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Experiences and Challenges on Political, civil and Socio-Cultural Right of Indian Students in Davao City
The Political Biography of Dalama: From Binukot to Revolutionary
I would like to make a confession. Initially my motivation for writing the story of Dalama was purely academic. I was then a Political Science Instructor at the Social Science Division of University of the Philippines in the Visayas (UPV) in Miag-ao, Iloilo. I needed to come up with a research output to add to my points to get a permanent item or plantilla position.
Now, I am out of LIPV but I feel I have a social responsibility to write Dalama’s story. When I left the academe, I embarked on a series of exposure trips to the Tumanduk communities in Tapaz and Jamindan, Capiz. The exposure trips bore to fruition a project proposal for a functional literacy program for the Tumanduks.’ More importantly, those exposure trips have made me an advocate of the Tumanduk people’s right to self-determination.
I have to admit that during the initial stage of writing the paper, I was drawn to the exotic practice of binukot. A binukot is a girl cloistered by her family from the age of three to puberty. She is taught the Tumanduk’s oral traditions, and learns to chant the epics and dance the binanog. Keeping a binukot gives a family prestige because it means that it can afford to exempt a child from labor. As the repository of the community’s oral traditions, the binukot commands a very high bride price.
But I realized that my interest in the exotic was part of my bias as a lowland researcher, so I rejected this line of study.
I have chosen to analyze the binukot from a Marxist-Feminist perspective3 because of the influence of my primary storyteller, Luisa Posa-Dominado, who is a Marxist. Her accounts about Dalama, a binukot who became a revolutionary, entailed some analysis of the binukot from the Marxist standpoint. I provide the feminist perspective.
The Subject Position of My Storyteller
My primary storyteller, Ma. Luisa “Luing” Posa-Dominado, was a member of the New People’s Army (NPA)” during the Marcos dictatorship. A comrade, confidante, and friend of Dalama, Luing is qualified to tell Dalama’s political biography. Their friendship spanned eight years. It began in 1977 when they worked together as members of a unit of the New People’s Army (NPA). They were still single at that time. They again had another chance to work together in an auxiliary teams in 1980. By this time, they were already married and had children. From 1981 to 1985, they were assigned to different fields of work, but they met frequently and shared many stories. By 1985, Dalama was already leading an NPA platoon, while Luing was a member of the Instructor’s Bureau.
Luing and Dalama were more than comrades in the national liberation movement. On a personal level they were co-journeyers who saw each other go through difficulties as mothers and wives waging a national revolution. Having shared Dalama’s life and struggles, Luing has earned the right to be the keeper of Dalama’s story.
Storytelling as Research Tool
I chose to employ storytelling as method of gathering data because of my feminist consciousness. Storytelling as a research method was empowering to my research partner Luing. Storytelling allowed Luing spontaneity. We talked at the feeling level; we listened to each other, and laughed over anecdotes. Luing clarified matters when she shared her analysis of what she thought I was doing. She affirmed some points of my analysis and challenged some of them. In storytelling, we experienced an exchange of personal stories.
In storytelling, personal disclosures by the researcher and the research partner are inevitable. In the beginning, I had to clarify my subject position to Luing. At the end of our last storytelling session Luing told me that after hearing herself tell Dalama’s story, she felt that Dalama’s story was really worth telling and writing about.
Our storytelling sessions would begin with promptings like “Luing, ano ang istorya ni Dalama sang siya binukot pa (What was Dalama’s tale when she was still a binukot)?” Apart from this, we talked about common friends, and a sundry of topics. Storytelling as method is informal. The issue of power relations between researcher and the researched is blurred.
Truly, Luing is a partner in this research undertaking because she staked her own life story as a former NPA during the Marcos dictatorship. As a feminist conscious of the ethical issues in research, I am aware of the issue of confidentiality. I salute Luing for freely consenting to tell Dalama’s story.
In the oral tradition of the Tumanduks, storytelling is also the primary medium of transmission of knowledge. The choice of method hews to the Tumanduk tradition.
Imagery as Important Tool in Writing
My mentor Tomasito Talledo (Professor of Sociology at UPY Miag-ao campus) shared with me the imagery approach in writing. When I was writing about Dalama the imagery of the ubaran was a controlling image. The ubaran is a friendship bond of the Tumanduks made of the forest vine of the same name. I was actually weaving the story of Dalama as retold by my storyteller Luing. My analysis weaves the personal story of Dalama to the bigger story of the Tumanduk people’s strut: e for self-determination and the Filipino people’s strut: e for national liberation.
I feel I share a special bond with Luing and Dalama after the research. Just like the ubaran, our lives have become interwoven through our stories.
The Political Biography of Dalama
Dalama, The Binukot
When Dalama was born, her father Sardin named her after her mother who had also been a binukot. Her father chose Dalama as the binukot of the family because she closely resembled her mother. Dalama remained a binukot until she turned 15 years old.
Dalama told Luing that as a binukot her mobility was confined to the immediate vicinity of her home. Play was limited among her siblings and immediate family members. While growing up, she envied her siblings who were free to explore and play anywhere.
Since Dalama stayed at home most of the time, she performed household chores. She helped her mother cook, wash the dishes and clean the house. She learned to sew and to make jewelry by stringing colorful beads together.
Her mother taught her how to dance the binanog, a graceful depiction of the movement of the hawk to the beat of the native drums and gongs. Luing recounted that when Dalama danced the binanog it seemed that her aura would change. She danced as if possessed by a spirit-dancer. Luing recalled that compared to other binanog dancers, Dalama was the most graceful during her time.
Dalama was allowed to bathe in the nearby spring before sunrise provided that a sibling or her mother accompanied her. She washed her own clothes and collected a limited amount of drinking water. Although she did some housework she was prohibited from doing tasks that required much energy or exposed her to the blazing sun.
Luing noticed that a binukot always had a companion in the house. Usually, it was her mother or female sibling who accompanied her. The companion was to answer the call of visitors. When they have unannounced visitors the binukot has to go to her room. Otherwise, she is free to interact with the immediate members of her family.
Economic considerations necessitated Dalama’s decision to terminate her status as binukot. In 1968, Dalama’s father Sardin led a panambi, a bloody territorial war against the Akeanon. Sardin was incarcerated in Muntinlupa and the family needed an extra hand in the kaingin. Dalama told Luing that her family accepted her decision to participate in farm work. She was fifteen (15) years old when she ceased to be a binukot.
A Marxist-Feminist Analysis of the Practice of Binukot
In my conversation with Luing on the practice of binukot, I opened that Dalama must be empowered because she personally decided to terminate her status as binukot. Also, by her decision, she challenged her own cultural tradition. Luing explained that in the 1970s the practice of binukot was a dying tradition among the Tumanduks. The decline started in the 1960s due to the national economic crisis that also affected the mountainous areas of Capiz, home of the Tumanduks.
It had become impractical to maintain a binukot. In the case of Dalama’s family, their difficulties were aggravated by the fact that Sardin was imprisoned. And he was the principal food provider of the family.
Luing explained that the practice of binukot grew out of the relative economic abundance experienced by the Tumanduks in the past. Families were able to maintain a binukot because they had surplus yield in the kaingin and could invest in the binukot who commanded a high bride price.
Dalama’s decision to terminate her status as a binukot was borne out of the economic necessity to help in the kaingin. It was a practical decision made to answer a basic need of economic survival.
Luing observed that the practice of binukot changed through time. During the time of Lola Elena Gardoce, the oldest living epic chanter and binukot, a binukot was forbidden to have her bare feet touch the ground. She had to be carried by somebody when she left her house.
Maintaining a binukot in the family was very expensive. A binukot did not contribute to the generation of food and income for the family, and was therefore totally dependent on them. But she repaid them once betrothed as she was worth several farm animals and other material goods.
At first glance, it would appear that a binukot was a “bird in a gilded cage.” Her space was confined to the vicinity of her home. Her social relations were limited to the immediate members of the family. However, since she was taught and trained to chant their epic, lore and dance, she became a bearer of traditional culture and keeper of her people’s history. As such, her vistas expanded as she learned the beginnings of her people and the exploits of their heroes. She knew about the skyworld, the underworld, the middle world and all their inhabitants.
As a binukot, Dalama performed some household chores. She washed her own clothes and fetched a limited amount of drinking water. This runs counter to the accounts made by Prof. Alice Magos in her paper entitled “The Binukot (well-kept maiden) in changing socio-political perspective 1850s-1993” in which she states that the binukot was “treated like a ‘princess’ and did not perform household chores.”
Dalama’s limited interaction with the immediate members of her family was enough to expose her to the actual realities of life. She experienced poverty in like manner as her family. Her family accepted her decision to help in farm work because it was the pragmatic thing to do. They could have hastened Dalama’s marriage, which was an option if they had wanted to improve their economic standing. At 15 years old, Dalama was already eligible for marriage.
Dalama’s case points to the fact that it was her father who decided that she become a binukot. Sardin acted like a typical patriarch who determined the fate of her daughter. His decision exemplified the view of patriarchy in which a daughter is treated as property that he can sell to the highest bidder.
Dalama/Randa: From Binukot to Revolutionary
In the early 1970s, Dalama had initial contact with the NPA. According to Luing, in 1971, the NPA set up a revolutionary school near Dalama’s residence in Aglupacan, Tapaz, Capiz. Dalama attended the revolutionary school at the age of seventeen until she was eighteen years old. The revolutionary school taught the rudiments of writing, reading, and arithmetic. It was here where Dalama learned literacy and numeracy skills. As socio-political issues were discussed among the regular attendees, Dalama had her early politicization there.
In 1972, Martial Law was declared by then President Ferdinand E. Marcos. Many activists were forced to go underground, among them Luing, my principal storyteller. During this period Dalama started helping out in the NPA camp near their residence. She had a suitor, a lowlander, who was a member of the NPA. The suitor, one of those student activists who were forced to go underground went to the extent of performing the panga,gad. This is the Tumanduk custom where the groom-to-be does errands for days for the family of the bride-to-be before the wedding. Unfortunately, the groom-to-be was wounded in an ambush and was captured by the forces of the Philippine military when he sought treatment in Iloilo City.
In 1977, Dalama decided to join the New People’s Army. According to Dalama’s story to Luing, her mother discouraged her from joining the NPA because she was a woman. Her mother reasoned that she did not have the physical stamina of a man. Dalama argued that she was more adept than the men (members of the NPA) who came from the lowland who had to crawl clumsily when scaling the mountains. In Luing’s recollection, Dalama said that had she abided by her mother’s decision she would have remained in their kaingin. She told Luing how thankful she was to have studied in the revolutionary school because of the socially relevant education she imbibed.
Luing reminisced that it was in 1977 when she first met Dalama. They were together in a unit which was composed of four women. Luing was the only one from the urban area; the three others were Tumanduks of which Dalama was the lone former binukot. Luing and Dalama were of the same age at twenty-two.
Luing said that during this period in the national liberation movement, the women were confined to the camps. They had to convince their male comrades for them to join the mobile units. In the unit, there were some conflicts over certain policies. They were prohibited from wearing slippers while on the road. However, Luing insisted that the soles of her feet hurt and she would wear slippers during their hike. Dalama would consent but their two other companions resented this. Dalama had to explain to her fellow Tumanduks that Luing’s feet were not as callused as theirs so they should show more compassion.
In another instance, Dalama showed that she was more adaptable than her fellow Tumanduks in the matter of personal hygiene and grooming. Accustomed to using shampoo and bath soap, Luing complained against a policy making them use detergent bar only for bathing. Luing’s family provided for her personal necessities, including bath soap, shampoo, clothes, etc. In those days, her actuations were criticized as “binurgis.”’ Dalama explained to her fellow Tumanduks in the unit that they should not begrudge Luing these minor things. To resolve the matter, all four were given the liberty to use bath soap and shampoo for bathing. For Luing, this showed Dalama’s flexible character.
Luing helped Dalama improve her skill in reading comprehension. She tutored Dalama in writing. Luing described Dalama as a diligent and enthusiastic student. Painstakingly, she copied the Red Book and other revolutionary reading materials to practice her writing skills. Luing observed that with her diligence her handwriting greatly improved. Her penmanship was even better compared to Luing’s. In their correspondence later, Luing noted that Dalama would occasionally use some English terms. Luing considered this a major achievement as Dalama was mentored in reading comprehension and literacy in the I-Iiligaynon language.
According to Luing, Dalama espoused the official line of the NPA for expansion (organizing) in the Akeanon area. Dalama belonged to the Panay-anon people, and the two communities have a long history of panambi or bloody territorial wars. She helped broker peace between the two warring communities by explaining to the Akeanons that they must unite to fight the common enemies of US imperialism, feudalism and bureaucrat capitalism personified by the Marcos Dictatorship. Although she helped settle the long-standing conflict between the Panay-anon and Akeanon, she remained extra watchful whenever she crossed the border to the Akeanon, being the daughter of Sardin, convicted of the panambi of 16 Akeanon.
Luing was first captured by the Philippine military in 1978. She escaped from detention in 1980 and rejoined Dalama as part of the auxiliary team of the NPA. They were together for seven or eight months during this period. The task of the auxiliary team was to do political mass work, which involved organizing and conducting propaganda. This was at the height of the “antifeudal campaign” of the revolutionary movement in southern Iloilo.
During this period, Dalama had assumed the nom de guerre Randa and had two children with Baran (the nom de guerre of the man she married), a fellow revolutionary who came from the lowland.
Luing related that in this antifeudal campaign, they succeeded in reforming the wage system in the countryside. Prior to the campaign, the peasant got the 10th canister of coffee beans, and the 86 bundle of palay as the prevailing wage/sharing system. As a result of the campaign, the peasant got the 8th canister of coffee beans, and the Oh bundle of palay.
From 1980-1981, Luing observed that the national liberation movement was reaping successes in recruitment and logistics (which included firearms and ammunition). The morale of the entire revolutionary movement was high. Periodically, Dalama experienced the dilemma of a mother wanting to be with her children. However, the high morale of the revolutionary movement helped ease her longing to be with her children.
Dalama would be assigned as Commanding Officer (CO) of a subteam when the NPA unit split into smaller units. As CO, she led them to escape from dangerous situations, deciding which route to take when they traversed Panay. By this time, Dalama was already an instructor of some courses taught inside the revolutionary movement.
Luing recalled that she was more comfortable in teaching Marxism, particularly dialectical materialism, when her partner was Dalama. Luing could explain dialectical materialism theoretically, while Dalama provided the illustrative example, which was closer to the experience of their participants. Luing remembered that Dalama used as analogy the river Pan-ay and its various streams to explain the concept of universality and particularity. I told Luing, in the course of looking for a term to describe Dalama’s intellect, that probably she was an organic intellectual.
In 1981, Luing had to be transferred to another area, and she and Dalama would be reunited for the last time in 1985. In 1985, Dalama was leading a platoon of NPAs (approximately 41) people). She was Commanding Officer (CO), her husband was the Political Officer (PO), and Luing was a member of the Instructor’s Bureau.
Luing related that Dalama was a veteran of a number of tactical offensives (ambuscades, encounters, raids, etc.). As CO, she carried the Browning automatic rifle (BAR) and was known as the BAR woman. Normally it was a man who carried this kind of firearm. A BAR, including several magazines of ammunition, weighs about 30 kilos and she had to carry a knapsack of equal weight.
Luing related that her male comrades described Dalama as a fearless “red fighter.” The men found it extraordinary that a woman could carry a BAR weighing 30 kilos in what was considered difficult terrain. There were instances when she displayed more courage than her male comrades in the platoon.
Dalama told Luing her problems concerning her children, in-laws and her husband. She longed to spend more time with her children, but she could not get them from her in-laws because her own parents were very poor.
Also, her parents-in-law feared for her children’s safety and so disapproved of the idea that they visit her in the countryside. They also reasoned that she had the option to give up the armed revolution to be with her children.
And so as time went by they grew far apart. Whenever she visited her children she felt at a loss. A source of anguish was accepting the disparate lives she and her children lived. She recognized the fact that her children were accustomed to a comfortable urban living. As a mother, Luing felt deeply for Dalama. She was luckier though as she had the liberty to be with her children as often as she wished.
Dalama almost succeeded in getting closer to her children when her parents-in-law relented and allowed the children to live with Dalama’s own parents for a time. However, Dalama’s in-laws did not like the way the girl was being made to work, and so, they took her daughter back with them. Dalama also had some conflicts with her husband Baran, and Luing would mediate between the two whenever the couple had problems. Luing described Baran as dominant, but he did not have Dalama’s ruggedness. Dalama’s complaint was that Baran would readily accept Luing’s explanation but would not accept her (Dalama’s) view even if it was the same as Luing’s. Luing described the couple’s marriage as difficult owing to their differences in upbringing and culture.
In 1987, Dalama was killed in an ambush in Maayon, Capiz. She was 32 years old. According to Luing this was a time of military adventurism9 in the underground revolutionary left. The NPAs were overstretched and they suffered casualties in military offensives.
Luing expressed admiration for Dalama’s military skills which equaled that of Nanav Waling-waling (Coronacion L. Chiva). Luing imagined that if Dalama were alive today she would have made a significant contribution in the Second Rectification Movement of the Left.
An Analysis of Dalama’s Political Biography
Dalama’s life and strum, e spanned more than three decades — from the early 1950s until the late 1980s. She was raised as a binukot in the 1960s when the practice was already a waning tradition among the Tumanduks.
As a binukot, she enjoyed more liberties compared to her predecessors. The traditional binukots were forbidden to set foot on the ground and had to be carried whenever they went out of the house, a tradition still followed by Lola Elena, the oldest living binukot in Panay who is in her 90s. Dalama, on the other hand, was allowed to leave the house to wash her clothes, or to fetch a small amount of drinking water. Compared to the other binukots, her transition from binukot to non-binukot was easier since she was used to doing some household chores, and occasionally going out of the house. As a binukot, she was not treated like a “princess” who shunned doing house chores.
The contemporary struggle of the Tumanduks concerns their right to self-determination. At the heart of this struggle is their legitimate claim to remain in their ancestral domain.
The Tumanduks, as they prefer to be called (which means native in Hiligaynon) are scattered in the mountainous areas of Panay. They build their communities along the headwaters of Pan-ay River and most of them are called Pan-ayanons.
In his thesis, noted anthropologist F. Landa Jocano refers to them as the Suludnons. He includes the indigenous communities in the mountains of Jamindan (Capiz), Calinog and Lanabunao (Iloilo) as part of the Suludnons. The Office of Southern Cultural Communities (OSCC) and academicians from UPV and Central Philippine University (CPU) list the Tumanduks as Suludnon-Bukidnon and/or Pan-ayanon-Bukidnon. But some Tumanduks find the classification derogatory and insulting, prefering to be known as Tumanduks.”
In 1962, President Diosdado Macapagal declared the Tumanduk ancestral land as a military reservation through Proclamation No. 67. Since then, the Philippine military has considered the Tuinanduk people as “squatters” and for years has deprived them of their rightful claim to their ancestral land. More than 33,000 hectares of Tumanduk ancestral land are being arrogated by the Philippine Army’s 3rd Infantry Division (PA 3ID) in Camp Peralta, Jamindan.
In March 1995, the army shelled the Mt. Danao area from their position in Mt. Dangula, Sitio Binuktutan, Jaena Sur. The shelling caused the evacuation of some 188 terrified families who sought refuge in makeshift huts in the forest. The others fled to nearby areas and stayed in the homes of relatives in Jamindan. Many children and adults got sick because of trauma and exposure to the elements.
I remember taking part in the Sulod Mercy Mission on 27 March -2 April 1995 as volunteer for the Children’s Rehabilitation Center (CRC). I documented the psychosocial therapy sessions with children who experienced psychological traumas from the artillery shelling and evacuation.
The military operations were directed to eject the Tumanduks from their ancestral land. Of the 33,000 hectares reserved for military war games and weapons testing, 20,366 are in Tapaz and 12,956.5 hectares are in Jamindan. At the height of the army’s drive to eject them, the different Tumanduk communities resolved to remain in their ancestral domain. To quote what a Tumanduk elder once said, “It is sweeter for us to be felled by bullets than to perish of hunger in a strange land.”
During Dalama’s time, the struggle for self-determination took the form of reduced land rent and the non-payment of land rent or tumado. As a result of Proclamation No. 67, some lowlanders including elements of the Philippine military were able to claim private ownership of portions of the Tumanduk ancestral land. They exacted tumado for the use of kaingin land. The Tumanduks were required to pay two sacks of rice for every sack of palay planted. When the farmers were unable to pay the tumado, they were obliged by these “fraudulent landowners” to render service like cutting brush for days depending on the amount of rice due. The practice of paying tumado persisted until 1992.
Lowlanders also exploited the Tumanduks in the form of a highly usurious system of payment. In case of poor harvest, the Tumanduks were forced to borrow rice for planting from the lowlanders. The usurer would demand one sack of rice for a loan of six gantas of palay. In the 1970s the term of payment was changed. A sack of palay borrowed was repaid with two sacks of rice. Later, the sagalky was adopted, whereby a sack of palay was paid back with one and a half sacks of rice.
The system of land rent was reformed due largely to the campaign launched by the NPA. Dalama was part of this campaign and the Tumanduks as a people benefited from these reforms.
It is ironic that the Tumanduks were made to pay rent on land owned by their ancestors long before the Spanish conquistadores colonized the Philippines. Given their exploited and neglected condition as a people, Dalama saw hope for the Tumanduks when she joined the NPA. But her concerns did not remain ethnocentric. She recognized that the struggle of the Tumanduks for self-determination was organically linked to the larger struggle of the Filipino people for national liberation. She directly experienced this when she took part in the anti-feudal campaign in Southern Iloilo. She asserted that the peasantry in the South was as exploited as the Tumanduks, who were mostly peasants.
Steeped in this class consciousness, she was instrumental in brokering peace between the Akeanon and Pan-ayanon to bring an end to a destructive aspect of their culture, the panambi. Her father Sardin had once been incarcerated for leading the panambi against the Akeanon. When she made peace with the Akeanon, she transcended her personal tragedy, and even her traditional cultural conditioning.
Admittedly, her comrades in the national liberation movement influenced her ideas. Luing expressed that during the resolution of conflict between the Akeanon and Pan-ayanon Dalama carried the official line of the NPA. Moreover, her consistent position about this matter was also reflected in her actions. She crossed the borders that separated the Akeanon and Pan-ayanon to bring this peace to fruition. In an article, Diosa Labiste, editor of The Visayan Examiner (a Community Newspaper in Western Visayas), writes about Dalama’s efforts to end the practice of panambi.
She apologized for the conduct and cruelty of the Panay-anons. (She was afraid that) the Akeanon would put poison in her food. And while at first she was ignored by the Akeanon, she was later well received and listened to. For a long time, these two communities respected the peace that Dalama helped institute. Even when Dalama’s father Sardin was released, the bloody territorial wars did not spark anew.
Later, the Philippine military exploited the traditional ethnic hostility and encouraged the formation of the Civilian Armed Forces Geographical Unit (CAFGU) on both sides of the mountain border. Her unwavering commitment to the struggle of the Tumanduks for self-determination and the Filipino people’s struggle for national liberation was unquestionable. She dedicated her life and made personal sacrifices to create a better future for the Tumanduks and the Filipino people.
My Advocacy
I chanced upon the story of Dalama when I attended an orientation for a trip to the First Sulodnon-Bukidnon Assembly on 25-27 October 1996. The gathering was organized by Task Force Sulod to “highlight the plight and culture of the Sulodnon-Bukidnon people and to foster stronger unity among the different Sulod communities. These are along the direction of empowering the Sulodnon as a people to enable them to be artisans of their own liberation and to partake in the struggle for transformation of society.”
I was present for this orientation because in the preceding year, I had participated in the Sulod Mercy Mission from 27 March to 2 April 1995. The purpose of the mission was “to give support to the Sulod in their resolve not to leave their ancestral domain; to render immediate material, medical and psychosocial assistance; and to gather data that can be used in information campaign in favor of the Sulod.” My experience during the Sulod Mercy Mission encouraged me to participate in the succeeding solidarity campaigns in defense of their ancestral domain claim. During that time I was a volunteer-worker of the CRC and we rendered psychosocial therapy sessions to the children who experienced militarization.
Since my participation in the various Tumanduk people’s assemblies, their struggle as a people has become a personal advocacy. When I left the academe I wanted to pursue cultural work with the Tumanduks. Writing the story of Dalama is part of this. It was in 1996 when I first heard about her story. Now, I have written part of her story. Thanks to Luing.
Today, the Tumanduks are facing a new challenge. Since the early 1990s, there have been talks about the construction of a hydroelectric darn in Pan-ay River. Foreigners have been surveying the river for the site. In 1999, then Representative Vicente Andaya (District II of Capiz) conducted a consultation with the people of Barangay Nayawan on building a road and planting trees for the protection of the watershed in relation to the proposed dam. The people agreed to the proposed road construction, but expressed their opposition to the dam.
Today, from 15 to 20 April 2002, a team of scientists from the Center for Environmental Concerns-Philippines, the media, and NGO and church workers are conducting an Environmental Investigation Mission (EIM) in Brgy. Nayawan in Tapaz and nearby barangays. It is in these barangays where the proposed hydroelectric darn is going to be constructed by a French dam builder.
The EIM aims to ascertain the potential danger that the proposed hydroelectric dam poses to the communities and the environment. It also attempts to know the consensus of the Tumanduks on the issue and express support for whatever actions they would take.
I would have wanted to be a part of the EIM. However, the schedule coincided with this paper reading. Let me take this opportunity to enjoin you to take part in this advocacy campaign for the Tumanduks: To assert their right to self-determination that they may live, practice and preserve their cultural heritage as a people.
You can express support by:
• demanding from government to respect the indigenous people’s right to ancestral domain;
• joining campaign activities promoting the indigenous people’s rights and interests; and
• contributing financial and material resources that they may use in their struggle.
You may forward your financial and material support to the Center for Relief, Rehabilitation, Education and Economic Development (CRREED) at Room 203 La Salette Building, Valeria St., Iloilo City.
Thank you and good afternoon.
Correlates of Political Efficacy among College Teachers of Selected Schools in Davao City
Introduction
People participation is one clear expression of the sovereignty in a democracy. It is a clear principal in a democracy means by which consent is granted or withdrawn and rulers are made accountable to the ruled. This participation takes varied forms such as voting, lobbying, membership in political organizations, and joining protest activities like rallies, demonstration and sending of petition letter to proper government authorities on matters of public concern.
Studies have shown that one of the means by which participation can be anticipated is by knowing the citizens’ disposition towards political decision-making. Scientific inquiries have shown that political efficacy has been observed to be particularly fruitful in explaining the citizens’ political involvement. Political efficacy refers to the citizen’ feeling that an individuals and the public as a whole can have an impact on the political process because government institutions will respond to their needs.
Serious economic and political reverses in the country during the 70’s and the 80’s had spawned massive resistance among those who were hard hit. This included the launching of strikes, demonstrations, rallies, and pickets among other political courses of action. These mobilizations were largely headed by peasants, laborers, and students.
The post 1983 period saw the rise in militancy of the once passive segment of the population. Not unlike the other sectors, teachers had joined the mainstream of protest movements.’ The subsequent years saw teachers meeting the difficult economic situation with greater restiveness. Teachers’ organizations have since been formed to look into the welfare of teachers such as the Alliance of Concerned Teachers and the Philippine Public School Teachers Association.
However, most of these organizing and advocacy efforts on the national and local levels have involved mainly the public elementary and secondary school teachers. A similar pattern can be observed in Davao City where most of the mobilizations launched or where participated in by the members of the Association of Classroom Teachers and mentors of Davao City High School.
In a place like Davao City, noted for its militant and critical appraisal of government policies and programs, little was heard about whether there was any college teachers’ involvement in activities seeking to influence government decisions.
If the involvement of the elementary and secondary school teachers in the assertion of opinions or feelings regarding sectoral and national concerns, which oftentimes brings about a consequent government response, is illustrative of their sense of power potential to affect government decisions, what then does the limited participation of college teachers in all these activities speak of with regard to their political efficacy? Does this indicate that college teachers are less confident of their political competence?
Statement of the Problem
In the light of these realities, the study discussed here aimed to answer the following questions:
1. What is the level of political efficacy of college teachers from selected private colleges of Davao City?
a. What are the factors that affected such political efficacy?
b. Is there any relationship between political efficacy and sex?
c. Is there any relationship between political efficacy and income?
d. Is there any relationship between political efficacy and area of specialization?
e. Is there any relationship between political efficacy and political interest?
f. Is there any relationship between political efficacy and participation in elections?
g. Is there any relationship between political efficacy and participation in campaign-related activities?
h. Is there any relationship between political efficacy and perception on fundamental political and economic issues such as US Military Bases, Foreign Debt policies and the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program (CARP)?
Objectives of the Study
1. To determine the level of political efficacy of college teachers.
2. To determine if there is any significant relationship between political efficacy and each of the following variables: sex, area of specialization, income, political interest, participation in elections, participation in campaign-related activities, and perception on political and economic issues such as US Military Bases, Foreign Debt, and the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program (CARP).
Theoretical Framework
The framework of this study was anchored on the combination of Milbrath’s model on participation and the democratic theory’s developmental orientation in participation. In his incisive analysis on political participation, Milbrath came out with four general factors related with the subject such as stimuli, personal factors, political setting, and social position. These factors affected political behavior partly through providing motivations opportunities and setting boundaries and through cognitive learning of the individual about his political world’ Hence, three of these factors were chosen as the basis of determining the antecedents of political efficacy. This was because of the apparent influence these factors seemed to have on political efficacy.
On the other hand, participatory theorists like Pateman and Thompson believe that participation is not only instrumental in nature, but also developmental, furthering certain desirable individual qualities and attitudes such as political self-competence quite apart from achieving any concrete political objective.5 Independent of utilitarian considerations, studies abroad had shown that voting, campaigning and protest actions exert influence in political efficacy; thus, the use of these factors became determinants of political efficacy.
Based on the preceding discussion, political efficacy was viewed in this study as a function of personal and situational factors. Personal factors included socio-economic characteristics, politicization and perception of issues. Situational factors referred to participation in politics which was very much a function of the political setting.
Socio-economic characteristics define the person’s social status and socialization towards politics. This status difference implies not only that some persons have more of the goods of life than others but also that some persons are looked up to more than others. Because of this, those of high status are generally considered more politically efficacious than those of low status.
Politicization is the amount of interest in, knowledge about and conceptual sophistication with regard to politics, achieved by a person.6 Politicization is indicative of the individual’s political efficacy. This is because those who are interested in politics expose themselves more to stimuli about politics, resulting in an increase of their political knowledge. This makes them feel more confident about their capability to influence political affairs. It can be deduced then that there is greater likelihood for the politicized individual to feel more efficacious. In this study political interest served as the politicization variable.
Perceptions towards fundamental political and economic issues are reflections of one’s political attitude. They indicate cognitions about, and positive or negative feelings towards political-economic issues. Issues which are fundamental to national interest evoke citizens’ attitudes towards them, activating the value system in a manner affecting one’s sense of competence in influencing government processes. In this study, the fundamental issues chosen were U.S. Military Bases, Foreign Debt policies and Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program.
Essential to participation in politics is the nature of one’s political setting. This means that the availability of channels for participation and the responsiveness of the political system to the people’s needs affect the individual’s perception of his/her capability to influence the system. Individuals who perceive the system as responsive to people will be more likely to believe that they personally have skills to induce government officials to act.
Another consideration in this discussion is the nature of the political system. When it is in crisis, a kind of spontaneous reaction from the people can be seen as they deliberately engage in direct activities to alter the course of events. A study in France found that crises increased interest and psychological involvement in the election.8 The Snap Election and the EDSA event in 1986, which saw the massive participation of people, was one vivid illustration of this influence of crises on political interest and involvement. Crisis induces one to get involved and might eventually make one feel efficacious.
Specifically, participation in politics helps the individual actualize his potential or realize his identity as a citizen. The issue is, which of the conventional and unconventional modes of participation most likely enhance actualization of power potential. As such, political efficacy is seen as the key link between participation and a more general sense of self-development or self-realization, since high levels of efficacy make it more likely for the individual to participate in the future, and thus develop his/her character in a more active, effective way in politics and other areas of social life. Political efficacy as a psychological predisposition has been found in various studies to be associated with the following antecedent variables:
Sex. In the study of Almond and Verba males were found to be more likely to develop a feeling of political efficacy. This trend could perhaps be attributed to the conditioning process that the sexes’ underwent. The socialization process was geared to discourage girls from involvement and success in pursuits that required ambition, daring, or inquisitiveness while males were encouraged to be competent, to hide their emotions, to make culture rather than to make love. Included in this socialization process was the fostering of the sexes’ characteristic traits for modeling effects, where femininity
required that a woman be kind, cheerful, affectionate, sensitive, and nice while masculinity required a man to be tenacious, curious, ambitious, responsible, original, and competitive. The result of this conditioning in the woman’s political mentality was such that many of them expressed a negative sense of political competence. Even when women were able to overcome negative images and ran for and were elected to public office, the feminine myth was not left behind so that many of them enjoyed less influence and were less active than their male peers in whatever political bodies they served in.
Income. Political efficacy is a factor of political sophistication. With money, one can afford all the possible opportunities of learning that may enable one to make fine discrimination in his conception of politics. Moreover, higher class persons are more likely to perceive that they have a stake in politics and are therefore also more likely to interact with political persons, objects, and events. This gives them greater knowledge of and more sophistication about politics than persons of low socio-economic status. Besides, dominance in one aspect of social life produces a sense of control and effectiveness, which can be generalized to the political sphere.”
Area of Specialization. According to Prewitt education, other than providing the citizen with the necessary skills and tools for exercising political prerogatives, also contributes to a general sense of security conducive to interacting with forces beyond the comfortable sphere of the familiar.” Specifically, the area of specialization defines the realm where the individual has greater knowledge, because of the concentration of studies and exposure undergone. The greater the relatedness of one’s field of specialization to political issues, the more individual has knowledge and capability to understand politics. Based on this, it can be assumed that the area of specialization, particularly the liberal arts, has a great influence on the amount of political exposure the individual can have; hence, there is the likelihood of a more positive assessment of one’s political worth.
Political interest. Political interest refers to the psychological involvement of the individual to invest in and attach to a political phenomenon. Political interest is related to one’s sense of political efficacy.” This is because personality dispositions, like efficacy, exert their primary influence on those areas and objects which the individual has defined as being meaningful.” This line of reasoning is supported by Levinson’s dictum that the more politics matter, the more likely it is that political behavior will express enduring inner values and dispositions.
Perception on Political and Economic Issues. Political knowledge refers to the amount of information and understanding the individual holds of political matters. Lane’s and Robinson” found that the person who felt politically efficacious possessed more knowledge about politics.
In this study however, it was the individual’s perception towards political and economic issues, instead of political knowledge that was linked to the sense of political efficacy. This was because such cognition of an individual about an object is influenced by his feelings and action tendencies towards that object. Thus, an individual who has a favorable attitude towards government issues, most likely perceives them positively. It has been observed that if an individual holds a positive attitude towards a given object, he will be disposed to help or reward or support the object.
Political Participation Theorists of participatory democracy advance the belief that participation in the making of decisions tends to raise one’s sense of political efficacy and other skills and resources for effective participation.” McClosky posits the same findings saying that the relationship of participation to actual or imagined efficacy can be demonstrated, although the influence patterns are somewhat circular.”
A feeling of political efficacy facilitated participation in any of these types of political activities. On the other hand, empirical evidence showed differing relationships between political efficacy and unconventional political participation. For instance, protesting was another kind of political participation and since the more efficacious participate more, they were also more prone to protest when the occasion arose. Alternately, a person who felt politically efficacious might have felt that it was unnecessary or illegitimate to engage in protest, or, the relationship might have been so complicated by additional variables that no bivariate relationship could be expected between efficacy and protest. In this study, it was hypothesized that participation in such activities directly affected political efficacy.”
Significance of the Study
The data obtained from this study could help identify variables that would influence teachers’ involvement in the political culture. Such information would be of value to government because a wide distribution of efficaciousness implies that citizens feel they have a reserve of influence, whether exerted or not. Likewise it is also of merit to the democratic system to realize that political participation, unaccompanied by political confidence, may turn a democratic election or any democratic exercise into an act of manipulation instead of a process of consent.
Delimitations of the Study
The study focused on political efficacy and factors affecting it. Due to time constraints this study limited itself to the level of political efficacy of fulltime college teachers from selected private schools in Davao City, specifically Davao Doctors’ College, Ateneo de Davao University, San Pedro College, and University of Mindanao. Fulltime teachers were preferred due to the nature of their schedules and easy availability as they were required to stay in school for a certain period of time.
These teachers should have had at least one year or more teaching experience with the covered institutions and have been more likely available for interview. Since some of the questions in the study were relatively politically sensitive, it was presumed that teachers who had been in the institution for more than a year might feel more comfortable answering the questions.
Dearth of local studies on political efficacy constrained the researchers to use foreign materials.
Definition of Terms
Political Efficacy. This refers to “the feeling that individual political action did have, or could have, an impact upon the political process; it was the feeling that political and social change was possible, and that the individual citizen could play a part in bringing about this change”. It should be noted that this concept has two dimensions, internal and external efficacy.2′
Internal efficacy refers to the individuals’ self-perception that they are capable of understanding politics and that they are competent enough to participate in political acts.22 External efficacy denotes the feeling that the individual and the public can have an impact on the political process because government institutions will respond to their needs.23
In this study, political efficacy was measured by the responses “strongly agree”, “agree”, “disagree”, and “strongly disagree” to certain statements indicating one’s sense of political worth and perception of the governmental system’s responsiveness to the polity. These responses were interpreted as “Strongly Agree” (Very Efficacious), “Agree” (Efficacious), “Disagree” (Inefficacious) and “Strongly Disagree” (Very Inefficacious).
Research Method
The study used the survey-method. It was an exploratory and a relational study.
Research Instrument
A structured interview schedule, written in English, was used for the gathering of primary data. It should be noted that the interview schedule was pretested in the schools where the survey was con-ducted among teachers other than those taken as a sample. Its purpose was to determine the validity of the statements. Furthermore, questions which were redundant, vague and confusing were modified. Consequently, feedback from the pretest activities was considered in the revision and finalization of the instruments.
Locale of the Study
Four schools (Ateneo de Davao University, Davao Doctors’ College, San Pedro College and University of Mindanao) were included in the study based on the following considerations: 1) these schools share comparative features in terms of course offerings; and 2) they are located at the city center and are accessible to the researcher.
Unit of Analysis
The respondents of the study were the full-time college faculty members of the 4 selected private schools in Davao City who had at least one-year of experience in the school where they were presently employed.
Generally, teachers were chosen because teaching, being a noble profession, undeniably exercises a very strong influence in the formation of public opinion. College teachers were chosen because they exhibited minimal participation in political advocacy work, unlike their elementary and secondary counterparts. It was the presumption of this study that, since college teachers could influence others, this influence could be extended by their actual involvement in the political system. Specifically, with the minimal participation exhibited by college teachers in political advocacy work in the past, knowledge of their political efficacy might have explanatory uses.
Sampling Design
A combination of purposive and stratified random sampling procedures was employed in the study. To ensure representation of different areas of specialization, the private schools were categorized into medical and non-medical schools. From each category of schools, two were chosen, based on the similarity of their course offerings and accessibility. The private schools which offered medical oriented courses included Brokenshire College, Davao Doctors’ College, and San Pedro College. On the other hand, private colleges which offered non-medically oriented schools were Immaculate Concepcion College, Ateneo de Davao University, Holy Cross of Davao College, Rizal Memorial College, University of Mindanao, Philippine Womens’ college and Agro Industrial College. SPC and DDC were selected from the medical schools, while ADDU and UM were chosen from the non-medical schools.
From each selected school, a list of fulltime faculty members with at least one year teaching stint in the institution was obtained. These teachers were then classified by field of specialization such as Liberal Arts, Natural Science and Engineering, Nursing, Medical Technology and Nutrition, and Accountancy and Business Administration and by sex.
DATA ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION
Personal Characteristics
The majority of the respondents from the four schools (63 percent) were less than 41 years old, and only 8.1 percent were over 50 years old. The average age was 37.34 years. This distribution pattern revealed that the profession is becoming increasingly dominated by the young.
A comparison of schools showed that teachers of Davao Doctors College formed a younger group. Almost all of them (95.6) were below 41 years. Ateneo de Davao University respondents comprised the older group. More than half of them (55.8 percent) were within the age bracket of 41-50 years. However, the oldest respondents, aged 50 years and above (19 percent), were found in the University of Mindanao. The difference in the age composition of teachers in these schools could be further seen in their mean age. The mean age was 40.9 for the University of Mindanao, 39.8 for Ateneo de Davao, 31.6 for San Pedro College, and 29.4 for Davao Doctors’ College.
More than three-fourths of the respondents were married. A significant number of them (22 percent) were still single. There was a negligible percentage of separated and widowed respondents (.6 percent and .6 percent respectively). Specifically, in all schools, most of the respondents were married. These findings implied that most of the respondents had dependents relying on their income.
Area of Specialization
Most of the respondents were in the field of Natural Science/Engineering and Social Science/Humanities (35.8 percent and 27.7 percent respectively). This was followed by those in the field of Nursing, Medical Technology and Nutrition (22.6 percent). The least number (13.9 percent) were those found in the Accountancy and Business Administration courses. San Pedro and Davao Doctors’ College offer no program in B.S. in Accountancy and BA, hence, they had no faculty in these fields. Davao Doctors’ College had no respondent from Social Science because their teachers in the field were part-time.
Household Monthly Income
The household monthly income of the respondents ranged from P1,700 to P102,000. The biggest group (28.3 percent) had an income within the range of P5,000 to P9,999. The overall average household monthly income was P14,464. The respondents from the University of Mindanao had the highest average monthly household income, P17,126.00 while those from Davao Doctors’ College had the least, P10,914.00. These data show that the teachers of these schools were at an income level way above that of the poverty threshold of P4,997.00 per month (Daily Globe, November 11, 1991:6).
Political Interest
The respondents’ political interest was determined through their responses to a series of statements. They were made to check one of the choices, namely, “very often”‘ “often”, “not often” /”not very often” and “very important”/”important”, “not important”/”not very important”. Responses of “very often”/”often” and “very important”/”important” indicated political interest while “not often” /”not very often”, “not important/not very important” indicated political disinterest. Hence, the average weighted score of “5” and “4” implied political interest while “3” and “2” implied political disinterest and “1” indicated “undecided”.
The respondents were found to be generally interested in politics with a mean of 3.84. The degree of political interest varied slightly among respondents from the different schools. Those from Davao Doctors’ College and Ateneo de Davao University had almost the same degree of political interest with a weighted mean of 4 and 3.9 respectively. This was followed by those from University of Mindanao and San Pedro College with average weighted scores of 3.8 and 3.7, respectively.
Getting into the dimensions of their political interest, it was found that the respondents considered it possible that they could help change national policies and personally understand political issues, affairs and events with average weighted scores of 4.1 and 4.4 respectively. Furthermore, they also got equally affected about political matters or issues as they did about something in their personal life as indicated by the average weighted score, 3.73. However, their political disinterest became evident in the fact that they spared less time in thinking about influencing government decisions with a weighted mean of 3.1.
Perception of the US Bases.
Specifically, the respondents in agreement that the bases were andispensable to the country’s development (weighted mean = 3.5). But, at the same time, they viewed them as an instrument of US intervention in the country’s domestic affairs (weighted mean = 3.0) which could not in a way be justified (weighted mean = 3.3). Likewise, the respondents were of the opinion that removal of the bases could help facilitate global peace (weighted mean = 3.0).
Foreign Debt
Foreign Debt statements 1, 3 and 4 were rated using a five-point rating scale where “5” meant “strongly agree”, “4” implied “agree”, “3” suggested “disagree”, “2” denoted “strongly disagree” and “1” indicated “undecided”. On the other hand, the values were reversed for statement 2, i.e. “2” implied “strongly agree”, “3” meant “agree and SO forth.
The mean scores for the four statements for each respondent were then derived to get the mean score for the 173 respondents. The average weighted score of “5” and “4”, which denoted “favorability”, implied proximity of respondents’ perception and government’s position as regards the issue. The average weighted score of “3 and 2” – which denoted unfavorability, was illustrative of distance of the respondents’ opinion from that of the government.
It appeared from the data that the respondents viewed the issue of foreign debt unfavorably (weighted mean = 2.8). Those from Ateneo de Davao University had the most unfavorable attitude (weighted mean = 2.6). To illustrate this, respondents did not approve of an economic recovery program dependent on the increasing foreign debt (weighted mean = 2.8). This might be because of the lingering crisis despite the magnitude of foreign debt incurred. They even viewed the consequences of the Letter of Intent submitted to the International Monetary Fund as inducing further economic difficulties among the majority of the people (weighted mean = 2.6). Considering the current economic crisis, the respondents disapproved of a policy to honor and pay all foreign debts. (weighted mean = 3.4). Cognizant of the foreign debt’s impact on the economy and the responsibility it imposed on the citizenry, respondents were of the opinion that all negotiations with the foreign institutions appurtenant to this must be made known to the people (weighted mean = 2.4)
The above data implied the belief that the conditionalities attached to foreign debt borrowing had not brought about the desired national development its proponents had hoped to achieve. Considering its consequences on the economy, it was felt by the respondents that all negotiations and resultant agreements appurtenant thereto must be conducted with greater transparency.
Perception of CARP
The attitude of respondents on the government’s Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program was identified by soliciting their opinions on four statements.
All of the statements were rated using a five-point rating scale where “5” meant “strongly agree”, “4” implied “agree”. “3” suggested “disagree”, “2” denoted “strongly disagree” and “1” indicated “undecided”. On the other hand, the values were reversed for statement 2, i.e. for “2” implied “strongly agree”, “3” meant “agree” and so forth.
The mean scores for the 4 statements for each respondent were then derived to get the mean score for the 173 respondents. Thus, the average weighted score of “5 and 4” which suggested “favorability” implied proximity of the respondents’ perception on government’s position as regards the issue. While the average weighted score of “3 and 2”, which means unfavorability, is illustrative of distance of opinion from that of the government.
The respondents had an unfavorable attitude about the government’s Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program (weighted mean —– 2.9). This perception was almost at the same degree across the board (ADDU, 2.8; DDC, 3.0; SPC, 2.9; and UM, 2.8). The respondents believed that the law had loopholes which landowners might use to avoid its full intent (weighted mean = 2.8). This made RA 6657 ineffective as a measure to promote a genuine and comprehensive agrarian reform program (weighted mean = 3.1). In addition to this, the respondents viewed the government as inadequately equipped to undertake successful implementation of CARP (weighted mean = 2.9). The perceived insubstantial amount of private lands distributed to landless tillers since 1988 pointed to this ineptness (weighted mean = 2.6).
Level of Efficacy
The feeling of inefficacy with regard to this issue was widespread among the respondents (weighted mean, 3.2). The 4 schools shared the same level of political impotency (weighted mean, 3.2) accept for Ateneo de Davao University. A closer look at the two dimensions of inefficacy showed that the respondents’ internal inefficacy was slightly higher (weighted mean, 3.4) than external inefficacy (weighted mean, 3.2).
The following presented indications of internal efficaciousness: First, the respondents found politics easy to under-stand (weighted mean, 3.0). Second, they felt competent enough to participate in political decision-making (weighted mean, 3.8). And third, they felt they had an idea to share in solving today’s problems. However, the respondents greatly doubted their capability to do a better job in public office than the incumbents (weighted mean, 2.9). On the other hand, results with regard to external efficacy showed that the respondents felt summarily inefficacious in all of the presented statements.
Consistent with the findings on the level of political efficacy, the majority of the respondents were found to be inefficacious (inefficacious, 46.8 percent and extremely inefficacious, 25.4 percent). The same trend held true for all areas of study. San Pedro College had the most number of inefficacious respondents (inefficacious, 54.5 percent and extremely inefficacious, 27.3 percent) while Ateneo de Davao University had 32.5 percent.
Participation in Elections: 1986 Presidential and 1987 Congressional/Local Elections.
This part of the study tried to gauge the extent of the respondents’ participation in conventional political activities through their responses to questions on participation in 1986 presidential election and 1987 congressional/local election and campaign-related activities. Respondents were asked to answer whether they participated or not in the specified elections. An answer of “yes” to the election question indicated participation and “no”, non-participation.
The majority of the respondents (89 percent) participated in the 1986 presidential election. The school from where most of the respondents (95.6 percent) participated was Davao Doctors’ College and the least (81.4 percent) was from Ateneo de Davao University. The same degree of involvement was manifested by the respondents in the last congressional and local election. The majority (90.2 percent) participated in the said election. As in the presidential election, most of those who participated (95.7 percent) were from Davao Doctors’ College but the least (81.8 percent) were from San Pedro College.
Participation in Campaign-Related Activities.
For this variable, respondents were made to check one of the choices, namely, “more often”, “for once/twice” or “never”, to a series of statements. Responses of “more often” were construed as very participative, “for once/twice” as participative and “never”, not participative. Hence, the average weighted score of “3” meant very participative, “2” participative and “1” not participative.
The respondents barely participated at all campaign-related activities with the average weighted score of 1.5. Among these activities it was only in persuading other people to vote for a particular party candidate that the respondents had minimal participation with the average weighted score of 1.9.
Participation in Non-conventional Political Activities.
The respondents’ participation in non-conventional political activities was determined through their response to a series of statements. They were asked to check one of the choices namely “more often”, “for once/twice” or “never”. Responses of “more often” was construed as very participative, “for once/twice” as participative and ”never” as not participative. Hence, the average weighted score of “3” meant very participative, “2” participative and “1” not participative.
On the whole, respondents had very limited participation in non-conventional political activities with the average weighted score of 1.4. This trend held true especially for three schools (DDC = 1.4, SPC = 1.2 and UM =1.2). Ateneo de Davao University respondents showed a slightly higher though still minimal participation in non-conventional political activities (1.7).
Specifically, respondents expressed minimal participation in march rallies as indicated by the average weighted score of 1.7. There were three respondents from Ateneo de Davao University who admitted having participated in unconventional political activities such as sending letters of inquiry or protest letters to government, participation in march rallies, involvement in peaceful demonstrations and in supporting transport strikes Welga ng Bayan.
Area of Specialization and Political Efficacy. The findings showed that the majority of the respondents felt they did not count in the political process. Out of 170, 79 considered themselves inefficacious and 44, extremely inefficacious. The highest percentage of those who belonged to this category (inefficacious, 52.5 percent and extremely inefficacious, 24.6 percent) were teachers of NS, Math and Engineering. On the other hand, half of those in Accountancy and Business Administration (50 percent) were found to be efficacious. The highest percentage of extremely inefficacious respondents could be observed among the Nursing, Medical Technology and Nutrition faculty comprising 35.9 percent.
Chi-square results (x2=10.85) showed that there was no significant relationship between area of specialization and political efficacy. Thus, the hypothesis that these two variables were not related to each other was confirmed.
Henceforth, while area of specialization, specifically Liberal Arts, could enhance one’s understanding of politics, still the study pointed out that it had no direct bearing on political efficacy.
Average Household Income and Political Efficacy. The findings showed that the majority of the respondents were not only inefficacious but extremely inefficacious. Out of 149, 69 were inefficacious and 39 extremely inefficacious, regardless of their income level. However, the trend indicated that there were more of those who be-longed to the low income level that were in this category. Those with income level of P4,999.00 and less were found out to be inefficacious (55 percent) and extremely inefficacious (22.5 percent). Those with an income level of P5,000.00 – P9,999.00 (43.5 percent), were found to be inefficacious and 28.2 percent manifested extreme inefficaciousness.
The Pearson’s Product Moment Correlation Coefficient (r = 0.62) indicated that a moderate relationship existed between income and political efficacy. As such, 38.42 percent of the variation in political efficacy could be attributed to income. The t-test result (t-test result = 9.8) likewise pointed out a significant relationship between these two variables, hence confirming the hypothesis that income and political efficacy were significantly correlated. This seemed to suggest that wealth affected political power in this country.
Political Interest and Political Efficacy. More than two-third s of the respondents were interested in politics (124 out of 170) and a minimal number (8 out of 170) even found politics very interesting. The trend showed that regardless of their political interest, the majority of the respondents were inefficacious. However, the correlation result indicated otherwise. The Pearson’s Product Moment Correlation Coefficient (r = 0.472) are revealed that there was a moderate relationship between the respondents’ interest in politics and their sense of political efficacy. The result of the t-test (6.94) attested to the significance of this relationship. Hence, politically interested respondents tended to be more efficacious. As indicated in the column data, most of those who were efficacious (39 out of 47) were interested in politics. However, coefficient of determination results showed that only 22.28 percent in the variation of political efficacy could be accounted to their political interest.
Perceptions of Fundamental National Issues and Political Efficacy. In the attempt to see the relationship between perception on fundamental national issues and political efficacy, three fundamental issues were chosen, namely: the Military Bases, Foreign Debt and the CARP.
The attitudinal direction of the respondents towards the U.S. Military Bases was one of unfavorability (out of 169, 45 have unfavorable and 47 had very unfavorable perceptions). Correlation results (r = 0.686) indicated the existence of a direct relation between the two variables, thus, confirming the hypothesis that the respondents’ perception on the issue of U.S. Military Bases was significantly related to political efficacy.
The largest number of the respondents expressed unfavorability of attitude towards the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program (out of 170, 54 had unfavorable and 59 had very unfavorable perceptions). Correlation results (r = 0.854) indicated a direct relation between the two variables. This confirmed the hypothesis that the respondents’ perception on the issue of the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program was significantly related to political efficacy.
This strong relationship between the said variables was further reinforced by the result of the coefficient of determination. It showed that 72.93 percent in the variation of political efficacy was explained by the respondents’ perception of the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program.
Most of the respondents had unfavorable attitude towards the government’s Foreign Debt policies (57 out of 169 unfavorable and 70 out of 169 very unfavorable). Of those with unfavorable attitude 443 percent were inefficacious and 34.3 percent were extremely inefficacious. Those with favorable attitude in the same categories comprised 52.4 percent and 16.6 percent, respectively. The result of Pearson’s (r = .554) revealed that a significant relationship existed between respondents’ perception on the issue of Foreign Debt Policies and political efficacy. The coefficient of determination showed that 30.69 percent of the variation in political efficacy was attributed to the respondents’ perception of government’s position on the issue of Foreign Debt.
Correlation results thus illustrated that those who had unfavorable attitudes had the greatest tendency to be inefficacious. One plausible explanation could be that such attitudes earmarked an ideological distance between the individual and the government. This meant that the respondents’ cognition of the issue was relatively isolated from that of the government on the same matter. It should be noted that an ideological convergence existed where there was interconnectedness in the perception of both on the same issue. This trend then implied that since the individual did not share the government’s perspective on issues and policy positions he would find such a difference an added difficulty in seeking to influence the outcome of government decisions. Furthermore, in a nation where public officials are basically perceived as unmindful of the ordinary people’s thoughts/opinion, such a lack of ideological unity would tend to reinforce the sense of inefficaciousness.
Participation in Election. The study results showed that majority of the respondents (143 out of 168) participated in the last 1986 presidential and 1987 congressional elections. They also showed that most of those who participated were the inefficacious and extremely inefficacious respondents (45.5 percent and 27.2 percent, respectively). On the other hand, the majority of the efficacious respondents (39 out of 47) also participated in the said elections. This finding illustrated that participation in the elections happened despite the respondents’ efficacy level. Chi-square results indicated that participation in elections and political efficacy were not significantly related, thereby confirming the null hypothesis.
Participation in Campaign-Related Activities. As a whole, more than half of the respondents (89 out of 170) were found to be not participative in campaign-related activities. The figures showed that in general the majority were inefficacious and extremely inefficacious. However, the biggest percentage of inefficacious respondents was among the “non-participative” (77.5 percent) and the lowest was among the “very participative” (66.7 percent). Coefficient (r = 0.321) indicated that there was a significant relation between participation in campaign-related activities and political efficacy. This confirmed the hypothesis that these two variables were significantly related to each other although at a moderate level. This suggested that participation in campaign-related activities might affect political efficacy, hence, those who participated in campaign activities tended to be efficacious. This was due to the fact that participation exerted both a lagged and direct effort on feelings of political efficacy.
However, results of coefficient determination showed that only 10.3 percent in the variation of political efficacy was explained by their extent of participation in campaign related activities. Still this trend showed that those with political efficacy were most likely to engage in more active forms of political participation such as campaign-related activities.
Participation in Unconventional Political Activities. More than half of the respondents (119 out of 170) did not engage in unconventional political activities. Figures showed that the majority of those who participated were inefficacious, 45.1 percent and extremely inefficacious, 21.6 percent. Likewise many of those who did not participate were also found to be inefficacious and extremely in-efficacious (47 percent and 28 percent, respectively). This meant that, regardless of the level of participation, the majority of the respondents were inefficacious. This was confirmed by the chi-square results (x2=2.83) which indicated that participation in unconventional political activities and political efficacy were not significantly related.
Summary of Findings
The major research findings, briefly stated were as follows:
I. Personal Factors
1. Respondents’ Background Characteristics
Majority of the respondents (63 percent) were found within the age range of 21 – 40 years. Their average age was 37.34 years. This showed that the teachers in the area of study were relatively young.
Females comprised 68.2 percent of the respondents. This finding illustrated that women were greater in number than their male counterparts in the rank of faculty among the selected schools.
The majority (76.9 percent) were married, implying that there are people depending on them and their income. The teachers of N.S., Math, Engineering and Social Science/ Humanities courses comprised the biggest number (35.8 percent) of the respondents while those in the B.S. Accountancy and Business Ad-ministration constituted the smallest percentage (13.8 percent).
The respondents had an average monthly household income of P14,464.00, an income level way above the poverty threshold of P4997 (Daily Globe,1991:6).
2. Political Interest
On the whole, the respondents found politics of salient interest (mean = 3.8). They found it particularly important to understand political issues, affairs and events (mean = 4.4) but were less interested in thinking about influencing government decisions (mean = 3.1).
3. Perception on Fundamental Political and Economic Issues
The respondents unfavorably perceived the government’s position on the U.S. Military Bases, Foreign Debt and Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program as indicated by the over-all mean (3.2, 2.8 and 2.9, respectively). This showed the difference between government’s and respondents’ perception on the issues.
II. Situational Factors
1. Respondents’ Participation in Election
The majority of the respondents participated in the 1986-87 presidential and congressional elections (89 percent and 90.2 percent, respectively). This implied that the respondents were most likely to get involved in passive political activities like elections.
2. Respondents’ Participation in Campaign-Related Activities
The respondents’ manifested a minimal participation (mean = 1.5) in campaign-related activities. It could be deduced that activities requiring more time, energy and effort and, open display of partisanship were those which they rarely found themselves getting involved in.
3. Participation in Unconventional Political Activities
The respondents displayed an extremely minimal participation (1.4) in unconventional political activities.
4. Level of Political Efficacy and Factors Affecting Political Efficacy
Generally, respondents were found to be inefficacious with the over-all mean computed at 3.2. Majority of them (79 out of 170) were in this category while a good number (44 out of 170) were found to be extremely inefficacious.
Based on the study’s working hypotheses, it was found that:
a. Political efficacy was not related to sex.
b. Political efficacy was not related to area of specialization.
c. Political efficacy was significantly related to income. The relationship shows that individuals with high income tend to be efficacious or those with less income less politically efficacious.
d. Political efficacy was significantly related to political interest. This meant that those who are interested in politics tended to be politically efficacious.
e. Political efficacy was not related to participation in elections.
f. Political efficacy was significantly related to participation in campaign-related activities. This implied that those who participated in campaign-related activities tended to be politically efficacious.
g. Political efficacy was not related to participation in unconventional political activities.
h. Political efficacy was significantly related to perception on issues such as US Military Bases, Foreign Debt and Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program. This indicated that those who had a favorable attitude tended to be politically efficacious.
Conclusions
This study was able to establish the teacher-respondents’ political profile in the aspect of political interest, political activities engaged in and sense of political power. It was established in this study that respondents were politically inefficacious. This meant, they perceived themselves as in-
competent in influencing political outcomes largely because government leaders and institutions were perceived as unresponsive to their needs. This finding confirmed the reality component of political efficacy. The personal variables directly activating one’s orientation to-wards politics such as income, political interest and perception on fundamental political and economic issues have significant influences on political efficacy. On the other hand, unconventional modes of participation have no impact on political efficacy. However, conventional activities that demand more in terms of time, resource allocation and general cognitive activation such as campaign-related activities held a significant impact on political efficacy. This is because those who participated became more familiar with the system and developed ties, becoming more confident of their ability to achieve political results. By implication, the foregoing shows that individuals with high educational capabilities feel politically marginalized as shown by their level of political efficacy. If this happened to them, what can be expected then of the great mass of Filipinos with lesser educational qualification? This is symptomatic of an infantile democracy founded on shakey grounds. This means that at present we have a system with all the features of democracy other than a mass of citizenry who can claim to be truly sovereign. The widespread sense of political inefficacy among the respondents, who constitute a significant segment of this citizenry, points to such a claim.
In particular, these findings likewise illustrate one of the many road blocks the country’s educational system has to surmount if it is to effectively perform its distinct role in national transformation. In the light of the fact that teachers feel they do not count in the political processes, how can they effectively carry-out the avowed responsibility rested by the Constitution on the educational system, that is, for education to promote among others the values of patriotism and nationalism?
Recommendations
In the light of the foregoing findings, the following recommendations were proposed:
1. Considering the respondents’ perceived marginalization from the country’s political decision-making process, government must show more sincerity in accommodating people’s participation. This will require the institutionalization of channels for community participation in vital areas of concern directly affecting the people. Specifically, this can be done in varied forms such as getting the academic institution to assist the Department of Interior and Local Government in its Human Resource Development Program (e.g. Institute of Local Government Academy in Ateneo de Davao University). In an indirect way, faculty can also participate in the political processes through the Apprenticeship or Exposure Programs of students tied with the government. Directly, faculty committees, like a Committee on Anti-Pornography can directly link with its local government counterpart.
2. It was noted that respondents were interested in politics but found it hard to fully understand it. Hence, faculty development activities must include more activities that will sustain this interest and enhance political understanding. This may include political education activities such as symposia, fora, seminars and other similar endeavors. Of vital importance in this process of political conscientization is organized exposure in the communities outside of the academe.
3. Despite their interest in but unfavorable attitude towards fundamental national issues, teachers remained engaged in minimal efforts to effect changes. It can be of help if existing faculty organizations will also engage in activities that will provide political education to its members and eventually engage in collective advocacy work such as conscientization seminars on vital issues and lobbying in concerned government offices. It can also be of help if faculty will be encouraged to join people’s organizations.
4. Since this survey covered only college teachers from four schools in the city, a similar study should be conducted involving teachers in other levels of education for a more comprehensive political efficacy profile of the teachers. Similar studies should also be conducted with other sectors to be able to identify the state of efficaciousness among the citizenry.
5. Further study, that will probe into the political psyche of teachers, should. be made (i.e. role of teachers in the political arena, motivational bases of political behavior, etc.). In addition, it may prove to be more informative and useful if relationship between teaching performance and political efficacy of teachers can be established.