with me, no matter where. And when I said no, and reassured the father and sister of one, they were broken-hearted. How could I not take them with me? My last memory of those two boys is of their tearful walking away, utterly crushed. The amazing thing was that we had barely got settled in our new rest areas when some of the girls did show up. Romance knows no obstacles.

Manila Today

On our first morning in Manila we were greeted by my old friend who took us to the office where he works in the Makati area. We were made most welcome by his associates. One had been at Santo Tomas back then and gave us a car and driver for the next day to take us wherever we wished to go. Another found us a delightful small inn nearby where we were warmly treated and got to meet people of different economic levels. One of my friend’s first comments was, “Why don’t you come and liberate us again? Why didn’t MacArthur do for us what he did for Japan? He went on to Japan and forgot us.”
The next morning a young man picked us up at the “Swiss House” and we set out to discover the city. We found Manila to be a metropolitan area close to 10 million in size. Suburbs and open farmlands as I remember are lost to the urban sprawl. I had great difficulty finding points I remembered so well, but major places still stand. Santo Tomas University has grown, but the main building stands unchanged. We went inside, talked with a teacher, looked in on crowded classrooms of 70 students, and felt caught up in the fever for education. Education seems to be important everywhere. There are many colleges, trade schools, church schools, and universities as well as a public school system originally set up by our soldiers at the turn of the century. Everyone we talked to wanted all the schooling he could get. All education is in English. It is a land where Tagalog is spoken but English is the written tongue. Most seem to speak English to some degree and read it well. Tagalog has changed a bit; it has embraced many English words. Manila has more bookstores than I have ever seen in one city. They are full of books, all in English, and well patronized. Spanish remains only in place names and as nouns.
We drove down Rizal Avenue, found the Chinese Cemetery, the Jockey Club and Bilibid Prison. The whole area is jammed with stores, workshops, and housing. Traffic is heavy and people are on the move everywhere, all trying to earn a living. The northern city seems crowded, the avenues narrow and fewer trees are found. Somewhat like in ’45 I found people living in little makeshift shelters between buildings, in vacant areas, under bridges. They are the squatters who have come into the city to find work. Somehow they manage. They cook over a bucket of charcoal and always have a little clothes line up with some wash on it. They are dressed in neat clothing and look healthy. Invariably the mother is selling something.
The squatters come to Manila from the provinces to seek a better life. Making a living is a constant scramble for a large segment of the population. In fact tabor is one of the country’s exports. We saw long lines at special employment agencies hoping to be sent to work in Saudi Arabia. My old friend in Manila said sadly, “Human bodies are our current best export.” We did notice that people were willing to spread the jobs and share the work.
South of the river the old landmarks still stand. The Post Office looks just the same, restored of course. The walled city patched up a bit, but the ruins in the Fort Santiago area have been preserved as memorials. In a way it is a museum. We walked over much of Intramuros. The Cathedral and the damaged gates have been rebuilt.
The Manila Hotel still stands with all its grandeur; MacArthur would be pleased, but it does have a new wing sticking out from its rear. South of Intramuros, the park like area is still there with many public buildings and colleges. The University of the Philippines left its ruins behind and moved out. The area is rebuilt as public buildings. The Philippine General Hospital is going full blast, more buildings, all jammed. Students of all kinds are everywhere. Taft Avenue with its overhead elevated railway and jammed-in stores and shop buildings is as bad as anything in New York. Many of the street names have been changed.
The area south and east of the old city has been extended for miles. The new developments are modern tall buildings, spacious streets, park areas, fine hotels, department stores and nice residential areas. The Makati commercial center epitomizes the new. Yet tucked into corners, between buildings, sometimes in plain view, are the little shelters of squatters. We watched one go up in a day on a site where new construction was in progress. The amazing thing is, most of them have a single light bulb, and sometimes a TV set.
Our little hotel on Pasay Road was accessible to all this area. Taxies were abundant, but we often rode the jeepneys. Those highly decorated little buses made on jeep chassis are fast and convenient, also cheap. Twice we rented a car and driver, quite economical. The young women at the desk of our hotel would quickly get us any service we needed. We had many restaurants to choose from: Philippine, Chinese, Japanese, Taiwanese, German, Swiss, and combinations.
In the afternoon, after wandering around the city, we would return to our hotel for a San Miguel brew at the friendly little bar presided over by a young lady. Invariably we would meet and talk with local businessmen as well as other visitors. They were always much interested in my mission, and often volunteered help or memories of their own One man, of German descent, was at Bilibid prison in ’45 when we arrived. Our people put him to work on a delivery truck for that bakery unit we had. It meant that he ate regularly, but instead of sitting safely in the rear he was hauling bread to the front line kitchens. He said that it wasn’t the enemy troops that set all the fires, but rather the Korean and Taiwanese enforced labor battalions. He should know. He was in the middle of it all. At any rate the fires served the enemy’s purpose and spared his own men. We captured many of those poor unarmed labor people in the last weeks of the war. They had our complete sympathy.
At the end of our first day in Manila the young man took us to something I had no idea existed. It was a huge cemetery and memorial to those who died in the Pacific war. Apparently, our government brought the bodies from all over the Pacific for the crosses cover many acres. In the center of that beautifully landscaped park stands a huge circular building that resembles the rim of a large wheel. The building has no sides but is crossed by stone partitions that if extended would be the spokes of the wheel. Carved into those partitions are names of those lost at sea or unaccounted for. The names, from all our services, run into the thousands. Scattered throughout are the names of men who from their addresses are clearly Filipinos. Those stone walls bear testimony to the debt and obligation that our two peoples owe each other. Walking around that rim and gazing out over the sea of crosses I felt emotions I have never experienced before. I stopped at the little headquarters building and spoke to a man who appeared to be in charge. I told him that that park is the best laid out and cared for memorial I have ever seen He thanked me and said that of all the thousands of visitors who have come over the years I was the first to express such sentiments.
We walked the streets of Manila, rode the jeepneys, buses, and taxies with a complete sense of safety, for no matter where we went, people talked to us, women and children were always about, much safer than in New York. Police were not much in evidence, but every building has a security guard on duty around the clock, at least at the front door. In a way the streets have more protection than other countries. The guards were always friendly and alert. It did not seem that they were necessary, but they were always helpful, would hail a cab, help with luggage, or give directions. The system does provide employment for thousands of people.
Another employment measure that this country could turn to is street sweepers. Everywhere we went, the streets and sidewalks were swept several times a day. Even along the highways and turnpikes people were picking up trash. We were taken to poor sections of the city where the municipal pick up isn’t very good, but the trash and garbage was at least swept into piles. Manila is cleaner than Philadelphia or New York, and a certain percentage of its people have sweeping jobs rather than welfare.
I looked for native products that the Philippines might be exporting. An outstanding one is hardwood. We see a bit of Philippine mahogany in the U.S. an it costs less than our own white pine. However, I have not seen some of the varieties of harder woods that I saw there. Stores display beautifully carved furniture made of different kinds of wood. We were guests in a wealthy home of recent construction. The floors were of different woods in elaborate parquet The panels of the doors were carved, different woods in each room. 1 met a man at our hotel bar who is in the wood exporting business. Despite costs that are low and would make his products competitive on the world or American markets, he is up against import quotas and other bureaucratic problems. Raw lumber exports easily, but finished doors or other crafted products are a problem. He is shipping semi finished door frames and the like, but this rules out carved and other pieces that would provide jobs and income for more people. I keep thinking of all the expensive condominiums and the like going up here at home with plain painted doors and walls that could at little more cost have some of the beauty I saw in the Philippines. The people are also good at weaving and fabric working in general, but that activity appears to be only small operations. The bulk of our garments seems to be imported from the Orient. Why isn’t a substantial amount from the Philippines? We also saw many examples of fine craftsmanship in metal working, jewelry, and all of the building trades.
I asked about food production. Since the people did not look hungry and food is available at every hand, I wondered if there are surpluses. To get some answers, we drove to Los Baños, about forty miles south of Manila. There we visited the International Rice Research Institute, a university-like place established by the Ford and Rockefeller Foundations after the war, for the purpose of improving rice culture for the world. We learned that although rice production in the rice eating countries has quadrupled, or at least doubled, the population growth had kept pace. The Philippines is no better off. In fact, while we were there the newspapers announced that agreements had been reached to import rice from California since this year’s crop is a little below normal. Food for the Philippines, as for most of the world’s people, is a touch and go matter. The fishing industry including both fishing the ocean and fish farming seems to provide most of the protein. The exportation of prawns to Japan is growing which is an encouraging sign. Shrimp and prawns are usually the lower priced items on a dinner menu. Needless to say, we ate them every day of our visit. Excellent fresh eggs are always available for breakfast. In fact one sees chickens being raised everywhere. Fresh fruit and vegetables seem plentiful. We drank a lot of mango juice.
We were given figures of 25% unemployment, which I don’t doubt since many busy people are really on their own selling cigarettes or fruit on the street.
Their living has to be marginal. In Manila, despite the difficult times, we did not see beggars.
The ride from Manila to Baguio is a pleasant trip of about three hours with a stop for lunch. From the bus window one sees a changing panorama from the rice fields of the plains to the steep mountain sides of narrow valleys. Ancient terraces adorn the sides of many mountains, and as one approaches the city the evidence of gold mining appears. Baguio is a small city, but larger than I remember. We stayed at a small hotel overlooking Imelda Park, about a mile from the center of the city. The cool air blowing through the ubiquitous pine trees was a refreshing change from tropical Manila. Again everyone was most helpful, the girls behind the desk, the dining room waiter who insisted I take ten pesos to pay for our jeepney ride downtown since all I had were large notes, the high school teacher we met on the street who asked if she could help us and wound up taking us into her school where we met other teachers. The superintendent of schools happened to be present. He also was present when we arrived in ’45. The two of us exchanged some memories. His parting thoughts were, “Please tell people that we really live quiet lives and our country by and large is a nice place to live.” I assured him that I would. We met a young man named Tony who with his car drove us all over the Baguio area and down the Naguilian road to the gulf. Much of the city is given over to parks and many of the streets have a park-like atmosphere. Aside from climbing hills, walking is a pleasure, and we did much. The people seem better off than in Manila. They too have to hustle to make a living but the housing for the poor seemed a little better. Most of the young people seem to be in school, at least part time. Again there are numerous colleges and trade schools. Baguio was created by our people early in this century as R & R place for the military and government people. It remains such for both governments. Camp John Hay with its country club atmosphere has to be the nicest US military post anywhere. The Philippine West Point and various government buildings are all on the city’s hill tops. We watched craftsmen producing beautiful silver jewelry. At the Eastern Weaving School we watched women create unusual fabrics. Some of the weavers were Igorot women on primitive looms. The town has excellent restaurants and all kinds of shops and stores. Food seem to be plentiful and cheap. The people appeared healthy except for some old Igorot women who frequent the parks and bus station. They were the only beggars we saw anywhere in Luzon. As I looked at those bent double, shriveled, toothless old women I wondered, “Could these be the same who as young stalwarts packed supplies into combat not many miles from here? The status of the Igorots bothered me. What about other tribes living deep in the mountains?
My last question remains unanswered. We did not get deeper into the mountains, but returned to Manila to wrap up our visit. During the course of our stay we met many people and talked about the country’s problems. IV/ly feeling over the years as I watched events in the Philippines and our government’s behaviour is that really our government just has not given a damn. Most of our congressmen probably hardly know where the islands are.
On February 28, 1945 General MacArthur gave an address upon re-establishing the Commonwealth Government in Manila. His closing words were, “Your country thus is again at liberty to pursue its destiny to an honored position in the family of free nations. Your capital city, cruelly punished though it be, has regained its rightful place — “Citadel of Democracy in the East.” I have faith that during the coming elections the Filipino people will honor those last six words.
Despite our government’s lack of real interest many Americans feel differently. We met an American by chance on the street in Baguio. He, as a sailor in our navy, had spent eighteen months in the Philippines right after the war. He has since then felt drawn to the Philippine people, and now that he is a retired college professor, he has come back. He was traveling about the Islands looking for a place where he could best serve in some way. He feels that he has come home. We met a young man on furlough from our navy who was spending it traveling about Luzon, his fourteenth time. He feels at home in Manila. One afternoon at the bar in our little hotel in Manila we met a man who after seventeen years in our air force and with the rank of brigadier general quit because he could not face another search and destroy missions He felt that he must do something of value to human life. He was drawn to the Philippines where he has a close feeling for the people. He is working with an organization and his job is to develop low cost energy devices for the people from sources such as wind, sun, water. He was experiencing problems with the government bureaucracies not with the people or nature. He wondered if I could understand his attachment to those people and why he was doing what he was. I said, “Yes I could.”
I think about the many people down at the Rice Institute who come from many lands. It has to be a bit more than an interest in rice culture. My own feelings over the past forty years have not been changed, only reinforced by this visit As our visit progressed I noticed my wife beginning to catch some of that feeling of attachment. She mentioned once that maybe after she retires from teaching we could do a year in the Peace Corps together in the Philippines. I didn’t say no. The real reason behind all of these expressions of feeling goes back to my statement at the beginning of this narrative: the Filipino people are the friendliest on earth.

EPILOGUE. FRIENDS WE NEVER KNEW

Once with two friends, I climbed a Luzon peak,
too small to appear in book or on map. its
conical sides were so smooth and steep that we
often used hands as well as feet.

Sentry to a line of mountains that stood by a
valley flat and wide, our mount looked north and
south a hundred miles, and eastward, across the
plain, it saw another distant range.

Perched up in that void, we heard no echoes
or no noise Words we spoke leaped away so
fast that if a speaker turned his head no one
could understand a word he said

We huddled together on that eerie tip, and as
our gaze swept across the scene we saw
villages, farms, trees, and a stream,
miniscule and distant as in a dream.

Like a huge set the land below us lay, a
chess board of fields, demarked by roads on
which even sharp eyes could barely see tiny
vehicles creeping northerly.

We Olympians sat above that stage whereon
men played their destinies.
Unable to direct or change a line,
aloof, we watched them play in pantomime.

Suddenly! brilliant flashes spewed from those
silent toys, tanks engaged in deadly duels.
In thirty seconds the skirmish was done.
No narrator told us, “Who lost, who won.”

Then, with a roar, the battle in our ears replayed.
Gun blasts from all those bright flashes pounded
about us, then cascaded on another thirty
seconds and were gone.

Stunned, our eyes fixed on that final scene.
Three pillars of black smoke from three bright pyres
rolled upward a mile into the blue marking exits of
friends we never knew.

The Philippine Eagle Research and Nature Center (PERNC) is located within the Mt. Apo National Park at Upper Baracatan, Toril, Davao City. Although it lies within Davao City, it is 40 kilometers from the city proper. The Center is 1000 meters above sea level. It occupies an area of approximately one hectare just inside the National Park.
Studies on the Monkey eating Eagle were started in 1963 by Rodolfo B. Gonzales under the guidance of Prof. Dioscoro S. Rabor who alerted the world to the Eagle’s plight. Further Eagle conservation momentum was generated in 1965 when the Eagle was officially recognized as an endangered species at a conference in Bangkok, Thailand. In 1969 the Monkey-Eating Eagle Conservation Program was established. The program flourished under the guidance of Jesus B. Alvarez, former Director of the Autonomous Parks and Wildlife Office and now Assistant Director of the Bureau of Forest Development; Prof. Tom Harrison of Cornell University and General Charles Lindberg. Robert S. Kennedy who came in 1972 also displayed much interest in the program and was one of its first researchers.
In 1977 the Films and Research for an Endangered Environment, Ltd. (F.R.E.E.) filmed the life history of the Eagle and lobbied for the “Monkey- Eating Eagle” to become the Philippine Eagle in 1978. Robert S. Kennedy returned in 1980 armed with Project 1531 IUCN/ICBP, the finished F.R.E.E. Ltd. film, “To Live and Be Free” and considerable funds to add impetus and guidance to the now Philippine Eagle Conservation Program (PECP). When Kennedy left the program in 1983 he left Ronald E. Krupa, in-charge of the Eagle Project. Krupa was formerly the breeding project initiator in 1977 under F.R.E.E. Ltd. and breeding project manager under Kennedy.
Facilities for the eagles consist of three large breeding chambers and various holding cages. A one-storey house and office accommodates the project’s staff and provides basic facilities for visitors wishing to stay at the Center. The house has complete cooking facilities with electricity supplied from a generator. Power generated at night at the same time charges a D.C. battery which provides daytime current. Water comes from a natural spring above the Center which feeds a holding reservoir leading to the breeding chamber’s bathtubs and providing the house’s water supply. A fishpond by the house supplies supplemental food and serves as a swimming pool for the more adventurous visitor.
To accommodate the extra captive Eagles that were handed over to the PECP, three cages were built in 1983 using native materials: round timbers for the skeleton; split erect bamboos, zigzag bamboos, and rattan for walling. Nipa palms were used for roofing. Two cages are single unit quarters for two birds: Junior and Pith-a. A permanent cage consisting of six compartments was later constructed. The compartments are open-sided except for the connecting walls between them. These walls are made of corrugated iron sheets, isolating the birds from one another to control any intra — and inter-specific aggression. A small window in each wall allows limited visual contact by the birds between adjoining compartments but without permitting physical contact. The chamber facilities are regularly refurnished and maintained for the coming breeding season. Non-eagle related improvements include repainting the house/office quarters and landscaping to enhance the surroundings.

 

The Philippine Eagle

The Philippine Eagle (Pitchecophaga jefferyi) is a giant forest raptor and the primary predator of the Philippines in which it is endemic. The Eagle has a narrow highly-arched bill behind which are piercing Grey-blue eyes beneath distinct eye ridges. A facial mask is formed of blue Grey skin pock-marked by black pin feathers. The crown displays a crest of long lanceolated feathers. The back, wings, and tail feathers are colored deep brown cast with a reddish hue and margined in white. The chest of white flows down to the thighs, while the thigh feathers are finely streaked brown. The legs are scaled in yellow, the powerful talons resembling scimitars of ebony. The wings span nearly two meters and the total wing area is known to be the broadest among birds of prey. The eagle’s body can tip the scale of six kilograms, while its height registers at about one meter.
The eagle preys on a wide variety of forest species including the monkey. No documentation of it preying on domestic livestock has so far been recorded. Dominant forest trees on steep mountain slopes are the preferred nesting sites; the nest itself is usually an epiphytic fern.
Forested habitats within the Philippine Eagle s known range are mostly fragmented, separated on all boundaries by large tracts of open land. These forest fragments make up a sizable mosaic configuration on the large islands of Luzon and Mindanao. There are few forested fragments remaining on Samar and Leyte. The Mt. Apo National Park in Mindanao is the largest protected habitat fragment for the eagle in the Philippines with a total forest area of approximately 50,000 hectares. The estimated territory size for a pair of breeding Philippine Eagles ranges from 60 to 100 square kilometers, Accordingly, the Mt. Apo National Park can hold from five to eight breeding pairs.
The eagle produces one egg per cycle, rearing one offspring every two years, but it can lay yearly should the previous year’s attempt fail. Incubation lasts 60 days; most of the duties during such a period attended to by the female, while the male provides the food. The eaglet fledges in about 150 days and becomes independent in about 18 months the parents presumably “pushing” the juvenile out of their 60-100 square kilometer territory.
The act of removing nestling’s from the wild for use as reproductive subjects in captive breeding programs is a controversial subject,but for the Philippine Eagle the removal is justified for many reasons. Although the native habitat o the Philippine Eagle is still at “carrying capacity” throughout most of its known range, the available nesting habitat zones are becoming increasingly restricted. There exist remote “belts” of lowland habitats for the eagles to nest but an increasing percentage of nesting eagles are being forced into very narrow and receding lands around the lower margins of crown forests found atop mountains in very secluded habitat regions. The altitudinal limit of the species’ nesting range is not known but a pair was found nesting at about 1400 meters. It becomes increasingly clear that a large percentage of eagles are being pressured to accept abnormal nesting habitat areas. This places undue stress upon the bird populations in these restricted zones, a factor which could in turn alter the eagle’s reproductive capacity.

 

Assessment of Eagle Areas

The following discussion is an appraisal of the areas visited by the PECP fieldwork team and the projected plans for these areas.
Kalian. Thrice during the 1984 breeding season, teams were sent to locate the new nesting site of the pair of eagles spotted in this area. The nest is believed to be situated farther up the valley, but whether the pair had successfully bred was not ascertained. Illegal farm clearings are steadily encroaching on the nesting valley of the eagles. Despite the fact that the nesting ground lies within the Mt. Apo, no protective measures to safeguard the nest and its surrounding areas have been noted. Somehow, the PECP’s presence in the area has served as deterrent to further encroachments on the nesting valley by area residents. (It would be very helpful if the BFD personnel could accompany PECP personnel and help persuade the people to stop cutting trees in the nesting valley).
Paper Industries Corporation of the Philippines (PICOP) Concession. For lack of proper equipment, among other reasons, no team was sent to PICOP as was planned for October, 1984. A team was sent in late April 1985, but the result of this trip gave no indication as to how the previous year’s breeding fared. There was no sighting and no report received. It is likely that the pair successfully fledged their 1983-84 offspring, which event could have precluded any nesting attempt in 1984. Because of the deteriorating peace-and-order situation within PICOP, security measures have intensified, and this hinders PECP activities within the concession.
There are indications that PICOP may reopen the area to logging. Hence, during the breeding season, a team should be sent to monitor the nest valley. If eagles are still using said area for nesting activities, the nest tree should be pinpointed so that when logging operation commences within the valley, the PICOP management can be notified by the BFD authorities for the proper implementation of the rules and regulations concerning the protection of the Philippine Eagle’s nesting site. The PICOP nest is the only known and presently monitored nest within a logging concession.
Mt. Lilabadan (Mt. Talibasbas). This is a severely depleted forest area still inhabited by eagles. The uniqueness of the situation in which an eagle territory is located in a deforested area will provide for an interesting research study on the adaptiveness of the bird under severely deprived habitat conditions.
Lagonglong. After the release of the eagle “Kys” in the mountains of Lagonglong, peace-and-order situation deteriorated to the point that the PECP/ BFD research team was not allowed by armed groups to enter the area. The situation was made all the more difficult by the existence of three different groups operating within the same study area. The PECP team negotiated with one group to be allowed to work but was forced to “lend” equipment. This “tax” could not be tolerated by the PECP hence, work had to be restricted to safeguard personnel and equipment. The telemetry study has not produced the expected data because of the erratic schedule of data-gathering.
When the peace and order condition stabilizes, an intensive educational/ awareness campaign should be conducted: a) to make the people aware of the PECP’s conservation campaign and how it relates to them, b) to help locate possible eagle nesting zones, and c) to establish eagle- population status within this mountain range.
Allah Valley Watershed Development (AVWDP). The AVWDP still retains a good virgin forest which probably supports a healthy population of_ eagles. The birds have been frequently sighted in some areas of the AVWDP and two nests have been found. One eagle was captured when it ditched into Lake Sebu. This was later released back to the wild with a radio transmitter attached to its tail.
The nest area lies within a remote section of the Allah Valley Watershed and is the only nest that appeared to be used in consecutive breeding cycles. Access is difficult, involving a hike over rough terrain. It is sparsely populated by T’boli natives. This means the nest area retains a good chance of remaining undisturbed. The site should be spot-checked during the breeding cycle.
The AVWDP site makes an ideal Philippine Eagle study ground for intensive habitat analysis and other biological assessments. It is strongly recommended that this area be sustained as a watershed, and that specific wildlife sanctuaries be developed therein. Such sites can be delineated for further ecological work carried out outside the watershed. The AVWDP is also a relatively safe area to work in as peace-and-order conditions have remained stable.

Some Morphometric Data

When handled, eagles are measured using the methods described on King (1975). Physical measurements are nearly complete for all captive Philippine Eagles and for the two eagle released back to the wild with radio transmitters attached. Measurements are recorded for sex determination and medical records. Eagles are measured whenever caught or retrieved from whatever source for medical treatment. Weights and temperatures provide information about the bird’s condition. Measurements are taken by at least two personnel – one to hold the bird and the other to measure and record data. The instruments used are Vis and General calipers for culmen bill length and tersus width; Butterfly brand tape measure and a matric straight ruler for tarsus length and circumference, wing chord, tail length, and total body length; a rectal Celsius thermometer for body temperature; and a Homs 10 kilogram spring scale for body weight.
The female Philippine Eagle is normally larger than the male; sexual identification from visual examination can be supported by body measurements. In some cases, however, positive identification cannot be made because the eagle is in the Grey area of size. Additional measurements from new captives will provide a better understanding of sexual characteristics. The measurement of the tarsus appears to be the most useful in sexing a Philippine Eagle. Body weight is likewise useful for sexing, although the eagle’s physical condition must be taken into account.
From temperature readings taken of the birds (usually during an illness), there appears to be a diurnal fluctuation of about 10°C in body temperature: the morning temperatures being usually higher than those taken in the evening. Such is unusual. Diurnal cycles are known in raptors with the highest daily temperature occurring in the afternoon.

Some Preliminary Findings on Moulting

The population of captive Philippine Eagles remain unchanged at ten birds: four females, five males, and one unknown. Available data on individual birds indicate large variations of moulting habits. The birds seem undergo an extremely irregular moulting and as yet there are no significant correlations as to the factors governing the times and rates of moulting.
For three birds – – Junior, Thor, and Jing-jing – There are some preliminary results. These results were made possible by the relatively large number of feathers collected from the tail of these birds. The number of feathers collected from Junior and Thor may be a result of their psychological state as imprint birds. As such they suffer relatively little stress from living in captive conditions, thus, allowing a more “normal” moult to occur.

JUNIOR
(Male imprint, 3 years old)

Junior arrived at Baracatan in April 1981 as a fledgling. He arrived with tail “stubs" only. The tail had been cut off by his captors while it was still being grown. Over the next few months, while still small, he moulted these stubs as well as “pinched off" some new feathers, but by the end of 1981 he had grown a full set of tail feathers.
In June 1982, he began his tail moult again. This took one year to complete. Although a full set of tail features was not available, it was assumed that a full ~ set was moulted as the old set showed similar heavy fading while the present tail features are all of uniform shade with little fading. It cannot be ascertained if the right side of the tail was moulted symmetrically with the left.

THOR
(Adult female, about 16 years old)

Only two primaries were collected in 1981. Most of primaries seem to have begun in earnest in 1982 and are assumed to be still in progress but probably nearing completion. The tail moult began in mid-1982 and is not yet complete. For the secondaries, since 1981, a total of 26 (maximum of 30) has been collected suggesting a moult of secondaries during a period of two and a half to three years.

JING-JING
(Male Eagle, age unknown)

Jing-jing exhibits some kind of psychological stress which manifests itself in the form of tail biting and pulling. Jing-jing has never had a complete tail but at various times was observed to bite off his tail feathers. When the snapped feathers were collected and studied, most of it were bitten off at a distance of one-third to one-half feather length from the base. The feather stubs at the base cannot always be found. As yet, it is not known whether or not, when the tail feather snaps off, the base that is left is moulted within a short time to facilitate new feather growth. The fact that there is never a complete tail suggests that the base feathers stay in place for a longer length of time and are not necessarily pulled out. Newly-grown feathers are sometimes “pinched off" usually at around 30 centimeters length (the full length is about 50 centimeters).

Medical History

Five eagles that showed signs of illness underwent diagnostic investigation from 1983 to mid-1984. Individual sterile cotton swabs were inserted in the throat, glottis, and cloaca. Each swab was manipulated to collect fluid material from each orifice, after which, the swabs were placed in individual sterile vacuum tubes for transport. Fecal material was collected only for parasitology. Blood was collected from one live bird, but the blood sample did not figure significantly in any diagnostic assessment.
Samples were transported to diagnostic centers located 40 kilometers from the PERNC on the same day of collection. 2 Three birds succumbed to a viral disease in 1983. Two of these were subjected to a full necropsy in an attempt to determine the specific causes of death, the effects of the disease upon vital organs, and to gather data for future reference.
“Johnny Kid” a Grey-headed Fishing Eagle (Ichthyophaga ichthyaetus) died on June 27 1983. Findings indicated the probable cause of death to be avian tuberculosis or aspergillosis. Since no laboratory tests were performed, the results are inconclusive.
The most significant findings so far came from the case of “Philip”, “a Philippine Eagle that underwent full necropsy after euthanasia, and the analysis o “Mao” an imprint owl (Tyto capensis) that became ill the first day after it; confinement at the PERNC. Both had identical gross findings of white necrotic lesions in the oral cavity and each had been confined in the same holding facility prior to the onset of illness. The findings suggested the infection to be mycotic in origin.
The holding cage of “Philip” and “Mao” was the suspected source of infection of other raptors that were acquired by the PECP before 1983. The other raptors that were similarly infected included a Philippine Hawk Eagle (Spizaetus philipensis), a Grey Headed Fish Eagle (Spilornis holospilus). The holding cage a id site were not immediately abandoned for the following reasons: a) funds were inadequate to construct another holding facility, and b) the disinfection of the suspected facility after a death and the subsequent introduction of an incoming captive with no ill effects had misled the staff to believe that they had resolved the problem.
After the deaths in 1983, the cage was torn down and burned on the site of construction. A perch system was worked out, and by using falconry techniques, birds were staked out in the open.
One factor that could have contributed to the occurrence of the suspected mycosis is the high humidity (average 90-95%). The said environmental condition found at the PERNC favors the growth of pathogenic fungi in the soil and surrounding structures. Birds under stress and with low resistance can readily develop an environmentally-borne mycosis. On the other hand, birds in good condition are generally not susceptible to infections, though they may harbor the pathogen and hence, pose a danger by being carriers. Such a situation could pose a threat to the wild population in the area.
Water can be another source of infection. PERNC water supply comes from art underground spring that surfaces and empties into a concrete reservoir just above the project’s location. The water is free-flowing with a good turnover rate. Water samples which had been sent to the Ministry of Health for analysis were found to contain Klebsiella species and Citrobacter freundii. These organisms have likewise been isolated from some of the captive eagles but there is no evidence of any significant role these microbes might have in the birds’ illness. Humans, other animals, the food stock, and an array of different elements, could all harbor infectious organisms and be transmitters of disease.
It was suggested by international experts to retain all captive eagles. There i. a concern that captives may be potential carriers of infectious diseases that c|an contaminate and endanger the wild population. Such an event, however, is believed to be quite unlikely.
Until the problems are better understood the PECP will not consider releasing captives unless circumstances indicate that a captive is a wild-breeding adult. Other options for captives must be considered. A free-living bird will likely retain instincts .for wild survival. Select, rehabilitated, and disease-free captives could be seeded into a previously extirpated forest fragment that now contains all elements necessary for reestablishing a new population. Or they could be released into a forest fragment containing a wild population to enhance the wild population’s genetic viability.
It is clear that wild eagles are becoming increasingly vulnerable to capture. The eagle as an ecological health indicator tells us that its forest biotope is not wholly suitable for its survival. This is an ominous message.

 

Feeding the Eagles

The Bureau of Forest Development Office (BFD) allocates a budget specifically for the Eagle’s food stocks and it also takes charge of purchasing the food for the Eagles. The feeding regimen provides for the eagles to be fed on alternate days during the off-breeding season. When the breeding season begins in September, sexually active birds are put on a daily feeding schedule. Food requirements have been determined based on the formula of Kirkwood (1981): F = MEm + D

Where F = food requirements kg
MEm = metabolised Energy
D = (ME value of diet, Kcal/g)

For a male of four kilograms, the estimated food required is 190 grams of chicken per day. For a female of five kilograms, the estimated food required is 220 grams of chicken per day.
Kirkwood points out that this should only be used to estimate baseline food requirements, higher food intake being needed for such activities as moulting (which is highly irregular in eagles, occurring throughout the year) and development of breeding condition. The estimates then, are modified according to observations of the behavior of the eagles. If the bird appears extremely hungry it is assumed that its weight is too low. Subsequently, the food intake is increased.
The eagles are fed a diet of chicken, rabbit, and occasionally, snakes and guinea pigs. Local chickens are bought from nearby barrios and towns. Sometimes they are hard to find, resulting in short-term delays in the feeding of the eagles. The said method of acquiring the eagle’s food also poses some dangers. Firstly, it is possible to get chickens that are diseased. One measure that the PERNC staff have come up with to minimize the said danger is the evisceration of all chickens before feeding. Any fowl that is found to have internal and external abnormalities is not fed to the eagles. Secondly, since the chickens are free-living and rural-raised birds which are allowed to roam around farms where they occasionally feed from pesticide-sprayed fields, many of them are contaminated with pesticides. It is suspected that this kind of diet has been responsible for the thinning of the shells of the eggs laid by the captive birds.
As part of the development of a foodstock program for the captive eagles. a rabbit farm was started in 1981. This program was started to provide the birds with disease — and pesticide-free food. The farm provided a continuous supply of rabbits which were fed to the eagles alternately with chicken. This rabbit project began when the Rotary Club of North Davao donated funds for a small rabbitry in September 1981. Jacinto Ucang, the former caretaker, was sent to the Mindanao Baptist Rural Center in Bansalan, Davao del Sur to attend a one-week rabbit- raising seminar and to purchase 12 rabbits (10 does, 2 bucks). The rabbit farm was initially built at the caretaker’s residence, about three kilometers below the PERNC, under the agreement that he would be the owner of the stock once all expenses (including initial cash outlay) have been recovered by the profits from the rabbit sales.
The first rabbit shed was built in November 1981. This had a capacity of 34 hutches, one rabbit per hutch. Two rabbit sheds were added, as the stock increased to three times the original size.
A problem arose when the caretaker decided to move his residence. Money donated in May 1984 by the Rotary Clubs of North Davao and Toril was used to move the stock and to build a new shed 500 meters below the PERNC. At the same time a new caretaker was trained. Thus far, only one shed (34 hutches) has been built. All the sheds are built from locally-supplied materials using round timber for the frame and nipa leavers for roofing. However, special materials (screen, wire, plywood, good lumber) had to be purchased for the hutches and nesting boxes. The three original sheds were built by the previous caretaker while the new shed was built by local carpenters on a contract basis.
In 1984, the eagles were fed only 14% foodstock. This was due to the 16% decline in the program-produced rabbits. The decreased production of the rabbit farm started when the stock was transferred nearer the PERNC. The rabbit population had to be culled owing to reduced housing facilities for the animals. Disease problems for the rabbits also started cropping up. The infection was coccidiosis which causes fatal inflammation of the liver and stomach. Young rabbits were much more vulnerable to the disease. The disease had broken out three times. During the first outbreak, it was thought that the rabbits had come into contact with the disease through an intermediate host, chicken mites. In the second outbreak/ fe0% of all the young rabbits died, mature rabbits moulted their fur and pregnant females aborted. During the latter outbreak, rabbit pellets were suspected as the source of the infection; however, laboratory tests failed to confirm this. Even when the pellet supply was eliminated another outbreak occurred, almost finishing off the remaining young. Presently, the rabbits are given antibiotic as a prophylactic.
Meanwhile, expansion plans to fulfill the birds’ nutritional requirements do not seem possible at the time. Hence, at present, a dietary supplement containing dicalcium phosphate, vitamins D and E, and mineral is added to the meat fed to the breeding pairs at the onset of the breeding season in September to December. Birds that are fed every other day are rescheduled to daily feeding to reduce intraspecific aggression that occurs when eagles without food have visual contact with those that are eating. The birds without food attempt to get at the ones which have food.

A Historical Index of the Eagles

Diola was captured in February, 1969, at the age of about six weeks and has been at the PERNC since July, 1971. She was paired with Diver from June 12-23, 1980, and, from June 23, 1980 to September 25, 1982, with Muslim, whom she seriously injured. It was then that her sexual relationship to her caretaker, Goneforte Culiao was hypothesized and subsequently tested. This surrogate relationship proved successful.
Thor has been at the PERNC since April, 1974. Her aggressive behavior towards Bader, her chambermate from May 12 — June 1, 1980, suggests that she may be imprinted to humans.
In May 1981, while still a fledgling, Junior was captured in a logging concession, kept caged for two weeks, and then brought to the PERNC. His captors had cut off his tail feathers while they were still growing, and these were all pinched off and moulted by the end of 1981. He moulted a set of tail feathers in 1982-83. The moulted feathers collected were obtained from two moulting periods: one in 1982-83 and another in 1984-85. The first feather moulted from a juvenile eagle is usually smaller, both in length of feather and of emargination (with the exception of left primary number 6 in which the older feather moulted is slightly bigger).
Pith-a was about 17 days old when she was taken from the nest on January , 1984. Since then she has been in custody. She is being developed as an imprint to humans.
Pith-a’s physical and psychological development was closely monitored from January 3 to March 14, 1984, at the PECP Office, downtown Davao City, and 14 to May 31,1984, at the PERNC. The data included food intake Plus dietary supplements, undigested casting materials, behavioral development, some miscellaneous physical characteristics, and growth measurements.
Pith-a’s first year “casting” of undigested material occurred on January 20,1984 and this weighed 50.5 grams. The smallest casting recorded during the eaglet’s growth period was 9.8 grams and the largest was 75 grams. The longest interval between casting was 12 days, between January 30 and February 12 and between February 3 and 25, 1984. A minimal amount of casting material was given during these long intervals. The average interval between castings was 5.27 days.
From the day Pith-a was removed from the wild nest on January 3, 1984, a good part of her formative life was spent inside the Davao Office. During the day a couch served as Pith-a’s aerie and at night a sizable basket of 90 centimeters by 30 centimeter replaced the couch as the nest. Branches with leaves, formed the base of the nest inside the basket. An airconditioning unit controlled environmental conditions. Sunlight through a glazed window furnished diffused daytime light. At night, fluorescent ceiling lamps lighted for office work, seemed to have no ill effect on the developing eaglet. Pith-a was under a 24-hour surveillance during this time.
Pith-a was moved to the PERNC by motor vehicle on March 14, 1984 traveling inside the nest basket. On arrival at the center, she was placed inside a newly-constructed native-material aviary, in which was prepared a nest platform elevated 127 centimeters from ground level. Pith-a fledged from this platform on March 21, 1984. Specific behavioral traits emerged during the continued surveillance of Pith-a. Each response was recorded as it occurred for the first time.
Pith-a’s dark contour feathers were already emerging at the time of her removal from the nest in January 3, 1984. On January 8, 1984 color charts were used to determine Pith-a’s soft-part colors. The bill color registered between 46- basic olive green and 147-auxilliary olive green; eye color registered 78- Iplumbous and legs and feet color registered 56-straw yellow.
It was important that non-essential handling (grabbing, physically forcing a limb open) of the eaglet was kept to a minimum. For this reason, only those I measurements that could be taken with little physical manipulation were recorded at convenient time intervals. The exception was weight development, which was recorded daily from January 3,1984 to March 13, 1984.
Weighing Pith-a was accomplished using three techniques, which were i dependent on the capacity of the scale used. The first technique involved placing Pith-a inside a prefabricated box, which was weighted on the Ohaus triple I beam balance scale. Later, Pith-a was carefully hand-lifted from the basket into the box and weighted first thing in the morning. The box was placed on I the couch nest and Pith-a would scramble by herself out of the box onto the i couch. The second technique involved tying the box corners with a sturdy I twine. The box with the eaglet would be dangled from a Hons Model 20 instrument and laboratory type spring scale to ascertain weight. The third technique j involved sewing the nest basket with twine and dangled again from the Hons I scale to get the weight. For each technique, the weights of the box and the I basket were subtracted from the gross weight to get the eaglet’s weight.
Sporadic measurements were recorded for tarsometatarsus length, metatarsus circumference, and middle-toe length. Tarsometatarsus length measurements were determined using the technique described in King (1975). For metatarsus circumference, a string was wound around the smallest width of the matatarsus then this was dye-marked at the point of the string-end intersect. Middle-toe length was measured from scute number 15 (out of 17 scutes scales) found from the claw base to the lower ridge of the undivided scute fold to the end scute line before the emerging claw.
Pith-a is the first recorded Philippine Eagle to be raised under captive conditions. The information gained from this eaglet’s development to maturity will help in determining pertinent nutritional requirements, growth characteristics, and miscellaneous behavioral and physical traits as references in the future rearing of this species in captivity. In later studies, it will be possible to determine sex from specific aspects of our acquired data. More importantly, behavioral abnormalities can be checked and corrective measures applied to limit if not eliminate any emerging problems. Should wild nestlings show maladaptive traits, intervention and life-saving techniques could be applied and probable causes of nestling mortality identified.
Jag was caught in March, 1984, after he crashed into the sea 50 meters offshore. He was kept leashed to a bamboo cross beam for a month before he was brought to the PERNC on May 5, 1984. Jag had a series of illnesses from May- August, 1984. He recovered though.
Dawan also crashed into the sea. Dawan’s sex has not been ascertained. It was first kept in a 3m x 3m x 1m cage in Davao Oriental for 3 months. Then it was brought to the PERNC on March 11, 1984. All its moulted and collected tail and primary feathers were damaged in the cage in Davao Oriental save for the short outermost primary. This made identification of the primaries difficult and of the tail feathers impossible. Dawan acquired a mouth infection in March, 1984, and fractured its left fibular/tibia in February, 1985. It recovered satisfactorily from both problems.

Some Behavior Patterns of the Eagles

Like any other kind of organism, eagles exhibit characteristic patterns of response to changes in their environment. A behavior pattern may start in response to a definite external change or it may originate from internal stimuli. From hours of observation of both wild and captive eagles specific behavior patterns have been identified:
“Nest-building” is the act of arranging sticks, springs, and other materials into a nest. The related activity of randomly biting, pulling, or picking up nesting materials without any attempt to arrange them is termed “stick-play.”
“Food transfer” is a courtship behavior in which the male leaves food on the nest, which the female then eats. Food transfer started in October and ended by February. It started later this year than it did last year.
“Brooding” is that in which the bird lies prone on the nest. The purpose of this could be to form a bowl in the nesting materials.
“Incubation” is sitting on an egg and was only performed on the night of December 10,1984.
Aggression is defined as an antagonistic response to an external threat. Eagle aggression has been divided into two classes:
Type A — Eagle to Eagle
Type B — Eagle to screen/observation window/other objects
There appears to be no clear pattern in aggressive behavior. Although the male is much more active than the female and initiates aggressive incidents, he maintains the more subordinate role.

Chamber 1

This breeding chamber measures 12.2m x 5.9m x 6m. Two walls (one side facing the housing/office quarters) are of corrugated iron sheets while the other two (facing the forest) and the roof are interlink wire. Two nest platforms are provided but the eagles have always used the large platform, positioned near the observation window for nesting. A trap door is situated in the wall next to the nest platform where nest materials (tree springs) are put during the night. In the breeding season, nesting materials are placed on the nest platform every third night.
Food is put through a small hutch at ground level. The food is always divided in half to allow both birds to feed at the same time.
Observations are conducted through a one-way window. Sometimes, the eagles attack the glass, probably due to a combination of some kind of noise disturbance and the effect of the glass on the Eagles. As the mirror reflects then image, they see another eagle present.
Two types of aggressions were recorded: those between the eagles (Type A and those of an eagle attacking the observation window (Type B). An encounter under Type A was carefully recorded as follows:
Jing jing (the male) showed high aggression (eight encounters) against Luyag (the female) in February of 1983 which then declined but resumed during the breeding season (September), reaching a peak of three encounters in October up to the first egg. The frequency of the male’s aggressions then declined only to rise again in February 1984 (one incident). After this no more aggressions were recorded. Luyag instigated an encounter against Jing-Jing in January, June, July, and another in October. She showed much less aggressions (in terms of actual bodily contact) than the male. These aggressive encounters are still being analyzed in an attempt to understand the underlying causes triggering the attacks.
Another recorded encounter was thought to be a form of territorial behavior whereby Jing-Jing and Luyag attack the screen as a defensive reaction against a perceived intruder. These encounters are more frequent than intraspecific encounters Jing-jing attacked the window in January and February only to stop completely in the next few months, resuming in June, and peaking in August. Following this is a rapid decline throughout September, October, and November, increasing again in February through May. Luyag, on the other hand, showed no window aggression until October when the egg was laid. Presumably when she began to stay around the nest prior to the egg laying, her defensive reaction was increased; however, between the first and second egg-laying, she showed no window aggression In April and May 1984, one and three encounters respectively were recorded.
“Stick-Play” Stick play was exhibited by Jing-Jing and Luyag during both the breeding and the non breeding seasons. Luyag began in May and continued until the first egg was laid, beginning again after the second egg and ceasing the activity early in February 1984.
The male stick play began slower than the female but the frequency was ouch higher (the male peak in September was 117 times compared to the female peak m June 25 times) As with the female, the frequency dropped off at the time or the first egg laying only to peak after the second egg and decline in the New Year.
The male and female showed a similar pattern of stick play but the male’s Jing jing) frequency was much higher suggesting a much greater time spent on the nest It should be noted that only one eagle “worked” on the nest at any one . The presence of one precluded the other.
Nest Building Male and female behavior showed a similar pattern to stick play behavior with again Jing-jing (174 times) exhibiting it more frequently than Luyag 170 times) Both eagles, though exhibited much more nest-building behavior that stick play. After the first egg, the female began to spend more time nest building but the activity rapidly dropped after the second egg was aid.
Incubation it was observed that Jing-jing never incubated an egg. All incubations recorded in July and September were for bowl information only. October to November recorded incubation if the egg laid in Chamber 1 were removed while Luyag was still incubating following initial laying. The sudden increase in incubation activity by this female bird is accounted for by the time spent following the egg laying.
Food transfer. The observations suggest that this is not just a one-way process stimulated by the male. During the breeding season when food was placed in the chamber, Luyag became reluctant to go down and feed as she did during the non- breeding season. Jing-jing would go to the ground and feed while the female continued to roost. After feeding himself, he could carry food to the nest platform. Once on the platform, chirping vocals by the female were usually heard which were interpreted as regressions to an infantile type. These are "food-begging" signals similar to those used by nestlings to their parents. The vocals encouraged the male to leave the food for the female. Normally, the female did not come to the platform until the male had left the food and moved off to a nearby perch.
Food transfers as observed in Chamber 1  occurred twice in May, once in July, three times in August, and then rapidly picking up to II times in September and a peak of 16 transfers in October. After the egg laying, food transfers rapidly declined ending completely in December. It appears that many behaviors peaked for the October egg laying. Although Luyag physiologically recycled for a December egg laying, there was a decline in breeding-related behaviors.
The above activities show both birds developing behavior patterns which can lead to a mating condition. There was, however, no copulation although Luyag appeared to have solicited copulation a few days before egg laying. Nor was there any observable reaction from Jing-jing. Over the years it was observed that related breeding behavior has increased in frequency while aggression has declined. If the present trend continues, copulation is expected to occur and complete the breeding cycle.

Chamber II

This is the largest breeding chamber (13.3m x 15m x 3m) built around a central tree. In the first fork of the tree, a platform was built and this is used as the nesting area. As with the chamber 1, the sides are enclosed (facing house/ office quarters) but this time using white plastic corrugated sheets, while the other two sides (facing the forest) and the roof are interlink wires.
This chamber houses Diola (Female) who is imprinted upon, and has a pairbond with her human handler, Geneforte “Goning” Culiao. Some of the behavioral patterns exhibited by the eagle are similar to those observed in the birds in Chamber 1.
Dual Imprinting. The eaglet is removed from its natural parents early enough to disrupt any firm association the eaglet may be developing with its parents. Some members who participate in this experiment assume roles in the “familiar situation”and “become” the parents and later social companions of the birds. When the eagle sexually matures, they assume the role of a mate.
Environmental imprinting is as important as developing imprint characteristics between eagle and man. The eagle must feel comfortable in captivity; accordingly, it is essential to provide the human-imprinted_ eagle with a captive environment conducive to its development and later reproductive activity. It is important to provide a microsystem acceptable to eagles.
The young developing eaglet has needs which must be attended to. Those who assume the role of parent surrogates mimic the techniques of parent eagles in raising the young eagles. Like all birds of prey, eagles do not understand or tolerate punishment of any kind. They cannot be manhandled. A single mistake, an impatient grab, or hitting the animal can seriously alter the imprint process and lead ultimately to reproductive failure. Physical handling of any sort must be kept to a minimum.
Type A aggression had never been noted between the Diola and her handler. What had been commonly observed in Chamber II was the type B. The said female eagle showed an extreme reaction to any kind of disturbance either auditory or visual. It is assumed that she is highly sensitive to human disturbance. In her present psychological condition, humans represent an intra-specific rather than an inter specific threat. On seeing a human outside the cage, she would repeatedly attack the dividing interlink wire walls until the human disappeared. During the breeding season, various forest trails are therefore closed to ensure as little disturbance as possible. Diola’s aggression was observed from January through March. None was observed in April but it increased in May and June only to decline over the period of the three-egg layings (July- October). It peaked to 40 attacks in November and remained high in December. This was the period when the female was incubating the dummy egg (made of plaster of Paris..) It was observed to be extremely sensitive to any human disturbance. There was a sharp decline in aggressive behavior in January, 1984, but it gradually increased again in May.
Goning, the human male surrogate did some stick-play in June and July, and this was later on taken over by Diola. It increased to a peak in November and dropped off in January 1984. Since the male human surrogate showed very little nesting activity, limited as he was by the difficulty of a human building a bird nest, the female eagle made up for the shortcoming. Diola began nest-building in June and then maintained this throughout her three egg layings and the subsequent incubation period (July-December), but after she deserted the dummy egg, she rapidly lost interest in any nesting activity.
Both Diola (eagle) and Goning (human) incubated the dummy egg. The first two real eggs were removed immediately on being found. The third egg was replaced by a dummy which was put in the nesting bowl. The female incubated this as a wild bird would and in fact only deserted the egg after 67 days (normal incubation period is approximately 60 days). The human handler simulated wild type behavior by bringing food for the female and then incubating the egg himself while Diola fed.
Food transfer was initiated by Goning entering the chamber and climbing (a ladder is positioned from the ground to the nest) to the nest with the food. The female eagle would fly to the nest and await him, uttering “infantile type” vocals. Usually, he would hide the food at this point causing an increase in the intensity of vocalizations Prior to the egg laying, Diola voluntarily overted her oviduct and a simulated copulation was initiated by Goning stroking her down the back with one hand and pressing on her cloaca with his other hand to give her the impression of mounting. It was generally felt by the human handler that some stimulation had to be given as appeasement. When Diola solicited copulation and no stimulation was given, she would generally be fidgety the next day. Following is an excerpt from Goning’s report of sexual impression with Diola:

Nineteenth of August. A day after Diola laid her second egg for the year, I re-started the ritual of touching Diola’s cloaca whenever she solicited copulation which was almost every time I brought in food. With a little difference this time: I allowed three rythmic contractions or “winking” of the cloaca before I took the pressure of my four fingers pressed over the cloaca. Diola had stopped her light pecking of me which she had been doing before when I allowed only one contraction of the cloaca and immediately removed my fingers. I estimate that for 2-3 seconds the oviduct was overted, closed for a second, then opened up again two more times. After the third rhythmic contraction, I sensed that the bird relaxed physically.
Diola also noticeably ate and solicited copulation less as the day of the egg laying drew near. She actually did not eat nor solicited copulation the day before the egg was laid.
It should be noted that once the food had been given to the female, she would eat alone. The number of "food transfers" was directly related to the number of times the handler entered the chamber. On purpose, whenever he brought food in, a "food transfer" was always effected. Goning began food transfer low in January and February, increased in March, and declined in April. He gradually increased the frequency of food transfer to a peak in October (16 times). Although this is the same figure as in Chamber 1, the difference lies in that all the food transfers in Chamber II were made directly from the male to the female, where as in Chamber 1, the male brought the food and left it on the nest platform, and subsequently the female ate.
All the behavior in Chamber II indicate that successful breeding is now only dependent on one factor, availability of semen. Even the incubation period of e female on the dummy egg was almost of the same duration as that of a female in the wild.

Concluding Remarks

The eagle as the primary predator of the forest is the best indicator of the overall state of health of the forest environment. Conserving the Philippine eagle by protecting its habitat, the forest, should be a concern for all. It should also be the focal point in environmental education in the Philippines. Most people have yet to understand the crucial role of balanced environment in the prevention of floods, droughts, soil erosion and eventually famine. In all these, the Philippine Eagle as part of the forest environment, needs to be protected. Now that it is an endangered species, no effort should be spared towards helping preserve the eagle.

Emergent Patterns of Leadership in Agdao, Davao City: Change and Development in an Urban Poor Community

The decades of the fifties and the sixties have witnessed the rapid pace of urbanization in many countries all over the world. In less developed countries particularly, the urbanization process has been characterized by the uncontrolled growth of primate cities resulting not only from excesses of births over deaths, but more significantly by massive rural-to-urban migration.

Such is the case for the Philippines. While total and rural population growth are recorded at 3.01 and 2.56 per cents respectively during the period of 1960-70, urban population has grown at 4.02. The urban population concentrated in metropolitan Manila- the primate city is estimated to have increased from 1,526,100 (29.4 per cent of the national urban population) in 1948 to 3,952,600 (32.8 per cent) in 1970.

Such urbanward transfers however, have often ended up in the urban poor communities of the cities of destination. In a study of six Philippine cities, Laquian observes that the rate of increase in these areas tend to be higher than the city’s population growth. Such increases are thus reported to range “from six to twelve per year while cities grew at the rate of four to six per year.

Such growths in urban population have outpaced the increased of productive and service facilities of cities. The creation of new employment opportunities and the provision of electricity, water and sewerage facilities for these marginal sectors of urban society have lagged behind. The widening gaps between the demand for and the supply of basic urban services have posed challenges among urban planners and development workers alike. Clearly,  alternative schemes in the provision of such needs have to be explored.

One strategy focuses on the need to harness community participation in local development efforts. Following this growing emphasis on a mass-based “bottoms-up” approach in development, this paper attempts to identify and describe the formal and informal community leaders as networks of assistance and influence in local community affairs. As local residents, they are similarly confronted by the growing demand for basic urban services.

Objectives of the Study

This paper is an exploratory study of the patterns of local influence and mutual assistance prevailing in an urban poor community in Davao City patterns which represent indigenous attempts to meet the needs for basic urban facilities. Utilizing a local community in Davao City, the specific research interests include the following.

1. To identify the formal and informal leaders as representing networks of assistance prevailing in an urban poor community.
2. To describe the patterns of community assistance extended so as to ascertain the viability of such networks as possible channels of development programs in the community.

With the imposition of martial law in the Philippines in 1972, a political institution enforced as early as the pre-Spanish period was revived and strengthened. Citizen’s assemblies, more commonly known as the barangays, were created “to broaden the base of citizen participation in the dramatic process and to afford ample opportunities for the citizenry to express their views on important issues.

The present barangay structure traces its roots to the pre-Spanish era wherein an average barangay consisted of thirty to one hundred houses under a headman called the datu. Restructured under the Spanish colonial rule and subsequently referred to as the barrios, the barangays were eventually maintained as the smallest and most numerous political units during the American period and on the through the postwar years. Its revival under Presidential Decree No. 86 extends the system into the urban areas with broadened membership and an expanded role in national affairs. Among its multi-dimensional functions, Lapitan cites its mobilizational function as the most significant and that which will have the “most revolutionary impact on the future of Philippine policy.”

The present-day barangay has a minimum of 100 and a maximum of 500 families, with the pook (otherwise known as purok) as the lowest organizational level. The purok refers to a defined street, block, or an identifiable compact neighborhood headed by purok leaders. IT has its own sets of offers, i.e., a barangay captain, six councilmen, and other necessary officials which constitute a barangay council. The City Mayor extends his administrative duties and powers to the barangay through the deputy mayor who coordinates with the barangay captain.

Utilizing the “elitist-pluralist” continuum as a framework for power distribution, various community studies have been made in identifying and describing local patterns of leadership and power. A review of the investigations made reveals that while studies in smaller cities like Baguio and San Fernando report definite trends towards a “pluralistic” type of leadership, the national picture is predominantly “elitist”. Strong interlocks in business and political spheres inadvertently result in a rigid pattern of power and influence.

By using variants of the “reputational” and “decisional” approaches, including qualitative methods of network analysis, social scientists have identified diverse types of leadership and alliance systems in both urban and rural settings. Such findings then suggest that leadership is drawn in different contexts- whether in politics, business, education, “fiestas,” and the like.

A related observation focuses on the source and permanence of such leadership, e.g., formal relative to informal channels, or whether temporary, cyclical or permanent in nature. In the same manner, the present paper builds on all these from an entirely different perspective, i.e., the use of “assistance-network” approach for identifying power and influence in the provision of basic urban services in a poor community in Davao City.

Initial considerations made  in investigating small-group phenomenon and the repeated calls for “wiser,” “firmer,” more “flexible,” and other kinds of leaders in various spheres in society. This study of local leadership behavior, specifically on the role of leadership in the integration of social action. Its significance is further underscored by the fact that it describes indigenous leadership prevailing in a depressed sector of urban society as it responds to individual and community needs for basic urban services.

Methodology

The study employs a two-phase research design, that is, an initial phase consisting of interviews with forty three (43) old-time residents based on pre-listing activities and considered as “community knowledgeable” and a second phase focusing on interviews of the top 20 identified leaders in the community. Detailed discussions of each of these two phases follow.

Phase I. Using an “assistance-network” approach rather than strictly the “reputational” approach to arrive at the potential (reputed) leadership of individuals, forty-three old-time residents (living in the area for at least 20 years) of the community were asked to identify whom they considered as the leaders in the community. These same informants were similarly asked to specify their criteria for designating each of the leaders, i.e. why they considered one a leader.

Selected data utilized for this report consist of persons approached during emergency situations (e.g., disasters, fires, floods, etc.), in case of illness, diseases, or epidemics, during individual or group conflicts. Questions were similarly raised on the persons consulted for opinion or advice on issues relating to community politics, economic and livelihood issues (including employment). and community projects. Other survey information included three old-time residents’ knowledge of influential people in barangay politics, the current issues in the community, and the community projects undertaken.

Phase II. The use of the “assistance-network” approach generated a total of 111 nominations, i.e., those individuals identified as leaders bu these old-time residents. The frequencies of mention ranged from one leader nominated 46 times to those being mentioned once (81 individuals). Ranking these persons based on overall frequency of mention, the highest twenty (mainly purok-leaders”) were subsequently interviewed to get a leadership profile of the community.

Selected survey data from these leader-interviews consist of background characteristics (e.g. civil status, age, sex, religion, ethnic origin, educational attainment, length of residence in the area), including data on occupation or means of livelihood, employment status, and income. Other related information focus on their political (and non-political) affiliations and their perceived role in the community. Their perceptions and actions taken on current community issues, i.e. land issue, road improvement, water-installation, cleanliness and sanitation drives, and crime prevention were likewise obtained.

Data Analysis. The present descriptive study utilizes both quantitative (frequencies, means, medians, and modes wherever appropriate) and qualitative methods of analysis. To check for overlaps between the individuals exerting various types of influence and/or assistance in the community, Kendall’s coefficient of concordance (for tied ranks) was  utilized to determine the presence (or absence) of relationships on the individual rankings based on frequency of mention in each of the different spheres of activity.

Limitations. The present study limits itself to the identification of indigenous leadership structure in the provision of basic urban services, including the nature of consultations made available by such leadership on local and immediate issues. Qualitative data are limited to the in-depth interviews of the identified leaders relative to local consultations and individual (rather than collective) expressions of community involvement,  without going into the dynamics of such consultations or participation which would otherwise have been revealed through participant-observation. No comparisons are made between leaders and followers. Finally, this paper is not concerned with the formal wider mechanisms of extending government vis-a-vis Agdao. Nor does it attempt to determine the direct (or indirect) sources of power and influence in extending assistance to members of poor communities, as may be indicated by the presence of political or economic interest groups.

The Study-Site. The current study focuses on a six-hectare poor community along Agdao Creek, representing one of a string of settlements hugging the riverbank. Since its inter-sitio roads are limited, winding catwalks and plank bridges provide access into the community. Houses are mainly built on low marshy places; the area’s proximity to the seashore results in regular flooding, especially during heavy rains. In the absence of any land use plan, there is no order in the location of houses. Dwelling units built too close to each other result in very high density among the slum dwellers. Open spaces, playgrounds, and an efficient water system are expectedly lacking. The community does exhibit a generally shabby and dilapidated appearance.

Agdao Creek has an estimated total of 324 households (3 per cent of total squatter’s household in Davao City) as of 1971. A subsequent report during the same year on the total number of families initially to be covered by the Slum Improvement and Resettlement (SIR) Program in Davao City placed a total of 540 families. Eleven (11) Kapilya or chapels exist in the area, with the local residents spatially identified based in their chapel affiliations.

Local leaders are involved in various community affairs, e.g. whether political, religious, and socio-civic in nature. Socio-civic programs responded to include road-improvements, beautification and sanitation campaigns. Non-formal community education for women consist of bi-weekly classes on flower-making, dressmaking, and cosmetology. They are likewise involved in the MSSD-sponsored Day-Care Program and the government assisted “Project Hope” for pre-school children. While the public health center is mainly responsible for the health needs of the residents, the community has a community-based primary health worker, popularly known as the Katiwala, five “Barangay Supply Point Officers” (BSPO’s) one midwife, and one hilot.

As the basic organizations in the community, local chapel associations are generally involved in religious activities, e.g. fiesta-devotions, nine-day prayers for the dead, block rosaries, and the like. A significant function, though is the mortuary aid for the families of deceased community-members. As of this writing, the barangay council is reviewing a proposal for a community-wide mortuary assistance under the “Barangay Insurance Plan.”

Socio-Demographic Characteristics

The twenty leaders interviewed reside in different puroks in Barangay Agdao. Except for one who failed to give an answer, all these identified are married. Sex distributions reveals a 6:1 male-female ratio or 85% males and 15% females. Their ages range from29 years to 61, with more than half (60%) falling within the 45-54 age-bracket. The median age was computed at 50.2 years.

These leaders are generally of higher educational attainment than the national population, with a mean number of 10.05 years in school. Census data for 1970 reported about three-fourths of the country’s population (76.4%) aging 6 years and above being literate. The minimum educational attainment recorded for the leaders interviewed is at least five years of elementary education and the highest (three respondents or 15%) a college education. More than a third (7 or 35%) have received some elementary and secondary education.

A majority (80%) belong to the Catholic faith, with one claiming to be a “free thinker”. Three others failed to mention religious affiliations. The majority (69%) are of Visayan origin, with the rest either from Luzon (13%) or Mindanao (18%). The mean length of residence in the community for these leaders is 20.5 years, with the median at 22.5 years. Thirteen (65%) are long-time residents, i.e., having been in the area for 20 or over, while only seven or 35% have stayed in the place for less than 15 years.

Comparable data from a census conducted in the same year by the Mindanao Development Center (MDC) reveal that these leaders have generally lived for a longer period of time in the area than the average community residents. The MDC census mentioned about… “61.3% out of a total of 525 households surveyed having lived in their present dwellings for ten years and below, with 33.4% claiming they have been in residence for more than ten years. ”

Results of the current study reveal similar occupational characteristics among these leaders, as those found in two earlier studies (1972 and 1974) in Davao City. Hackenberg specifically found the lower-class community of Agdao with employers who were exclusively small enterprises and where industrial wages were far below the average for Davao Employees.

All leader-respondents in the current study are employed with the single biggest group (50%) being engaged in sales, e.g., lumber dealers, small storeowners, fruit and vegeatable dealers. Four are engaged in service-oriented occupations (e.g. a mahjongden operation, a cook, welder and dental aide). Three others are performing clerical and related jobs. Employees and employers among these leaders are almost equally distributed.

Twelve out of the twenty leaders interviewed (60 per cent) earn a monthly income of P1,500.00 and below, with minimum and maximum monthly incomes recorded at P200.00 and P6,000.00, respectively. Survey data reveal a bimodal pattern of individual income-distribution, at P501- P999 and at P1,501-P2,000 a month. Mean and median monthly incomes are computed at P1,376.45 and P1,082.83, respectively.

Using an earlier definition of poverty by Mangahas and Barros as those households receiving an annual household income of less than P10,000.00 (approximately P833 per month), these leaders have income slightly above the poverty line considering that data on incomes commonly refer to individual wages rather than household incomes.

Political Affiliations

Similar patterns of involvement are observed among the leaders interviewed in the present study. The multi-purpose nature of activities undertaken by the various political, social, and religious groups in the community present difficulties in distinguishing the political from the mainly social or religious ones. As with Laquian’s findings, “openly political associations,” are not prevalent. Thus, asked about their political affiliations, a variety of community associations, including socio-religious ones, are mentioned by the leaders. Except for one, all the respondent-leaders consider themselves politically affiliated with at least one political group (e.g., the Barangay Brigade) wile the rest (7) have dual or multiple membership.

The most popular political affiliation for these leader-nominees is the Tanod Brigade (invariably referred to as Barangay Brigade) wherein barangay-based volunteers have assisted in crime prevention, the preservation of public safety, and the maintenance of peace and order. Twelve of the 19 leaders were members of the Barangay Brigade, while six singled out purok organizations. To a much lesser extent ( by one or two leaders), other affiliations mentioned include membership in the “Barangay Court,” the Lancer’s Club, ” Barangay Tanod,” Association of Barangay Captain” (ABC), the Ladies Auxiliary, and the Barangay Youth Organization. While these groupings are not political groups per se, certain activities of such groups have been known to be political in nature, such as engaging in campaign activities during election periods.

The Lancer’s Club was a short-lived male-exclusive organization initially organized in the community in 1975. Its primary objective was involvement in male-type community projects like street improvements. A year after its organization, financial needs and employment priorities led to a gradual participation among the members. To date, it has a total membership of 60 community residents who meet at least once a year (during the Christmas season).

The Ladies Auxiliary is an extension of another local religious organization, i.e. the Santa Cruz Catholic Association. It is designed to strengthen the religious practices among the community members, particularly the women. It mainly sponsors prayer sessions during the week-ends and prayers for the dead. In 1979, it has assumed other roles within the area of human settlements, e.g. assisting the barangay tanods or providing local hospitality for government officials or other visitors in the community.

Local youth organizations, otherwise known as the Kabataang Barangay (KB), serve as a link between the youth (ages 18-21) and the government. As a development program, it aims to channel the potentials of the young towards development- oriented activities. In the case of Agdao, this organization has been involved in fund-raising activities such as benefit dances during weekends and raffles for the improvement of the community chapels. Its members have also helped maintain peace and order in the area through regular patrolling activities. Position-wise, more than half (11) claim to be members in the various associations mentioned. Those who held formal responsibilities (9 respondents) were, at one time or another, “zone commander,” purok leaders, presidents, and sub-advisers.

Non-Political Affiliations

Other forms of community involvement by these leaders may be seen in their membership in religious, socio-civic, and related organizations- holding various positions from the presidency to being plain members. Eight leaders interviewed hold formal positions in such religious organizations as the “Barangay sa Birhen” and “Legion of Mary,” four of whom are presidents of the local Catholic associations. Nine others are simple members, while three claim non-membership. Socio-civic affiliations are confined to a few, specifically seven out of the twenty leaders. Four belong to a local settlers’ organization, three of whom are holding formal positions. Other affiliations include the Boy Scout Layment Associations, the Lions Club, and the local PTA. The rest (13) do not belong to any socio-civic clubs.

Positions Held

The political positions held by these leaders range from being the Barangay Captain to “zone commanders” of the purok-organizations, and others. Non-political positions held consist of the presidency or vice-presidency in local chapel organization, treasurers, secretaries, advisers, etc. Table 2 further reveals the multiple roles played by the group in the community, i.e., being officers or members with at least four individuals being both an officer and member in one or two organizations.

Looking back at these leaders’ organizational affiliations, one notes the high level of political participation by the group vis-a-vis the other area, with at least eleven holding official positions. A possible explanation may lie in the significant government efforts towards increasing barangay consciousness throughout the country in the past years, utilizing the pervasive barangay structure to encourage interest and participation on the grassroots level, even in a depressed community like Agdao.

In summary, this section has provided a brief profile of these leaders in the community. They are married and predominantly of the Catholic faith. While male-leaders out-number the females at a six-to-one ratio, they are involved not only in such “male-type” organizations as the barangay brigades, local settlers association, and the like, but also in such “female-oriented” groups as the local chapel associations. They generally consist of the older community members (with mean age at 48.5 and median 50.2 years). Most of them have had at least some secondary education (mean of 10.1 years) which is relatively higher than those of the general Davao City populace.  They are old-time or long-time residents in the community, with the mean length of residence at 20.5 years, and more than half having been there for 20 and more years. Finally, their occupational and income characteristics classify them as single proprietors (e.g., lumber-dealers, small store-owners, fruit and vegetable dealers) and belonging to a group which is at least above that roughly defined poverty threshold (with mean monthly income at P1,376.45).

Spheres of Influence, Community Assistance and Consultations

Given the dearth of basic urban services particularly in poor communities, to whom do these dwellers turn for help? What are the sources of local assistance in a depressed and neglected community like Agdao? As discussed in the initial section, a total of 111 individuals were nominated in eleven different areas of assistance and/or influence. These include sources of local community assistance (during fires, floods, personal conflict, epidemic, and other emergency situations) and individuals consulted on local politics, economic and livelihood issues. Other indicators used included their perceptions on emerging opinion leaders and leadership in community projects.

Utilizing the elitist-pluralist continuum, the high number of nominations (111) would then suggest the existence of a pluralist-type of leadership in the different spheres of assistance and consultation. A closer look of the data, however, reveals otherwise. Of the total 111 individuals nominated, 73 percent (81 nominees) were mentioned only once. Such persons may aptly be described as “spurious” rather than serious community leaders. The distribution of nominations of the remaining thirty nominees are likewise widely dispersed. Twenty-five individuals were  mentioned from two to eight times with the top five nominees receiving from as much as 22 to 46 nominations.

Except for those mentioned only once, thirty individuals were subsequently ranked based on frequency of mention in each of the different spheres. Kendall’s coefficient of concordance W (for tied ranks) was utilized to determine the presence or absence of relationships between various rankings. The higher an individual is ranked (or more frequently mentioned) in one area, the more likely will he be highly ranked (or more frequently mentioned) in the others. Nothing the steep drop in the frequency of nominations received by each leader-nominee (especially in the first and second groups) in the various spheres of influence, survey results indicate the presence of a “core group” of local influentials. The top five nominees were mentioned from 22 to 46 times, with a “middle” and “bottom” – level of influentials- having been nominated from four to eight times (12 nominees) and two to three times (13 nominees) respectively. Re-casting the data into these three distinct groups of local influentials, reveals the top nominees having been nominated two-and-a-half times as much as the “middle”- group and five times that of the “bottom.”

Are-wise, leadership and assistance during fires, floods, group conflicts, epidemics, and emergencies appear to be the most extensive for the three groups taken together. The total number of nominations is 1.6 times higher than those indicated in the second most popular activity-local politics. Utilizing individual rankings based on the absolute frequencies indicated earlier, the average number of nominations per person in each area of concentration is presented in Table 1. The top nominee consistently receive the highest number of nominations per person in 111 sphere of influence.

Local barangay politics appear to be the most distinct area of concentration for all nominees, whether belonging to the top, middle, or bottom-groups. The second and third significant areas of influence for both top and middle-level nominees alike- are during natural disasters (e.g., fires, floods, epidemics, etc.) and in community projects, respectively. The top nominees differ from both the middle and bottom-level groups in their fourth area of concentration, namely on economic and livelihood issues, while both the middle- and bottom groups are concerned with emerging opinion leaders. Finally, there is an apparent switch in their final sphere of influence, i.e., top nominees focusing on emerging opinion leaders and the other two concerned with economic and livelihood issues.

Assigning rank-values for each area of concentration for each nominees, there is a general concentration on local barangay politics. Four out of the five nominees are popularly identified in local barangay politics while one nominee (i.e., the Barangay Tanod Leader A) is most felt in areas of mutual assistance. The second are of concentration for nominees 1,3 and 4 focus on community disasters. The barangay captain is noted for economic and livelihood issues while the fifth nominee, for community projects. Finally, the old-time respondents regard two of the five top nominees as emerging opinion leaders in the area.

The Key Influentials

This section brings into focus the top five nominees described earlier- their specific areas of concentration as perceived by the old-time respondents, formal and informal positions in the community, employment characteristics, including their past and current community involvement. Absolute frequencies of nominations in the different areas of concentration for these top-five nominees reveal their significant influence during natural disasters, on local politics and community projects- in that order.

The foremost nominee is a 58-year-old purok-leader chapel president who appears to be of considerable influence in all three areas. In-depth interviews revealed that he has lived in the community for the past 25 years and is the stock-supervisor of a near- by sawmill company, engaging in small lumber-deals to augment his income. He has assisted community members during such emergencies as epidemics or in settling family or neighborhood disputes. While no floods or fires have occurred in his immediate area, he has helped solicit assistance from local welfare agencies or the local barangay, including organizing local surveillance teams (“ronda“) for fire prevention.

Other community involvements consisted of initiating the construction of fences in line with the beautification and cleanliness program of the city. Fencing materials were distributed free to indigent families. However, due to the numerous arson threats and constant fears of relocation, the beautification campaign has not gained wide acceptance in the community. As local chapel-president, he has spearheaded fund-raising activities for chapel-improvement, including the upgrading of the chapel-site by soliciting filling materials during the 1982 barangay elections.

The barangay captain is likewise an old-time resident, having lived in the area for the past 32 years. He has been holding the key position in the barangay for the last 14 years (1968 to 1982) and has been politically linked with the previous city administration. He is likewise a marine-officer and the president of a local seamen’s and laborers’ association. He has been mainly involved in improving the peace and order conditions in the entire community, organizing the residents (mainly street corner gangs) to provide local security.

Infrastructure-related activities consist of the construction of the barangay hall on government-owned land, with assistance from the city government, and road construction. The latter has provided access to an isolated coastal part (Agdao Beach) of the community utilizing funds from both the city government and the barangay. Through bayanihan efforts, the barangay high school was established. Water installations were provided for the interior sections of the community (i.e., Jerome, Del Rosario Village, Agdao Beach, and San Juan). Asked about the current land-issue, the leader-nominee explained that permanent land titles are not available for the residents, merely squatters’ rights.

Interestingly, the third key-influential-Purok Leader A is a recent arrival in the community, e.g., only for the last four years. He is a self-employed lumber dealer and is closely linked to the barangay captain. He is a member of the Barangay Court, and he acted in the capacity of both the barangay captain and the barangay judge three months before the May 1982 barangay elections. As Chairman of the local board of the Rural Improvement Club (RIC), purok Leader A is preoccupied with the local nursery school “Project Hope” for children ranging from five to  six years old. The project assists children in their early socialization process and initiates them in reading, writing, and drawing skills. Other activities includes re-activating a local Catholic association and acting as adviser for a youth organization. In addition to ” Project Hope,” purok Leader A has also assisted in soliciting used clothing and money for the fire victims last February 1983.

The barangay tanod leader- as the fourth key-influential- is a self-employed lumber-dealer. Having been in the community for the past twelve years, he is both an assistant chairman for the Barangay Tanod and “zone commander” in one sitio. He has likewise been appointed as “teniente del sitio: for two districts within the community under the revised barangay structure.

He has since initiated the establishment of local brigades, ronda, for security and fire prevention in the community. However, local support for these brigades has been minimal in the absence of any serious threat to the community lately. His other activities include issuing permits for public dances in his area (each permit costing approximately P5.00) and road construction in the interior area of the barangay in 1982 (approximately 150 meters in length and 30 meters in width). Local community support was provided in terms of free labor and refreshments.

He has provided assistance during two natural disasters- the fire in Agdao Beach in February 1983 and the tidal wave in Sto. Niño in September 1982. He has assisted in the evacuation of the victims to the local chapels and abandoned wooden shacks in an adjacent lumberyard. Possible relief measures were subsequently discussed with the barangay council e.g. relocation and housing needs of fire victims and soliciting relief aid from local welfare agencies.

The fifth of the top nominees was a purok leader before the 1982 barangay elections and is currently a purok coordinator under the new barangay administration. He is self-employed and engaged in a buy-and-sell activity of metals and scissors. His community involvement included organizing local brigades and assisting in road improvements using barangay funds. He has noted the lack of enthusiasm and active support among local residents in the latter. His other recommendations to improve the chapel through contributions from the members were similarly not supported.

Local Assistance

Differences are to be noted in the concentration of nominations by specific areas of activity. The subsequent discussions focus on such variations. Having been in the community for a minimum of twenty years, the respondents are presumed to have sought the assistance of others in the past, particularly in their needs for basic urban services. These situations or occasions include assistance during fires, floods, group conflicts, epidemics, and emergency situations. The nineteen individuals mentioned more than once are listed. The top four nominees, i.e. two purok leaders, the barangay captain , and one barangay tanod leader, are nominated from 14 to 20 times, while the rest (15 respondents) are mentioned much less (from two to nine times). It is interesting that one purok-religious leader is consistently mentioned on each occasion and ranks highest based on the total number of times he was approached for help. The Barangay Captain  ranks third based on the overall frequency of mention. Along with the male-dominated list of nominees, some women were included.

Consultation on Community Issues

In some instances, the residents have to consult or seek the advice of others regarding certain issues. Among those topics are community politics, community projects, economics, and livelihood issues. While the barangay captain is identified with the political administration, the community is not identified with any single political faction. In-depth interviews revealed, instead, that the residents belong to a number of political parties, e.g. KBL, NP-wing, and non-partisan groups. It appears that such an absence of political unity has worked negatively for the community, with the old-time residents claiming that the “local formal leaders have not done anything for the community,” and still others attributing the same to the lack of barangay funds. Some respondents further claim that interaction with local leaders have been confined to the securing of permits for holding benefit dances

Discussion of issues relating to economics and livelihood reveal both a degree of individualism and helplessness on the part of the residents, i.e. believing that “economic problems are best solved on the individual level” … other than through the local leadership. One instance provided is the application of KKK-loans by individual residents for which no concerted group effort is known for its favorable action by the local authorities. At least twelve individuals appear to have been consulted more than once by the old-time respondents regarding a variety of issues in the past. The barangay captain appears to be the most frequently consulted person relative to all three issues with the purok leader-chapel president following closely.

Barangay Politics. To probe deeper into  the nature of political leadership prevailing in the community, the respondents were requested to name the persons considered to be the most influential in Barangay politics. The purok leader-chapel president is consistently mentioned highly as before, having been nominated by more than a fourth (28%) of the old-time residents. The second person mentioned as frequently (Purok Leader B) was cited by only half as many (14 percent), with the barangay captain a close third. The first five persons considered influential in barangay politics were similarly reported earlier as being consulted on issues pertaining to community projects. It appears then that the specialization of area leaders tends to contribute positively to their general influence.

Opinion Leaders. Both the oldtime residents and top leader-nominees interviewed are not generally familiar with the emerging opinion leaders in the community, given the limited response in this area. The old-time residents mentioned six individuals as emerging opinion leaders, three of whom were already nominated earlier as influential people in the barangay politics of the area: one Barangay Tanod Leader, one Purok Leader, and a local chapel president. Except for one nominee identified by both old-time residents and the top leader-nominees, the latter mentioned eight other residents perceived as potential opinion-leaders. Apparently there is no strong consensus on emerging opinion leaders in the area, i.e. with four nominees being mentioned only twice and the rest once.

Leadership in Community Projects

A cursory view of Table 3 reveals that the old-time respondents’ awareness of their leaders’ activities are limited to those which are visible, e.g. road and chapel-improvements, and beautification (five, three and two leaders, respectively). The rest are invariably described as having assisted in the installation of a public water-system and lighting posts, bridge-repairs, and the establishment of a vocational school.

On the other hand, interviews with the leader-informants reveal that discussions were held in the past regarding community problems. The leaders were subsequently asked to identify the various issues or problems in the area, including the corresponding activities initiated to help solve them. These leaders appear to have limited knowledge of community issues with the majority (60 percent) identifying at most two issues. The issues mentioned were then ranked according to their self-perceived degree of importance, i.e. rank “1” for the “most important.” rank “2” for the “second most important” and so on. Table 7 contains the leaders’ perceived ranking of these issues.

Sanitation appears to be the most important issue in the community, having been mentioned by nineteen of the twenty leaders interviewed. Such perceived priorities may be explained by the presence of the heavily-polluted Agdao creek which has served as the main drainage and garbage disposal system in the community. In a related manner, water as a prerequisite for sanitation, appears to be the second most popular issue (55 percent) based on the absolute frequencies of ranking given though it was only ranked fourth in importance.

Economic problems (e.g., unemployment and low incomes) appear to be the second most important issue perceived, (with a mean rank of 1.5), followed closely by the land problem. One notes that while the community is generally known as a haven for criminal elements in the city, petty crimes are assigned a low priority by the leader respondents. In depth interviews revealed an attitude of tolerance and indifference towards local criminal elements seeking refuge in the area. In some instances, such individuals act as local mediators during neighborhood disputes to discourage the intervention of local police forces in the community.

Taking such perceived priorities within the context of Davao City, such needs follow closely the local government’s own list of priorities derived from a series of district barangay leaders on their respective community needs. In a year-end report provided by the city executive, infrastructure-related activities were similarly given top priority, i.e repairs of city roads and streets, city cleanliness and beautification. The nine-month old local administration likewise embarked on an intensification of the government’s program for health, sanitation, water supply, school buildings, lighting, communications, and other facilities in an attempt to improve the livelihood and quality of life of the people.

In an attempt to allow the individual barangays to respond directly to their own local needs, the city government has allocated P15,000 for each of the city’s 117 barangays. Barangay Agdao utilized such funds for the maintenance of the feeder road which served as the main access into the community. The desire for more “Project Hope” classes throughout the city and its districts has similarly been expressed by the local administration. Such a priority recognizes the need to augment the educational opportunities of pre-school children of families who cannot afford expensive kindergarten schools. Finally, the community’s perceived priorities correspond to at least one of the three goals specified under city planning, i.e, to provide the essential facilities and services in order to meet adequately the increasing demand for local services in terms of health, education, sanitation, infrastructure, and public safety.

The issues having been identified, the leaders were asked to cite the various actions personally initiated to solve them. The high level of responses on the sanitation issue is one indicator of the seriousness of the problem in the community. As mentioned earlier, the area is traversed by Agdao creek which empties out to Davao Gulf. In the absence of basic urban services like drainage and garbage collection, the creek has served as a poor substitute for such needs by the residents. One can only infer an attitude of self-help and individualism among the leaders themselves inasmuch as no mention is made regarding submitting the problem to local government officials. Except for two leaders who have not done anything at all regarding the unsanitary conditions in the area, those who have (17) confined themselves to informal campaigns on the need for cleanliness and proper waste and garbage disposal. Fears of relocation have resulted in a general attitude of indifference among the residents. No significant projects are thus undertaken to improve drainage facilities and environmental sanitation.

To solve their waste problem, eight leaders claim that NAWASA water service (though limited) have been installed, with the rest of the community purchasing water for domestic use from those households with NAWASA installations. All five leaders mentioning the land-problem claimed that a petition has been filed by local residents to own the land presently occupied. In-depth interviews conducted further reveal that representatives from the National Housing Authority (NHA) have made an ocular survey of the community, identifying and listing the houses for relocation in the northern section of Agdao. Their present site has been earmarked for the extension of the Agdao public market.

Crime preventive measures have likewise been undertaken in the community. These have consisted of regular patrolling activities by the Barangay Brigades, local investigations by purok leaders on gambling and petty thefts, and surveillance of known criminals in the community. There is apparently no concerted attempt on the part of these leaders to help alleviate the economic difficulties confronting the residents. Survey data reveals the single response to be negative, i.e., no action has been taken to solve. it- despite the knowledge that it is a prevailing issue in the community.

What views do these leaders entertain for the future? What projects or activities do they envision for the improvement of life in the community? Survey findings reveal that while plans were identified, those related to infrastructure, again, are most popular, e.g., beautification and fencing of the area, upgrading of inter-sitio roads and establishing either a basketball court, an assembly area or a reading center. A limited group mentioned plans for improving the local nursery school “Project Hope,” with an equal number expressing their desire for permanent residency in the area.

Summary and Conclusions

This paper is an exploratory investigation of formal and informal leaders in the provision of basic urban services in a slum community in Davao City. It presents a descriptive analysis of local influence and mutual assistance as indigenous attempts to meet various community needs as fire and flood protection, water and lighting facilities, and consultations on local issues, among others. It thus identifies and describes the political, religious, and socio-civic networks as local change agents in the development process.

Briefly stated, the community leaders of barangay Agdao are typically the “small people” described in similar studies in rural communities. They are mostly males, married, of the Catholic faith, and have received at least some secondary education. They generally consist of the senior members of the community, both in age (usually in their forties) and in residency (having been in the area for approximately 20 years). Occupation-wise, they are single-proprietors (e.g., lumber-dealers, sari-sari storeowners, fruit and vegetable dealers) and earn incomes slightly above that defined as the poverty threshold.

Such characteristics are distinctly similar to those of local influentials described in Makil’s earlier study which included Davao City. Age characteristics, particularly, lends support to Laquian’s 1969 findings in Barrio Magsaysay of community leadership held by relatively older people. As in most traditional communities, leadership qualities appear to be associated with age, Likewise, the nature and type of leadership presented by these local leaders resemble that identified by Hollnsteiner in discussing six modes of people’s participation in the planning and management of human settlements. Consisting of ward leaders, community relations officers, or neighborhood chairmen, these local leaders act as representatives of the people and serve as legitimizing forces for programs drawn outside the community.

While 111 nominations were given in eleven spheres of influence and assistance, a core-group of five local leaders were significantly nominated from 22 to 46 times. These top nominees have overlapping influences in the community- specifically in barangay politics, areas for mutual assistance, and community projects, in that order. Such overlaps would then serve as the basis for identifying the group as closer to the “elitist”- and of the continuum as a framework for the distribution of community power and influence.

The nature of organizational participation expressed by these leaders reflect the dominance of a politically-based leadership, with the top nominees holding the formal political positions, e.g., the Barangay Captain, three purok leaders, and one barangay tanod leader. Similar patterns are observed for the middle- and bottom -level nominees. (due consideration is likewise given the fact that these leaders similarly hold key positions in religious-based organizations, particularly the local chapel associations). Such seeming paradox of Agdao with a traditional politically-based power structure amidst a progressive and dynamic city like Davao may partly be explained by the distinctly rural migrant-origins of its residents- the “urban” slum as a “zone of transition” aptly described as a distinct element in the process of “Pseudo-urbanization.”

At the same time, the community issues identified in Barangay Agdao are similar to those described in other studies of depressed communities, e.g., better on-site services such as the need for piped water and improved drainage facilities. The desire for employment and the sheer lack of basic necessities and money eventually reflect among other, a pragmatic scale of priorities by local leaders. One notes, however, that the nature of activities taken in solving community-wide issues are mainly peripheral and temporary in nature. It thus reflects the limited participation of leaders and the mass populace in undertaking projects with a wider and more significant impact in the community. The limited perceptions given on the land-problem suggest that these local leaders do not have full control of the decisions for the community.

On the other hand, considering the political-cum religious-based leadership structure, these leaders may well serve as legitimate conduits for urban change and development. To say the least, the pattern of community assistance provided (e.g., during fires, floods, epidemics, etc.) and activities undertaken (e.g beautification, sanitation, etc.) do reflect specific instances in which community resources are harnessed, thereby government and civic agency programs “trickle down” to the grass roots level. As lower-level bureaucrats, these local elites constitute a network of individuals with overlapping power and influence in day-to-day community problems. They then appear to be a viable group in mobilizing local residents for various activities, directing the neighborhood affairs and acting as spokesmen to higher authorities. Such inferences are closely related to those by Vancio and Fernandez in their use of network analysis, i.e., identifying political leaders, among others, as effective rural change agents in family planning. In the same vein, these local leaders serve as informal channels for the provision of basic urban services supplementing the more formal network of public utilities.

In the final analysis, while there is a general lack of consensus among both the old-time residents and the top-level nominees as to emerging opinion leaders in the area, the existence of a core-group of local influentials present possibilities for institutionalizing a cooperative and participatory approach in the provision of basic services and facilities in depressed communities like Agdao. Dialogues between local administration and the community itself are commended in plan formulation and management of local community affairs. In the case of Agdao, possibilities for cooperative management may be explored between the local government and community residents working through the barangay as the basic political structure and eventually down to the purok-levels. Considering that Agdao is an integral part of Davao City, serious attempts should be made to increasingly draw the community into the mainstream of local development efforts.

Industrialization and Social Change: The Role of the Pastoral Ministry

A Situation and A Problem

On the evening of February 16, 1982, the representatives of some 4,000 families in an industrializing area of Davao City held a meeting to assess the events of the previous two weeks. The local political leader, the barangay captain, had started to spread the word that the Southern Philippines Development Administration (SPDA) was to begin implementing the plan for industrializing the government designated Bunawan District. This is an area of about 15 kilometers along the shoreline of Davao Gulf stretching from highway markers kilometer 10 to kilometer 25. This area is colour-coded orange on the city government’s demographic maps: an area with highly-density population which is 52,318 as of 1982 census.

The group met again the next day to finalize two letters: one to the first Lady, Imelda Marcos, and the other to the Mindanao Daily Mirror, a local newspaper in which their respective barangay captains reportedly agreed with the demolition plan and relocation of their homes. While in no way questioning the authority of their respective barangay captains, the representatives made it clear that, in this instance, the statements made at the meeting did not representatives made it clear that, in this instance, the statements made at the meeting did not represents their views. They rejected the barangay captains as their representatives in discussing the forthcoming demolition and relocation plans.  Their letter, with some 1,585 signatures affixed to it, politely but forcefully reminded the First lady of the statements she made at a cabinet meeting on April 21, 1980 where she had insisted on the humanistic approach to development and said: “Let’s make it a policy: no more demolitions, no more destroying of homes. If you have to destroy one tree or one house in the name of development, it is not true development.”

In their letter to the Mirror, the residents pointed out that the barangay captain of their area had formed a paper organization, the Barangay Sasa Residents Association, hand-picked the officers, held a meeting and formulated a resolution — all in the name of the residents but without them even knowing about it. What us presently happening in the  Sasa-Panakan area of Davao City is representative of many previous situations where the  implementation of highly-regarded government priorities seemingly overlook those most affected by their plans: the poor, and all too often voiceless people in the grass roots communities.

An analysis of the events in the Sasa-Panakan area as a case in point will enable us to formulate some reflections on pastoral ministry to these communities caught up in the industrialization priorities formulated by government technocrats and transnational investors. This might be helpful to promote a permanent dialogue and to opt for the squatters, the industrial workers and the marginal communities which happen to be in the right place at the wrong moment. The experience of these grass roots communities caught up in the industrializing process is another aspect of social change which is begging for our attention.

The first industrial estates established about 90 years ago in the United Kingdom were private, profit-motivated, and commercially operated real estate ventures. The spread to other countries took place in the 1950’s. From the West, industrial estates were established in the West, Middle East, and Far East. It has only been in the past twenty years that most of the capitalist-oriented process of industrialization (EOI). This is priority is usually a decision made by an elite group of inventors and technocrats who set in motion process whereby their country’s relationship to the world market is altered by producing different goods (labor intensive manufactured goods) with a new source of capital (transnational corporations) and a different system of labor control (a work force tightly controlled by law, strong company policies and weak or controlled, unions.

This model of development relies heavily on one of the most abundant resources  which these countries can offer to the international investment market: cheap labor. The chosen strategy comprises the duty-free import of raw materials or components from outside the country; their assembly or processing by low-salaried, unskilled, but highly productive workers, and the duty-free export of the goods for sale in other countries.

An export-oriented industrialization model is favored in the hope that it will provide sure job opportunities, foreign exchange earnings, more foreign investments, and technology transfers. The strategy depends heavily on the participation of transnational corporations. In commenting on the book by Frederick C. Deyo, Robert R. Snow observed that the first and still dominant wave of writings on Asian export-oriented industries lauded the apparent “economic miracles” which were generated in Hong Kong, Singapore, Taiwan, and South Korea. However, a second and more critical wave of writings has focused on the flaws in the miracle. While many of these critiques assert a connection between export-oriented industries and authoritarian regimes, Snow points out that Deyo’s writings make the most rigorous attempt to date to analyze the corporate political and social consequences of a government’s decision to base its economic hopes on the export-oriented industries.

For him, the degree to which a nation bases its economic development on labor intensive industrialization corresponds strongly with a tendency to enact authoritarian controls in order to keep labor cheap, productive, and disciplined. When effective, such controls produce an attractive climate for foreign capital. Once established, export-oriented industries tend to further entrench authoritarian corporate domination by weakening the local commercial investors and other social groupings which might challenge ruling elites; by providing the government with a foreign source of revenue controlled by local groupings; by paving the way for a highly centralized union structure and finally by reducing solidarity among workers. The demand for an export-oriented industry tends to demoralize the workers and weaken their commitment to the goals of the company, union and government.

Another aspect of the export-oriented industrialization impact on individuals and communities is the preparation of the infrastructure for export-oriented industries that goes hand in hand with development priorities and leads to the growing phenomenon of various people being displaced from their lands and homes. industrial enterprises need land, extensive tracts of it. They need energy, cheap and accessible , usually in the form of hydroelectrical and geothermal plants. To provide such need and accommodate plantations for agribusiness, export-processing zones, forest and logging concessions, industrial farm, dumping areas for the “obnoxious” or pollutive industries, people have to go. In being forced by their leaders to march the road of progress, according to the export-oriented industrialization model, more and more of the common people are losing their lands and homes.

In the Philippines, when Martial law was declared on September 21, 1972, the government undertook an ambitious plan to harness the country’s major rivers for hydroelectric for the growing number of transnational that were operating or were about to operate were reasons for the immediate building of dams.

The T’boli people of Lake Sebu, South Cotabato first heard of the dams in July 1977 when survey teams of the Cotabato-Agusan River Basin Development Project arrived in the lake area. Lake Selotan was to have a 50-meter dam, which would flood 400 hectares of T’boli rice lands. The London river was to have 56-meter dam, flooding 1000 hectares. In Agusan del Sur , about 100 hectares of land and 60 families would be directly affected by the construction of the dam in the Agdaoan river, while 1,000 families living on 17,000 hectares would be affected by dam construction in the Agusan river. The plan was to be carried out in the next 25 years but the settlers in the area, not having received any promise of relocation, reminded on the land.

The Tago river in Surigao del Sur is planned to be dammed for irrigation purposes. Around 3,000 families will be dislocated. The Manobos and other settlers do not want to leave because the government had not promised any resettlement plan. They see the dams as part of the plan to displace them so that corporate farms can be established in the area.

Six big dams are planned for the Pulangui river in the Bukidnon-Cotabato area. This project will be financed by the Asian Development bank. Four of these dams will affect 17,000 Bukidnon and Manobos in the Bukidnon provinces, and two of the dams will be affected in Cotabato affecting Manobo and Maguindanaws. Roughly 500,000 hectares of land in Bukidnon alone will be flooded.

In the Corailleras in Northern Luzon, two dams have already been completed: The Ambuclao and Binga dams which displaced 3,000 Ibaloi families in the 50’s and 60’s. None of these families have been resettled  as promised. To add insult to injury, the same people are once more threatened with eviction since a geothermal plant is to be built on their homeland in the next decade.

The Chico River Basin Development Project of the National Power Corporation has not made any headway, even if it is a priority project, because of the people’s resistance. The aim is to construct four dams which will cover a total of 1,400 square kilometers of choiced agricultural lands. An estimated 100,000 population will be relocated or affected by waterhead regulations. In the province of Apayao, the Gened dam will inundate 9,400 hectares. Some 850 residences of Kabugao Poblacion will go under 100 meters of water as well. The native Apayaos, who have been officially informed about the project, are told to wait. Meanwhile, survey teams and drilling teams of the National Power Corporation continue to work, in secret or in various guises.

To this long list of hydroelectric project could be added an even longer list of industrial estates and free trade zones, logging concessions, and agribusiness plantations. All these development projects were responsible for the displacement of thousands of people. The list is far from complete. Yet, it shows the gravity of the effect of government policies which invite foreign investors and investment with various incentives such as tax exemptions, cheap labor, and cheap energy, while the people are consigned to an unknown future with insufficient resources.

A Case Study: Sasa-Panacan, Davao City

As a case in point, we could consider the industrialization priority of the Philippine government as it is now being implemented in an area of Davao City, Mindanao, some 800 kilometers south of Manila. The government planners under the supervision of the  National Economic and Development Authority (NEDA) have chosen a national economic priority favoring industrialization for export . This policy has been officially adapted and made part of the law of the land by virtue of Presidential Decree 1200, signed by the President Marcos on September 21, 1977. For the first time in the history of the country, development planning is being done in the context of a Five_Year Plan laid out within a Ten-Year Development Plan. Both of these short and medium-term plans have been formulated within the board framework and general objectives of a long-term development plan up to the year 2000. This constituted a significant breakthrough in national development panning and policy formulation.

In a speech delivered at the closing of the Fifth Philippine Business Conference at the Philippine International Convention Center on November 16, 1979, President Marcos stated that in view of the ongoing expansion program the industrialization for export was to be considered as the fundamental thrust of the national economy. He assured the business worlds that priority will be given to a program of industrialization are very much in line with the regional development strategy for the 1980’s, as formulated by the 36th session of the  United National Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (ESCAP) in Bangkok. The strategy is ESCAP’s contribution to the International Development Decade which was considered by the United Nations General Assembly at a special session in August 1980.

It is important to note that the ESCAP strategy emphasizes peoples’ participation in the development  process, collective self-reliance among developing countries, and international cooperation.” One of the most important principles it advances is that … development should be the lack of it in the process of change, necessitated by the  industrialization for export priority, that worries pastoral workers and other social change agents.
This statement of official policy is very much in the spirit of the consensus statement adapted by the 70 members of the Bishop. Business men’s conference for Human Development (BBC) in 1971. That initial meeting explored the mutual concern and supplementary roles of the business and church sectors vis-a-vis some of the critical problems of social unrest then facing the country.

It was decide that by consolidating the efforts and resources of the two sectors and in collaboration with other sectors of society, the BBC could more effectively work towards the solution of such problems and promote the human development of the Philippines. A consensus statement which was adopted by the participants gave the rationale for the organization of the BBC. IT stated that: “The church has a task in this world … a responsibility towards the temporal order … she must necessarily concern herself with the development of people; economic, social, political, cultural, and spiritual… The modern Filipino manager must become a strategist for social development. The new mission is to maximize human resources. The new challenge is to make the common interest of the whole community his own-self interest. The new businessman is to build an enterprise on the total development of man.”

The Demolition Operations in Sasa-Panacan
The events of Holy Week in April 1980, in which some 3,500 families of three Davao barrios  received notice of demolition and relocation to settlement area some 28 kilometers away from their present location, strongly contradicts the above statements of principle and policy.

During the moths that followed reception of the notice, an atmosphere of fear and insecurity hovered over the community, as mysterious letters and rumors spread the word: “Get ready, there’s going to be a fire.” “Co-incidental” fires have burned down whole areas where people refused to be relocated or opposed to demolition of their houses. The following personal account gives a good cross-section of an experience of those who were forced to move out to make way for the infrastructure of industrialization. A personal experience of what can be called a “demolition-relocation event” “O-n-R) has led to an ongoing, mostly negative experience which can best be called “dislocation”. A more positive experience would be called “resettlement”. Let us learn from those who have gone through it.
   

A Personal Account

Pepe and Espi insist that, even or late as one week before the actual demolition of their house, there was no detailed information as to where they would be moved. There were promises that the new relocation area would be ready for them: complete with roads, electricity, water, and emergency supplies to assist them in the transition period while they were rebuilding. One morning, a work crew came and dismantled their home leaving it to Pepe and his young sons to stockpile the materials and salvage what could be used for rebuilding. Even at this point there was no news as to where they would be relocated, and so they spent the first few nights with neighbors whose turn has not yet come.

Espi recalls how disappointed she was to witness  the breakdown of the spirit of unity in the community. They had tried to organize themselves, but the belief that preparations were still lacking lulled them into a false sense of security : “It is still a long way off” The city engineer announced that the area had been divided into blocks and that they would be moved as units. This tactic seemed to divide the group; all the more so when one block seemed  to be favored more than the others.

The family lived for three months in a makeshift or temporary shelter. They realized that all the promises of the city engineer’s work crew and the military officers on the scene were  merely words; there were no relocation areas as yet and no preparations. Finally, word came that part of a plantation had been set aside for them and that a raffle would be held to assign the lots fairly to those whose homes were already dismantled.

The raffle was held amidst much confusion; some claimed that those who had moved away should not be included, and those who had stayed should get first choice. Pepe and Espi were included and were awarded a lot in neighborhood but still there was no transportation. Eventually, the soldiers did provide transportation in trucks but the trucking seemed to be more available to those families who ” … had pretty daughters willing to associate with the soldiers…”, as Espi expressed it.

The people were promised lots measuring 10 meters by 13 meters or 150 square meters. The reality was that many received only approximately 100 square meters so that, as the city engineer’s overseers expresses it, each hectare (10,000 square meters) would provide for 100 families. Later, other officials said that many family lots were reduced to allow for the land to be set aside for community services such as the school, chapel, health center, and barangay hall.
Their temporary shelter was their home for one year since they had no savings to buy what was needed to rebuild quickly. Besides Pepe could not take too much time off to build a permanent house since he had to provide the income for the family with five children. There was ultimately able to construct a more permanent home. His work at a plywood factory made it possible for him to secure much needed scraps of wood and to borrow tools for his home building.

The only access to the area was a muddy and rutfilled track passable by truck, close to the area, but only footpaths actually led into the area. This meant that the menfolk had to hike out to the national highway in order to get transportation to work, and the women had to go almost three kilometers to the marketplace. The distance and the hilly, swampy ground made it difficult for them to carry much when they did make the trip. Adequate water became a problem since most purchased water from neighbors who managed to purchase electric pumps and went into the business of supplying water at P3.50 per drum. The few government supplied pumps were usually out of order because of the wear and tear of drawing water by hand pump from a depth of about 140 feet.

Pepe and Espi considered their situation before better than now because they had less expenses in travel  to work, to school, to market, and the water was free. Being near the sea, they could supplement their diet and budget by fishing as well as clam and mussel digging along the shore line. They considered their former residence by the sea healthier: they had access to the ocean for washing and bathing: the regular tide carried away much of the garbage and filth tossed into the waters because the channel was deep and the current swift. Nining, the youngest daughter only nine, is old enough to remember that ” … before I used to wade in the water everyday but now no more because the ocean is far away and the carfare is too high.” Both Pepe and Espi strongly advise those facing relocation to organize themselves well and to speak as a united voice before the demolition takes place. “… don’t trust their promises … check the relocation site before-hand … go and see for yourself if the place is ready.”

The story of Pepe and Espi is representative of thousands of grass roots people who were never consulted or involved in the decision-making process as a result of the export-oriented industrializing priority of the government in one are of Davao City.

There was no professional guidance given to them in facing up to, and dealing with the transition: the presence or proximity of higher authorities was more in the implementation of the demolition move and the enforcement of it by armed military personnel and agents of local government; there was little clarification of such concrete details as to when the demolition would take place or where they were to be relocated; the respect of dignity and human value was more in the breach than in the observance, as gathered from the survey regarding the harassment and abuses by the implementing group. In general, the demolitions and relocations have been poorly planned or, if planned at all, were either hastily or poor implemented.
There is a strong basis for the judgment that the majority if the people who are relocated undergo a traumatic experience in the demolition-and-relocation process. The factors contributing to this trauma included the lack of an organized system of relocation, inferior conditions in the new areas as compared to the residential site they formerly occupied, increased financial difficulties, inadequate community services and no meaningful consultation process between the government implementors and the people affected.

In the past four months, July 1 to October  31 period, two fires have taken place within the Sasa area; one involving 27 homes located over the water behind Planter’s products, Inc. just within the confines of kilometer 11 Fatima Chapel; the other within Immaculada Conception – Kilometer 12. The Planter’s fire is said to have started when there was an unexpected brownout on a Sunday evening. People began to light candles; a few forgot to check the valves on their bottled gas tanks. Two explosions took in the house near the entrance to the community burdening the fence of Planters. With the entrance blocked by flames, the people had no recourse but to jump into the water below their homes. The strong wire mesh fence of Planter’s blocked any exit through the company property.

Fortunately, it was low tide and all escaped safely but 27 homes was destroyed. Even the post supporting their house burned badly due to the low level of the water. Various relief agencies came to their assistance with food , clothing, beddings, and medicines. Many used the nearby Police outpost building for temporary shelter; others used the stalls in the market place.
The Parish Priest, Fr. Donald Bouchard, PME, received some funding to aid the rebuilding process. he refused to release the money until he had definite word that the residents – all squatters – – would be allowed to return to the area. When asked about this,the Barangay Captain answered: ” Frankly, there is no place else for them to go — yes, they may go back to the area…” With that, the funds were released by the priest and the rebuilding process began.

It has been a largely individual process – no community effort seems to be operative. There has been no community planning for the rebuilding. The people are thankful to be able to rebuild on the original site which is convenient to their sources of livelihood and many of the facilities that they value: market place and schools close by, access to public transportation, and resumption of a familiar pattern of life.
Quite different is the situation of the other community which has experienced the trauma of fire as last October 7th. On that date, a despondent resident of the community known locally as Immaculada Conception/Km. 12 committed suicide. It is generally believed that he was overwhelmed by the bills resulting from his recent stay in the hospital and the prospect of ongoing burden of medical expenses. After what most though was a “welcome home” luncheon with his family he went to the family sleeping quarters while the others cleaned up after the meal. In the privacy of the room, he doused himself with gasoline and struck a match. The resulting fire killed him and destroyed the homes of 57 neighboring families. An infant was killed when a container of propane gas exploded. The metal rings on the top of the container flew though the air a distance of more than 30 meters and embedded itself in the baby’s skull. The mother holding the baby was unhurt.

Almost immediately , the residents used the lessons learned during the past three years of community organizing efforts in their area. Their first priority was to re-occupy their land for fear the Government officials would cordon it off and forbid them entrance. This has happened in several other areas of the city after a fire. On the very morning after the fire, the community met and in a discussion that lasted several hours, the residents decided on the following:

1. Divide the area into 30 equal plots/lots each 23 feet by 25 feet;

2. Give one lot to each of the 24 house-owners who were burned   out;

3. Give one lot to each of the six longest renters;

4. Disqualify two or three absentee house-owners who have “nice homes” in other parts of the city. They arranged for a small delegation to go to each of these absentee-owners to explain the community’s             decision. The absentees agreed to the plan once it was explained to them;

5. The other 27 families of renters who were burned out were assigned temporary quarters. When their former lodging places are rebuilt, they have the option of moving back in;

6. All sources of water (wells and pumps) became “community property” for   common use;

7. One lane was set aside for straight access from the national highway to the sea  shores for the benefit of the fishermen and the convenience of the jeeps/truck which come to pick up their daily catch.

8. Smaller walkways were designated between the houses; suggestions were made for proper drainage and sanitary considerations; and

9. Committee were set up for distribution of food, clothing and medicine. Other groups were assigned to the cleaning up/salvaging operation of burnt materials as well as for the soliciting of needed items.

One of the officers of the Resident’s Alliance summed up what had taken place: “… in effect our community has planned a squatter communities were the beneficiaries of emergency assistance in their hour of need. However, after the crisis passed and their lives returned more or less to normal, they have either been very slow, or we are sad to admit have refused to repay the loans received…”

The entire area between kilometer 11 by Sasa Market place to kilometer 13 near the wall of the Ministry of Public Highway Maintenance Depot has been organized into the Sasa-Panakan Residents’ Alliance (SPRA). The Alliance is actually  a grouping of many small ecclesial communities centered around their respective chapels which have been in the process of organizing themselves to face up to the reality of possible demolition and relocation.

In the aftermath of the fire in Immaculada Conception/Km. 12 the Alliance (SPRA) voted to support the fire victims in their plan to seek loans of 1,000.00 for each of the 30 residential lot-owner families. This money is to be used exclusively for the reconstruction of the houses as quickly as possible. The various GKK/BEC or small ecclesial communities will act as a “moral force” to ensure repayment of the loans within the agreed-on-period.

The chairperson of the SPRA, Mrs. Rebecca Agdon, has said that ” … We are aware of the fact that funding is harder to get for us now because of the actions of other communities which have not shown appreciation for the assistance received in their hour of need. We here in Immaculada Conception/Km. 12 want to be a type of ‘model’. Modesty aside, we want to show that squatter communities, through their GKK/BEC, can be responsible. We also want to prove that grass roots communities can plan for themselves if given the opportunity — without the need of top-down planning…”

Happily, two social service agencies  were able to obtain funding to assist the residents in the fire area of Km. 12. After looking into the proposals of both groups, the fire victim agreed to accept the loan from MISSSA– Mindanao Sulu Secretariat of Social Action.

“… This money come from the Alay kapwa Relief and Rehabilitation Fund which have contributed through our Parish here in Sasa…” explained Mrs. Agdon. As the residents viewed it:” … this money comes from the poor; we poor here will use it to rebuild our community, and we will pay it back by July 1984 so that it is available for other poor people in crisis…”

On November 3rd, less than month after the fire, the SPRA Chairperson and Treasurer, opened up two accounts with the Bank of the Philippine Islands: one a checking account for drawing on the P30,000.00 grant to pay the bills for building materials the other for depositing the repayments over the next eight months. The community sent out small delegations to canvass the various building materials’ suppliers in the area to check on prices. A few of the beneficiaries have already started sideline, income-generating projects,such as selling ice-cream to help repay their loans. The scale of repayment of the interest-free subsidy/loan is figured not only in monthly installments but also in 15-day intervals and even at a daily rate since so many of the people involved receive only a daily wage in their predominantly service type work.

It is interesting to note that many of the men who were not fire victims have taken time off from their jobs to assist their neighbors in the rebuilding process. On Sundays, there is feverish activity in the area since that is the time when most men are available. One group has organized themselves into a “building team” — twelve of them can put up the shell-framing of a house in four hours even though only four of them are carpenters by trade — the other eight are “amateurs.”
Government officials have visited the area and warned the people not to rebuild since the SPDA — Southern Philippines Development Authority — has ” …plans for this area…” Nothing more concrete has been told to the people, but there is evidence of some harassment. Clerks in the Mayor’s office have been asking if the people have building permits to reconstruct their homes; Davao Power and Light Company has still not restored electric service to the burned out area. In fear of the worst, the people have literally barricaded the area against a demolition team and are prepared to physically fight to preserved their community. One of the signs over a sandbagged reinforced gate says: “Get rid of the mini-industrial estate.” On the gate is printed: ” Igsama Village” and “Peoples’ Property.”

Such is the situation of the people as of November 9, 1983. The future remains to be seen. It is hoped that, like the officials of MISSSA, the local government officials will see the Community of Immaculada Conception/Km. 12 as an example of the wonderful possibilities and potential in people striving to take responsibility for their own lives and the future of their community.

The Price of Industrialization: Options for the Community

It seems that, when decisions are made to invest borrowed millions of pesos into an area, it must also be accepted that such enormous ventures would have socio-technical ramifications. As expressed by the participants in the August 1976 Bishops-Businessmen’s Conference for Human Development (BBC) the penetrations of any enterprise into a community does frequently cause serious alterations in the social fabric of that community and can create conditions that make it difficult for the people of the host community, including the very employees of the enterprise, to cope with. At best, it can be said that these dislocations and difficulties result not so  much from a deliberate desire to create these situations but more from a lack of awareness and perhaps a lack of sufficient foresight. There may be a general acceptance of a certain price to be paid for every gain in development; this is the concept of a trade-off or accepting the loss of one value in favor of something more highly valued. However, in view of trauma of dislocation  suffered by the people in the communities studied in this paper, it would seem that often the price of progress is being borne by those least favorably endowed to absorb it. Only a small minority of those who have been relocated find improvement in their socio-economic conditions as a result of a demolition-relocation event. The vast majority harbor resentments and deep negative feelings about the experience which they consider as having been forced on them without proper representation by their local barangay officials.

The question of barangay leadership versus peoples’ participation has become a disturbing issue in the replies of those who have been relocated. The 1980 evaluation of World Bank-funded urban development projects, authored by Fr. Dietmar Oberdofer, sharply criticizes the barangay leadership in the implementation of the Urban Development Program in the Metro Manila Tondo Foreshore area. Much of what is stated in said evaluation would apply to the barangay leadership in the areas being discussed here. Of special interest is the evaluation’s finding that barangay officials, who are supposed to serve as liaison between development authorities and the residents, are faulted for a high degree of carelessness for the fate of the people affected by the programs. These officials consider themselves to be the implementing agents of the higher authorities first and foremost and, only to a relatively minor degree,to be the representatives of their community and their people…”

At the grass roots level, the barangay captain and his council are considered as persons with formal authority. Such ascribed status or authority is meaningless in terms of community improvement unless it is earned from the people of the community. Earned authority comprises the esteem, respect, trust, and loyalty that the barangay captain, for example, receives from his community. In the communities of Sasa and Panacan it has been observed that the two barangay captains exercise a formal authority, granted by law, local ordinances, and interpretations of presidential decrees. They also have a type of authority  which comes from fear. This fear is fostered by frequent reference to the possibility of arrest and interrogation on suspicion of being dissident or rebel.

The demolition-relocation events were poorly prepared. This was indicated by the demolition of the residential areas without adequate preparation or warning to the communities affected; the hasty dismantling of homes, in some cases, by demolition teams backed by the presence of armed military personnel, the severe shortage of support facilities to make the transfer less burdensome; the little or nonexistent provisions for transportation of dismantled materials and personal belonging, and the inadequate preparations of the new relocation site in terms of access to roads, basic need and social services such as water, light, and sanitation facilities.

With even the most rudimentary information lacking for those immediately affected by the demolition-relocation event, the haste of the implementation can be seriously questioned. The story of Pepe and Espi has shown that frantic efforts were made to begin demolition. Inspite of existing local community organizations, the community was suddenly divided into blocks; houses were demolished by blocks, and the residents were left for days, sometimes weeks without transportation to the new residential area. Even when provided, the people experienced favoritism in the assignment of the transportation.

In the very act of obtaining the new residential site in the relocation area, there is evidence of unfairness with most families having to submit to a raffle or lottery to get their assigned home lot. Among these is placing the poor relocate into an environment in which it is difficult to get the help and support of relatives and friends. The lottery or raffle so often results in a type of amorphous housing are based on foreign individualistic values alien to many underdeveloped or developing countries. In this context, one can question the seriousness of the implementors in adhering to the policies of the Ministry of Human Settlements which are so emphatic as regards the “basic needs of people” as well as the “basic needs and essential services of a community.”

The most urgently expressed suggestion of those who have experienced a demolition-relocation event is for those who still have to face it, to make sure that the relocation site is ready; not to trust  the promises and assurances of the government implementors:” Go and see for yourselves before you agree to move. “They also suggest community organization beforehand while there is still time so that they can speak with a unified voice in demanding adequate warning and proper facilities for their transfer and resettlement. Masterplans for demolition – relocation may be well-conceived and all-inclusive but so often the apparent confusion in the implementation process is caused by the variety of functions divided among several government implementing agencies.

From the study of demolition-relocation masterplans, it can be concluded that the needs of the relocatees are not primarily housing as seemingly assumed by the planners.

So much of the masterplans are taken up with references to the infrastructure and housing costs while the people show a willingness to live in makeshift structures for a time. Not housing, but the concept of distance is the most important to the relocatees. This is followed by closeness of the job site, schools, market place, medical facilities, as well as basic services like electricity and water.

Holistic human development should be integrated in the formulation of objectives and strategies with regard to any demolition-relocation program. For this, there is the need of frequent and exhaustive consultation with representatives and responsible members of the communities to be affected by the program. As the participants in the Bishops-Business men’s Conference for Human Development noted, an open mind is required on the part of the government planners and the executives of industry to make the good of the local communities part and parcel of their policies.

Reflections: Ministry to people in Dislocation-Relocation Situations

The people of the area under consideration are predominantly Catholic. The few Muslim communities is Sasa-Panacan have a generally good, if not excellent, relationship with their Christian neighbors. In a situation of crisis , it is natural for these people to look for assistance to the Catholic Church, their local parish, and the clergy.
The interviews on which this study is based indicate strong evidence of little or no activity on the part of local pastoral workers in any stage of the 1974-1979 Sasa Panacan demolition and relocation events. A number of public ad private groups contributed charitable aid in the form of clothing, foodstuff and some medical supplies in the early stages of the relocation and rebuilding process. It seems that among these groups there were members of the local parish and representatives of the Archdiocesan Social Action or Catholic Charities groups. However, as part of a sustained program of assistance to the residents, in view of their particular situation, there were no pastoral workers on the scene either before the demolition went now during  the process of relocation and rebuilding. The parishes in the area, with their present orientation and limited staff or pastoral workers, are not prepared to meet the special needs of the people and the communities undergoing the demolition and relocation process. The parish priest in the three parishes of the Bunawan district are candid in admitting this and have expressed openness to those now pioneering  a special ministry to the industrializing communities within their parishes.
The most striking expectation that the people have from the pastoral workers would help in providing needed assistance in the initial stages of the move, specially with regard to food, medicine, and materials for even temporary shelters, if these are lacking. On a long range level, there is the expectation as well of facilitating the granting of housing, lot and titles and protection of their rights.
For those who still face impending demolition-relocation there is the participation in the planning and implementation of the program. In the local Davao situation, the value of presence is understood to be indicative of a sincere interest in what is happening to the people. It is understood to be indicative of a sincere interest in what is happening tot he people. It is a standard that is regularly applied to parish workers, clergy, as well as religious and lay people.
Parish programs are evaluated in terms of the provision made for the active participation of the pastoral ministers and parish workers. In this context, it is but natural that a  high degree of trust is given to the pastoral workers to help also, in protecting their rights as a citizens” …even though we are poor and powerless.” Presence is indicative of interest which inspires trust and a high level of expectation. This would be a norm that is operative in the area under study.
Living with the threat of demolition causes an atmosphere of fear and confusion among the people. There is concern for their n future and for possible courses of action open to them. The first priority of the pastoral workers must be that of a calming and assuring presence among the people. The presence must bear witness to their own personal belief in the ability of the people to address their needs and search together for viable options of community action.
More specifically, the following are important goals for the pastoral workers among the people facing impending demolition and relocation. First of all, in addition to being calming and reassuring, the presence of the pastoral workers must also be an informing presence: facilitating the people’s understanding of principles of action in the context of their own community’s situation. The presence of the pastoral workers must be a de facto affirmation of the people’s dignity both as children of God and citizens of the country.
Secondly, the pastoral workers must establish their credibility with the people as individuals who are motivated by a faith commitment to share their time, talent and energies to seek a peaceful and just solution to the problems facing the community. The approach is one of community organization through the existing network of small communities of Christians expressing allegiance in varying  degree to local organizations recognized by the parish authorities as being part and parcel of the parish.
In the Archdiocese of Davao, every parish has a very well developed program of services — especially sacramental and liturgical — to the many chapel-based communities within their respective boundaries. Under the guidance of an overall priority of evangelization, the January 1982 semi-annual conference of the Philippine hierarchy stressed a five-pronged programs highlighting social justice, family life mission, spiritually, and catechetics for all these chapel communities. These programs, faithfully implemented as instructed by the hierarchy, offer the possibility of positive, Gospel-based intervention strategies to assist the urban grass roots peoples in preparing for the potentially traumatic experience of dislocation.
In the development of the basic Ecclesial Community (BEC) concept, there is the possibility of linking faith and justice; of relating religious commitment to the daily life reality of the people who are threatened by an experience which could possibly disrupt every aspect of their lives. The coming together as a community of faith can facilitate the people’s sharing of their experiences, personnel and communal, analyzing them as to better understand the richness of their interrelatedness and then reflecting on all this in the light of their faith, the Gospel message, the Church’s social doctrine and the guidelines of the local church. From this background, the community asks itself and its members: “What is the appropriate response we are called to make?” This is the truly participative pastoral action planning process which can make a positive contribution to integral human development and, hopefully, to the transformation of our society.
Thirdly, the pastoral workers must foster an ideal of people’s power; not primarily for confrontation with authorities but rather for the purpose of developing an awareness of their situation, analyzing the underlying the problems and then preparing viable and acceptable options for problem solving and action planning. The plan of action formulated by the community would then be presented by their truly representative leaders in meetings with the decision-makers and planners of government and industry.
Fourthly, while the pastoral worker may personally accept the reality that industrialization is here to stay and that the demolition and relocation programs are unavoidable, it can be stated that the ideal of people’s power as mentioned  previously is not only for the purpose of participation in the decision-making. The participation must mean taking part  in the entire project or program. For some, this would be considered a radical concept: rather, it should be a challenge which respects the government’s long-term objective of a “dignified and prosperous future for the Filipino,” as stated by Minister Gerardo P. Sicat. It is a challenge which facilitates the integration of Christian social responsibility into the mainstream of industrial planning and management. It is a challenge which fosters people’s right to participate in the entire process of planning deciding and implement the vision expressed by Bishop Carlos Van Den Ouwelant, MSC, of the Tibungco parish within the Bunawan District: ” If Demolitions and relocations have to be, we must see to it that they are, at the best, more humane and thereby more Christian.”
Fifthly, the pastoral workers in the industrializing areas must reach out to all sectors of the community: to the youth, both those in schools and those who have gone into the factories because of their economic need and the limited educational opportunities open to them at present; to the married-couples in the context of family enrichment which is so often neglected or, at best, taken for granted in the daily struggle for survival; to the workers, in the context of their struggle to get acceptance and implementation of the  benefits already legislated for them; and, to the elderly, because they have survived and because they have coped with the psychological burdens of many traumas and transitions in their lifetime.

Towards an Adequate Strategy

Study, questioning and living in close contact with the people in relocation areas becomes actually a period of feasibility testing: testing, in the sense of determining whether or not it is feasible to broaden the scope of pastoral ministry to include this particular transformative style. It is a style grounded in justice, linked with the grassroots people and facilitating the laity as initiators of the action planning and intervention strategies. The vehicle of strategies is the basic ecclesial communities. These are already known locally as Basic Christian Communities, centered around the existing small chapel communities.
In this strategy, the pastoral workers are initiating not simply a new response to the dislocation caused by implementing the industrialization priority but rather a new form of Church. It is a form of Church designed for the challenge of industrialization; it is influence by the theme of justice and action on behalf of justice as the constitutive element of evangelization. This evangelization is mediated through the laity, the poor, the oppressed and marginalized sectors of our society.
The residents of relocation areas are a microcosm of these sectors. They have rich store of experience and learning as a result of the trauma they suffer in the demolition and relocation events. If properly elicited and communicated their experience can make a positive contribution to government events. If properly elicited and communicated their experience can make a positive contribution to government planners, pastoral workers and other communities being threatened with demolition and relocation.

Bibliography

Referred to PDF file page 9 to 10.

Ethnohistory and Culture Change among the Bagobos: Some Preliminary Findings*

Introduction

Ethnohistory is essentially the welding of contemporary ethic data to information obtained from historical documentation. Such an approach enables one to probe historical meaning or significance over and above the historical records, thereby enhancing one’s research to the point where one is allowed to traverse to historical continuum from one end to the other, or from past to present.

In another sense, ethnohistory is the collective experience of an ethnic group. The word ethnic refers to certain culture, Lingual, or physical characteristics that pertain to a group of individuals. Such agglomeration is usually small, and term ethnic group in the context of modern societies denotes minority groups, those small enclaves of traditional and pre-modern communities that have endured and are sometimes regarded as exotic and trouble survivors of a long, forgotten past.

The case for ethnohistory in Philippines historical writing is founded on one of the more critical issues in Philippines historiography today. Heretofore, Philippines history has strained to be understood in terms of what is historically meaning to Filipinos. The historical past purports to be a collective past, the totality of what is considered as the common experience of the Filipino as a people or nation.

Yet, the Filipino past is not a single, homogeneous experience. There has been a variety of historical stimuli to elicit a variety of historical responses and idiosyncratic experience even as the same or similar historical events produced unique responses. Ethnohistory rests its claims on Philippines ethnic plurality and seeks to understand the dynamism of ethnic traits and attributes vis-a-vis historical phenomena. The plurality of Philippines society today underlies the multiple cleavages that characterize its structure.The concept of ethnicity is that of small group identities that persist inspite of and at times, in utter disregard of the preeminent idea of nation or state. The challenge of non history is the challenge for every Filipino to grasp the totality and vastness of man experience. The totality and homogeneity of historical experience are not one and same thing.

The Bagobos at the Time of Spanish Contact

The original of the Bagobos lies, up to this time, veiled in anonymity. The state of prehistorical and archaeological research in Davao or for that matter the whole of Mindanao is such that historical Material regarding the origin of the various indigenous groups has remained niggardly and therefore insufficient. One of the two known archaeological survey conducted in southeastern Mindanao was the archaeological excavation of the Talikud Caves of Davao Province in 1972.The survey was reportedly a part of a long term program to explore and test archaeologically the broad triangular area from southeast Mindanao, northern Sulawesi, and the western end of Irian Jaya including Moluccas in order to investigate the movement of Austronesian-speaking peoples as well as the cultures that are found in the spread of Malay tradition.

The explorations in the Davao area were conducted in the provinces of Davao provinces, Davao Oriental and Davao del Sur. The specific sites were some caves found on the island facing Davao City. Some of the finding are significant in that they purport to pertain to the pre-history of people in southeast Mindanao, and Solheim has proposed that the area of origin of proto-Austronesians was somewhere within the island area of Palawan island in the west, southern Mindanao, Sulawesi, and Irian Jaya.

By and large the most significant finds in the Davao area were the rock sites of Talikud island to be the earliest sites of the excavation. The shell finds at the Talikud shelter were found to have been used over a considerable period of time.A few flaked stones not natural to the shelter suggested a flaked skill tradition the same as that of the west cost of Palawan and the Sulu Archipelago.

The Spanish Conquest of Davao

The conquest of Davao in 1849 allowed the Spaniards to make inroads into the Gulf’s vast interiors in search of trade and native converts who could be won over to populate the Christian settlements that were soon to be establish all over the Gulf area. Davao at the time was inhabited by native Muslims groups and those whom the Spaniards termed Infieles, the native who were neither Muslims nor Christian. Among these the Bagobos constituted one of the more numerous groups some of whom became the first Christian converts.

Up until the early 1880’s , the Spaniards had not sufficient acquainted themselves with their Bagobo converts to be able to describe them with any degree of familiarity except to note with mounting apprehension the fact that the Bagobos practiced human sacrifice. Towards the ends of this decade however, the presence of a more permanent missionary i.e,a parish priest in Davao enabled the missionaries to observe the Bagobos with a little more intimacy. By then a breaking through has been made in the recorded history of the Bagobos.

The Bagobos were found to be principal inhabitants of the Davao mountain range and in particular of Mt. Apo, a dormant volcano in whose folds the Bagobos built their rancherias or farmhouses. Along the coast they also lived in settlements such as Labo, Binugao,  Cauit, Melilla etc., and in some like Daron, they lived along side other native groups. Both upland and lowland Bagobos were known to practice human sacrifice quite frequently, the object of their propitiatory activities being a local deity called Mandarangan, who together with his consort, Darago , was believe to love in the great volcano itself. The crater of this volcano is covered by a dense fog during most of the day and from its bowels columns of sulphur and smoke continually shoot up. Such a sight must have been most awesome for the Bagobos, evoking among them the first and primal stirrings of the ineffable. A Jesuit missionary in the 1860’s one described the crater as resembling an immense sacrificial altar.

The first visit of the Spaniards to a Bagobos house was in the house of Manib, Datu of Sibula. The visitors found themselves in a windowless tree-house, its dimly lit interiors offering few comforts. A platforms. A platform like elevation was the only architectural feature that intruded on the simplicity and modesty of the single chamber. On this platform, the guest were receive by Manib, surrounded by this family. In the presence of visitors, he took care to impress them with a display of his household wealth. The platform on which he and his family sat was covered with native women cloth or blankets while pieces of large Chinese porcelain plates were conspicuously at various points in the room alone with the agongs and other musical instruments. The plates and the agongs were highly priced goods. A native iron forge was likewise forge was likewise noted by the Spaniards.

The Spaniards were more impressed with the ancient genealogy of Manib, and his father Pangilan, a very old man at this time. The Spanish missionary placed the age of Pangilan at about a hundred years. As a young man he was said to have made a wedding present of 100 pairs of human ears, a token of a hundred human victims, to his bride. A few years later,when Pangilan died, Manip together with all his relatives refused to lift the lalaoan or periods of mourning until seven slaves had been sacrificed and their blood poured over Pangilan’s grave.

The Bagobos were distinguished from other native groups as being the most fastidious dressers.The Bagobo was always dressed elegantly from head to foot. Men and women were adorned with earings, necklaces, bracelets, armlets and anklets of beads,shells, or precious metals such a gold. Around the waist, they usually wore a wide belt of cloth on which are sewn hundreds of tiny bells cascading from the torso so that the least movement produced a pleasant and most fascinating sound. They matched their ornaments with a serious and regal air about them.

By now,it had become apparent that the Bagobo social structure was dominated by a warriors class known as magani, the Datu himself being chief magani among them. It was the Datu as magani who decided when to proclaim the yearly festivities that ended in sacrificing enemies and other human victims. Only magani participated in the rites of paghuaga. Although the social organization recognize the regional role of a shaman in the mabalian who performed the lesser rituals and ceremonies, it was the Datu who as chief magani officiated in the most important rites of the community.

A man’s aim in life was to become a magani, which was itself the very essence of manhood. He who has killed a number of his enemies was set off from the rest of the community by certain special tokens. He who has killed two or more persons was distinguished for the deed by being allowed to wear the blood-red shirt and the chocolate colored headgear. Those who have killed four were privileged to wear the blood-red trousers, and those who have killed up to six wore the complete outfit of blood-red shirt, trousers, headgear and in addition carry a small bag of the same color in which are placed betel nut and lime for chewing. The missionaries worked hard to stand out the practice but confessed that their efforts towards this bore little success,were strongly reminiscent of those that the Spaniards first saw in the Philippines in the 16th century. Instead of compact and permanent villages, the Bagobos lived in farmhouses set far apart from one another. The field were planted to rice, abaca and sugarcane, Among the men were artisans such as goldsmiths and carpenters while the women were weavers of abaca, piña, tindog, and wrought fine embroideries.

Almaciga, a local resin was the principal forest product which together with wax constituted the chief exports of the region. The Bagobos were known as keen traders and usually produced an excess of local manufacturers for purposes of trade. They traded hemp made from the native abaca, betelnut, knives, and other crafted tools as well as weapons from the native forge. Bagobo knives were highly priced for their fine craftsmanship. The incoming trade with the Muslims and Christian brought back iron posts, copper wires, Chinese porcelain, salt, and animals. Aside from the coastal trade with the Muslims Bagobos also traded with other native tribes in organized trade parties that visited other settlements after customary notices had been given.

Acculturation: The Contact Situation

From the start, the colonization and Christianization of the Bagobos was an uphill struggle that produced no appreciable gains for the first twenty or thirty years. This was largely due to the sporadic and intermittent patterns of contact that hardly enabled the Spanish presence to make any impact. Town-making proceeded at a slow.uncertain pace while the conversion of the native inhabitants lagged behind weighted down as it were by a malady chronic to the pacification of the Philippines in the early centuries of conquest -the remontados, those whom the Spaniards branded as apostates of the Catholic faith and fugitives of the Christian reducciones or settlements.

An exception to this dismal and frustating procedure was the settlement of Lobu. This was also a large coastal settlement of Bagobos along coast of the Gulf which in the 1880’s came close to fulfilling Spanish dreams of a model Christian settlement populated by native Bagobo converts. Lobu had fresh water springs, an excellent anchorage’ and a population that was more or less sedentary and already raising crops such as corn, tobacco,bananas, and root crops, In 1884, Lobu became the town of Sta. Cruz. The ceremonies in the founding of the new town were graced by the presence of the Government of Davao and his wife and made more impressive by the sight of the Spanish gunboat,”Gardoqui,” which brought the Spanish governor and his wife to the shores of the new town.

The founding of Lobu, a Jesuit into the Town of Sta. Cruz owed much to the effort of Fr. Matthew Gisbert, a Jesuit missionary who visited Davao for the first time in 1880, having inherited the charge of converting its infieles from Fr. Quirico More of the same Society of Jesus. Fr More had been the missionary of Davao for some time and had already built a chapel in the Bagobo settlement of Tuban. In the same year, Fr. Gisbert was able to persuade the Bagobos of Tagabuli, Binaton, and Balalon to form a reduccion in Lobu. The priest had agreed to live the Bagobos in Lobu endeavoring to root out their “infidelity” i.e., paganism. It must have been this condition that softened the resistance of the Bagobos and made them receptive to the idea of resettlement. In addition, the missionary had brought his own provisions: plenty of rice and other supplies. The Bagobos agreed to work in weekly turns receiving a share of the Father’s goods at the end of the week. After a month’s work they were able to clear a wide path from the shore to river Tabing, their source of drinking water . Then a chapel, dedicated to St. Joseph,was built. A school teacher, Angel Brioso, was appointed for the education of the children of the new settlement.

In 1898, when the Jesuits of Mindanao were called back to Manila due to the outbreak of the Philippines revolution, the town of Sta. Cruz was left in the care of Angel Brioso. For reasons unexplained in the missionary account, Angel Brioso, in collusion with other Visayan Christians and Muslims collaborators, destroyed the town left to his charge, melting its bell and other church items and afterwards dividing the metal between him and his friends. Brioso and his friends had previously declared themselves insurrectos or rebel.

When Fr. Gisbert returned to Sta. Cruz after the revolution, all that remained of his church were its posts. The greater and more productive part of the town had become the property of a certain Lt. Thomas who was the head of the first American military contingent to arrive in Sta. Cruz. The Lieutenant installed Angel Brioso as a municipal head of sorts of the town. Despite its setbacks,Fr. Gisbert was forced to concede that the town recovered and became once again prosperous by virtue of government fiat. The inhabitants were compelled to open new streets to make way for new establishment such as trading houses.The missionary account betrayed a tinge of sorrow as it noted the growing strength of Protestantism in Sta. Cruz from 1904 onward.

The story of Sibulan was not carefully chronicled unlike that of Sta. Cruz of Lobu Sibulan was made into a reduccion some time in 1876 and renamed Santillana. In 1889. Manib was arrested by cuadrilleros or soldiers of the colonial government for refusing to provide an auxiliary of Bagobos to aid in the capture of a Bagobo fugitive of the reduccion of Astorga. Manib was likewise charge with impeding the latter’s capture and was confined in the local jail for sometime.

Some Spanish authorities worried about the lack of prudence in the arrest and incarceration of a Bagobo datu with good reason. After Manib’s release the Spaniards that the Bagobos had sacrificed another human victims in the highlands of Sibulan and killed as well those who were responsible for the Datu’s humiliation. After this, Manib and his followers razed their field and abandoned their rancherias taking care to lay traps and snares along the path of their pursuers.

Impact of Colonization

The political evolution of Davao from the Spanish reducciones to the American towns and trade center meant the gradual weakening of the tradition of the traditional structures. In the 1920’s Bagobo culture began yielding almost imperceptibly to change. With the death of the old datus like Manib, Bitil, and Tongkaling , the loose political system which was centered on the local rule of the datu slowly gave way to a new centralized macrostructure whose head was a strangely remote authority known as the provincial governor or the municipal mayor. Other factors such a demography and economic changes combined to force the Bagobos towards the inevitability of social and cultural transformations.

Up to 1919 the poblacion or center of Sta. Cruz was still a Bagobo community, the sprinkling of Visayas, Chinese, Japanese and American residents constituting a minority. The landscape was dominated by the familiar Talisay and Acacia trees and the municipal hall standing by the side of the old Catholic church as these building did some twenty years before in the Spanish colonial decades. Such colonial idyll however. could not long survive the implacable demands of modernization and change of the next period of occupation.

Under the Americans, more Christian settlements and centers where native goods could be traded were established. Two such trade centers were established in Sta. Cruz and Sibula. By 1907, Japanese homesteaders and abaca planters began coming to Bagobo lands. Japanese farmholdings burgeoned all over Bagobo settlements facilitated either through marriage with Bagobo women or the contravention of laws restricting the ownerships of the Philippines lands.

To counteract the growing strength of foreign immigration into Davao, the Commonwealth Government passed the Colonization Act of 1935 that encouraged Filipino in migration into virgin lands in Cotabato, Lanao, and Davao. In the 1930’s, Sta. Cruz was mostly populated by migrant workers employed in the Japanese and American plantations. Some 132 hectares of the poblacion area were owned by American veterans of the Philippines-American War of 1898. Sta. Cruz under the American grew to an extensive municipality composed of the present towns of Digos, Bansalan, Hagonoy, Padada, and all the known Bagobo settlement in the modern province of Davao del Sur. In the poblacion itself, the average landholding amounted to about five or six hectares, but in Digos and Padada, American landholding covered hundreds of hectares.Few Bagobos, however, worked in the foreign-owned abaca plantation. At about this time, they slowly started to disappear from their residences in the lowland poblacion. Cases of land disputes involving native Bagobos and Visayas multiplied. The most common of such conflicts were the adaption of coercive means to make the Bagobos clear forest lands for the new settlers and the migrate encroachments on lands already cleared by the Bagobos.

When the war broke out in 1942, the migrant temporarily fled Sta. Cruz to other coastal areas farther south while the Bagobos sought the refuge of the nearby mountains. When the whole country surrendered to the Japanese in May of the same year, most of the Visayans returned to their homes in Sta. Cruz especially when it was learned that the Japanese military would not occupy it. The Bagobos of Melilla, Binaton and other upland areas were made to organize the local KALIBAPI under a native District President. No effective guerrilla unit could be organized in the area mainly because many Japanese civilians had intermarried with Bagobos. After Liberation in 1945, most of the plantation owned by the American were sold to local Filipinos in Sta. Cruz. Among them were the Almendras and Bendigo families, formerly of Danao, Cebu City who have since then become the political leaders of the town. American anthropologist, Fay Cooper Cole and Laura Watson Benedict who had been observing the displacement of the Bagobos since 1916 noted that the ineluctable transformation of the Bagobos could not be held off for long. Some of the Bagobo experience during the last fifty years are best told by themselves.

Life Histories

Cesar Manapol

I was born in Binaton, formerly a part of Sta. Cruz this municipality, on November 20,1916. My father , Jose was a native of Tanjay, Negros Oriental who came to Davao in 1914 as a school teacher. He was a missionary trained in Siliman University and was a council and refuge of the Bagobos here in our area. My mother was a full-blooded Bagoba, whom my father met while he was school teacher in Melilla. I also met my wife in Malilla.

The word Lobu is pronounced Lab-o and means a water source. When I was a little boy, we often came down to Lobu from our home in Binaton. All the mountains have names i.e., Karatongan , karamagan, Boribid. I did not experience the tribal wars among the natives of Davao. I only know about them from what my elder used to tell us youngsters.According to my uncle, it was the Bilaan who the Tagabawas (Bagobos) usually fought. These “wars” were really stealthy raids in the dead of the night rather than face-to-face combats. I also remember the trade which native conducted with one another. Bagobos of Binaton usually traded with the “Kaolos” (Tagacaolos) and the kalangans. When I was a little boy, we used to come down from Binaton bringing camotes and other farm produce to be traded or bartered with the other tribes. The accustomed trading place in our area was Tuban. A trade day was agreed upon by interest parties by making arrangements with local datus. Once a date has been agreed upon, we tied a knot on apiece of string counted the days by such knot until the appointed time. Everyone is careful not too forget this date. whatever we brought back from the trade in Tuban was shared with our relatives who usually came around when they know you have just returned from the trade trip. This was the custom. Even datus have to share with other who been able to trade.

During the war, I was a soldier and therefore did not like the Japanese. Before the war it was alright. Some Bagobos were hired to work in the Japanese plantation Sibulan, Toril, Calinan, and Binaton all had Japanese haciendas. The workers were paid in cash as well as in kind. Some were permanently employed in Japanese families and were paid about ₱15 monthly, Two of my Aunts, both Bagobos, Sabina and Itik, married Japanese. Many more Bagobos who were married to Japanese during the war were “big shots” in Sta. Cruz. They occupied together with their families the biggest houses here during the war. After the war they had to leave Sta. Cruz, but their Japanese husband provided well for for them. Some have been taken to Japan.

Among the Bagobos, there were few rich people except those married to the Chinese. It is not true that a non-Bagobos can acquire or own Bagobos land through marriage with Bagobos women. A Bagobo women is allowed to inherit property, and in marriage it is the husband who administer their property. However, the wife continues to own the property Among Bagobos,inheritance is transferred from parents to children, but not from wife to husband. A son-in-law would be ashamed to claim land that belong to his wife.

During the later part of 1944 we returned to Melilla. I became a sergeant in the police force under the Philippines Civil Affairs Units (PCAU). After the war, there were many loose firearms. Consequently,there were many incidents of armed robbery . Even Bagobos also had loose firearms, although they used them for hunting game. In Sta. Cruz. I don’t remember any outstanding criminal cases after the war . Running amok Bagobos was common during this time . There was one case I remember–this was Buan whose wife ran away with another man. He killed two people before he was himself killed by the relatives who came to succor his victims. Before the war was certainly the better times.

Tawiling Bigkas

I was born on January 5,1931 in Baracatan, Davao der Sur. My parents were both Bagobos, but I am married to a Visayan, when I was a little girl,this place (Sibula) was still a forest. Most of the houses were styled according to “Bagobos” fashion. The first in our family to live here was my great-grandfather. During my father’s time the family occupation was farming. My mother, like the rest of our womenfolk, occupied herself with housework and weaving. I don’t remember having been scolded by my parents. I like to play a lot.

I experience working for the Japanese. The work was mostly clearing field. We were paid daily in kind: three salted fish, three leaves of tobacco, and one chupa of salt. we were seldom paid in cash. During the war we went back to our field and started all over again . I think the period before the war was a better time.For one thing our roads here in Sibulan were much better because the Japanese maintained them well through hard labor among us natives. There were few criminals incident. Today the Bagobos have” awakened”, and now we want our children to go school, know may things, be independent and work our own farms.

Datu Salumay

What I remember from the past are datus here in Salumay (Calinan, Davao City).Spanish soldiers something came to talk to our datus about game and other source of food. I think their purpose for being was the same as any other people-to look for one’s livelihood. We Bagobos are not too interested in other people or in what other people do. IN general we mind our own business and care only our own affairs.

Our place Salumay, is surrounded by mountains and forest. The names of our mountains are Mando and Malambo. We earn our living by farming and hunting. During this time there were only a few Cebuanos in our place. I don’t remember Americans living with us in this place. During the American period, our Datu was Dumokan. At this time Bagobos in our place began to sell their lands. We were living them in Simod by the side of the Bankerohan river.

When war broke out, I moved my family back to Salumay. Some “Filipino” also moved with us to this place from fear of the Japanese who have already occupied the city. During this time our Datu Sumba, The Japanese did not come to Salumay. We did not experience liberation in Salumay, but some American reached our place. They distributed clothes and food among us.

Some Preliminary Observations of Contemporary Bagobo Culture

During the 1975 census the Bagobos population numbered a total of 29,363, the concentrations of which are found in Davao City which claims 53% of the total population, Sta. Cruz with 26%, and the remaining 21% are found in three other municipalities of Davao del Sur. Sta. Cruz and Sibulan are political subdivisions of this province, Sibulan being a barangay of Sta. Cruz. Most, if not all, of the 15 barangays comprising Sta. Cruz today were known Bagobo settlements in the 19th century. Except for the poblacion or center , most of the barangays are in the highlands adjacent to the coast since the topography of Sta. Cruz is generally rolling and mountainous. It has a total land area of 27,960 hectares which is 6.71% of the total land area of the province.

The population of Sta. Cruz in the 1980 census is 48,272 with a density of 176 person per square kilometer. The population is characteristically young with the ages of 44 years and below comprising 47.3% of the age structure. Consequently, the municipality has a high dependency ratio of 96.60. Moreover , 74% of children between the ages of 0-6 months were found to be suffering from various levels of malnutrition . The major occupations are employment for the poblacion and farming for the majority of the barangays including the barangay of Sibulan. The prinipal crops grown are coconut and corn. None of the barangays has irrigation facilities.

Sibulan is 21 kilometer distant from the poblacion and has a population of 2,518 most of whom are engaged in upland farming . It is accessible by jeepney from the district of Toril in Davao City for the first nine or ten kilometers. The remaining three or four kilometers must be negotiated on foot along a sloping and increasingly rugged terrain. Along this road the traveller to Sibulan must negotiate three precipitous descents. The third traverses the Baracatan river which is actually no more than a mountain stream. On rainy days,this tiny stream can become a roaring gorge after an hour of heavy rain, impeding passage to Sibulan. Following the steep ascent from this river, one comes to Sibulan proper nestling high up in the Davao mountain range.

One’s first eyeful of Sibulan reveals the Barangay Hall built close at the edge of a precipice, a basketball court, and a cluster of empty huts surrounding an open cockpit On Saturday, the market day of Sibulan, these empty huts come to life and are suddenly filled with people. one arrive on horseback apparently from higher and more distant grounds. Except for some recent structures the landscape of the mountain walls and rising peaks surround the newcomer with ambiance of the tradition. The panorama of native flora: the smell of bamboo, the sight of the tall and stately durian trees, and the verdant turf everywhere , all seem to defy the passing of time.

Yet, there are no more trees houses in Sibulan, Today’s Bagobos houses are built on the ground , but foisted on piles instead of posts. The interior is usually divided into three or more section: a receiving area with one or two wooden benches for visitors, a kitchen, and an elevated and walled-off area for sleeping quarters. Today’s dwellings are also provided with windows. The house of the barangay captain is of the bungalow type. While the architectural types have given way to modern ones, the materials used are those that are derived from traditional sources. For roofing and walling , the old buho, a specie of bamboo which are plaited together for use as thatching material, it still very much in evidence. The Bagobos of Sibulan maintain that the buho is impervious to rain as well as sun.

One the other hand, settlement habits of old appear to have persisted. Houses are set far apart from one another. The clustering of two or more houses that are within calling distant of each other is of occasional incidence. When a group of houses are built close together this is usually because the owners are close relatives . An obvious reason for the dispersed pattern of residence it that each house is usually constructed in the midst of or adjacent to a garden of about 1000 to 2000 square meters planted to either rice or corn, some fruit trees, coconuts, bananas, and some vegetable. Such a pattern is strongly reminiscent of the rancherias of old which were built close to one’s rice fields and in which one’s immediate neighbors are family members.

Sibulan farmers are dry cultivators. Since there is no irrigation system for the entire municipality of Sta. Cruz, firing was and still is the only known means of soil cultivation. Necessarily, this has resulted in the cumulative degradation of the soil. Most of the old Sibulan folk whom I interviewed told us that the soil is not now as rich as before, and this is the reason why Sibulan folk seek a much higher ground on which to plant their rice. The affluent ones own bigger ricelands in Tabog, an almost vertical wall of green fields that rises high above Sibulan.

There are a number of small sari-sari stores selling soft drinks, beer, cigarettes,and other non-essential items. These stores are not selling basic goods since from observation each family is more or less self-sufficient in basic food such a rice and other staples. At harvest time, crops are stored in family granaries or sold at the market places in Davao City or Toril.

Today’s Bagobo’s are predominantly Christian. Many possess Christian names which is usually a token received baptism either from Catholic or Protestant rites. The practice of adapting the name of adapting the name of one’s father as a surname has gained currency,i.e.,Pedro Tongkaling is the son of someone whose only name is Tongkaling. A possible exception are the names of second or third ascending generation members who are still known by only one name. A Caholic priest comes to say mass on Sundays, while the Protestant chapel is served by a resident Pastor. The present generation of Bagobos hardly hardly react to the name of Mandarangan, unlike the older generations whose eyes would suddenly light up with an old intensity at the mention of the deity. Many Bagobos prefer to dismiss the subject by associating the old worship with works of the devil.

However, old habits die hard, and old practices become ritualized instead of merely ceasing to be . IN 1913 when the American anthropologist, Laura W. Benedict attended a Gin-Em, the longest and most elaborate of Bagobo festivals which culminate in human sacrifice, she noticed that the Bagobos who shot a chicken as offering said a prayer in apology for not being able to offer a human victims, a tradition which had already been proscribed by the American authorities.

Presently, a more powerful factor that could possibly bring about drastic changes among the Bagobos would be the political situation and the increasing social as well as economic pressures that it has brought to bear upon them, The activities of both the New People Army (NPA) and the military have greatly destabilized the area, the natural consequences of armed encounters between these two groups being the dislocation of noncombatants.

According to military documents, the first group of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CCP) was organized in Mindanao in June 1971. The group’s activities were intensified in Tagum, Davao del Norte and Digos, Davao del Sur. The following year the Mindanao Regional Party Committee (MRPC) organized, and by the end of 1982, the CPP had already established seven fronts in region XI. An ambush in Sulop, Davao del Sur on November 3,1982resulted in the death of Mayor Mondejar and several PC/INC personnel. The event also signaled the start of armed hostilities in the region.

The CCP/NPA operational viability relies much on the support of the people Reports of a systems of “progressive taxation” in which each family is asked to contribute ₱1.50 plus a chupa of rice depending on the economic conditions of the locality, have circulated freely since 1976. When moving about across territories in which insurgent influence has been fairly established, ranking party members pass the night in the houses of sympathizers. Upon the approach of intruders or any other stranger, an alarm is made in various ways such as dropping heavy objects on the floor, ringing of bells or agongs, disturbing chickens and other animals.

The other disruptive element is the military itself. To contain and neutralized the insurgent threats, the Regional Unified Command for Region XI (RUC) was organized on April 18,1983. The establishment of the RUC was a move to enhance the operational effectiveness of the military by coordinating and integrating all the Armed Forces in the Region. The first important operation was named katatagan which consists in a three pronged program.

a. Phase 1- Intensification of civil-military operation in unaffected areas to win the people to the side of the government while at the same time strengthening para-military forces and self-defense capabilities;

b. Phase 2-Intensification of civil-military operation in cleared areas previously influenced by the insurgents and the establishment of a civil defense force; and

c. Phase 3-Reconciliation. During

the third phase the military will rehabilitate previously affected areas with the help of other government agencies to ensure the acceleration of socio-economic growth in the region.

Today, the presence of these competing forces strains the peace and tranquility of the Bagobos who are only now being made aware the larger political realities around them.The advent of centralized rule has not really made itself felt among the cultural minorities until recently. The institution of the datu system as known to the Bagobos appeared to have been restricted to mediation and arbitration rather than outright rule. Up until modern times, the only familiarity that Bagobos have with political authority is that of the datu, a local functionary whose authority did not normally exceed the number of his followers. In the past, an offending Bagobo could lose his life to the datu’s maganis under terms that had been specified to him by custom and tradition. The risk of losing his life to this personal enemies was probably greater than the former possibility.

Today’s festering political conditions have made the Bagobos more vulnerable in his struggle for survival. They have magnified life’s uncertainties by exposing him to forces over which he has neither choice nor control. In a bid to draw the Bagobo to the larger mainstream of the national and society, the system is unwittingly making use of methods that would destroy the very milieu that nurtures hi. The system claims justification through a known principle of social theory, that of the mutuality between individual and society.

On the other hand, the unwholesome atmosphere is driving many Bagobos to lowland barangays where they are drastically and inexorably torn from their traditional lifestyles. Thus,the present disorders many yet prove to be the propelling force that could bring the Bagobos to integration or assimilation into the larger Filipino society. When that happens, it would appear that their integration has been achieved at the cost of their genuinely Filipino tradition and culture.