Tag Archives: DAVAO CITY

Waste Management of Selected Hospitals

Waste management of nine selected hospitals in Davao City was observed from April to August 2005. Four aspets of hospital waste management were considered, namely: (1) collection, (2) transport (3) treatment, and (4) disposal of waste. It was noted that the quantity of hospital waste generated in Davao City varied depending on the hospital policies and practices in waste management. About 89% of waste generated by the selected hospitals was comparable to domestic waste, while the remaining 11% was special waste or waste which needed special handling and treatment before final disposal. It was observed that many hospitals in Davao City mixed the waste generated. These wastes were collected, transported, and finally disposed of collectively. As a result of this failure to establish and follow segregation protocols, the waste leaving hospitals, as a whole, was both potentially infectious and potentially hazardous. Most hospitals viewed the lack of appropriate technologies for treatment and disposal of hospital waste as their greatest problem in hospital waste management. It is recommended then that hospitals strictly implement waste segregation policies. Hospital workers should also be given proper education and training in safe and efficient waste management. With the help of the local government, hospitals could also invest in environmentally sound and cost effective medical waste treatment and disposal technologies.

Bago Aplaya, Davao City

General Profile of the Village

Bago Aplaya is one of six sitios in Bago Gallera, Davao City. Approximately eleven kilometers from Davao City Poblacion and 1.1 kilometers from the national highway, it is reached either on foot or by tricycles that ply the route from ToriI. Bago Aplaya is inhabited by 361 squatter families, majority of whom are full-time fishermen. In January 1981, the Ministry of Human Settlements inaugurated its BLISS Project in the area and relocated 50 families to the bliss Site. “Old” Bago Aplaya now refers to the area that is not included in the BLISS Project. This study includes “Old” Bago Aplaya and the BLISS Site. There are 50 fishermen-households in the BLISS Site, while 155 fishermen households are scattered all over the rest of “Old” Bago Aplaya.

The village’s proximity to the poblacion gives the household members access to secondary occupations like carpentry and utility work. The construction of a 17-hectare modern beach resort on an adjacent area, for example, gave the household members the opportunity to work as casual laborers, carpenters, and utility men. There are two types of fishing activities in the area: marine fishing and fishpond farming. Two hundred and one families are engage in marine fishing while five families manage fishponds. Households engage in fishing t e whole year round. The months from May to July are considered peak months, while February to April are the lean months.

A number of government agencies, established mainly to extend government  assistance to the households, can be seen in the BLISS Site. These are the Ministry of Human Settlements, Bureau of Fisheries and Aquatic Resources, Ministry of Local Government, Population Commission, Ministry of Health, and Ministry of Social Services and Development. In contrast, no government agencies hold office in Bago Aplaya.

The presence of two boat manufacturers, mat weavers, and a noodle factory is an indication of the growing industrialization in the area.

Demographic Characteristics

Of the 100 respondents interviewed more than three-fourths (78 per cent) of the respondents are married while the rest (18 per cent) are single or widowed (2 per cent) Fifty-three percent of the fishermen are below 40 years old, and the mean age is 38.7 years. More than half (53 per cent) of them have resided in the place for more than three years. Forty-one were born in Davao City; thirteen  were born in Bago Aplaya. One third of the fishermen had migrated from the Visayas, mostly from Cebu and Leyte, and three came from Luzon Seventy seven respondents have no secondary education. Three finished Grade V and forty are elementary graduates. Only three respondents are high school graduates. The educational attainment of the fishermen is low with 5 5 mean years of schooling. A good majority (86 per cent) of the respondents are Catholics, SIX per cent are Iglesia ni Kristo followers, and four percent are Protestants.

Socioeconomic Characteristics

Eighty of the 100 respondents reside in houses which are constructed of wood and bamboo with nipa or cogon roofing. Forty-two of these houses are in great need of repair. Only seven respondents are living in houses on somebody else’s lot without paying any lot rental. Fourteen of them live in houses on rented lots while twenty are recipients of the BLISS housing program and pay a monthly amortization of P50.00. Almost one-half (47 respondents) live in three-room houses( sala, dining room, and one bedroom). Thirty-seven live in two-room houses (sala, and at the same time, a dining room and one bedroom). All together, the average number of rooms in the fisherman’s home is three.

Although electricity is available in the area, only 31 respondents use electricity while 47 use kerosene for lighting purposes. A great majority (92 per cent) of the respondents use wood as fuel for cooking. While 33 respondents use the Davao water system, 30 of them get their water from public artesian wells, 17 have their own water pumps and 12 get their water from open wells. Eighty-two respondents have toilets, most of which are water-sealed type. Sixteen respondents do not have toilets at all.

More than half or 57 respondents eat their meals on the floor and only 43 have dining tables or dining sets. Fifty-eight fishermen have no sala sets; wooden benches serve as their sala set/chairs. Only 42 own a simple sala set. A large majority (91 per cent) do not have beds. A good majority, or 82 percent, of the respondents have radios; seven have television sets, and two own refrigerators.

Seventeen percent own other properties. Two of these have farm lots or own a tricycle. Livestock raising is a rare activity. A small number supplement their income from fishing by raising pigs and chickens. Thirty families own from one to four pigs, nine have two to five chickens, and three households own 20 to 40 chickens. Nine households raise goats.

Of the 100 fishermen, 56 percent own one or two fishing nets or a hook and line. Forty-four percent have no equipment and work as hired crew members. Forty-four own a motorized boat; 35 percent own non-motorized, and 24 percent are either boat renters or hired crew.

The average household size in Bago Aplaya is six. Of the household members of working age, 154 are actually working or employed. Majority of the wives in the area keep house and take care of the children. They also help sell the fish caught by their husband. Almost all of the households (93 per cent) are nuclear families.

Ninety-eight percent of the fishermen depend on fishing as the primary source of  income. The mean annual income of the households from fishing is P4,178.69. (Thirty-nine respondents did not report their income.) The highest yearly income from fish recorded is P15,000.00 while the lowest is P1,000.00. There are opportunities for the fishermen to earn secondary incomes. Household members who are of working age take jobs as carpenters or laborers in the ship-building and resort establishments found in nearby barangays. Some fishermen are jeepney/tricycle drivers during off-fishing days and lean fishing months. The mean annual income for these households from non-fishing activities is P1,151.38.

The food consumption pattern of the fishermen is a diet of rice and fish. Rice is the staple food for 83 percent of the 100 respondents. The mean value spent on rice a week is P37.00. Five households reported that they spend from P40.00 – P75.00 on rice per week. The mean value of fish consumption for one week is P25.80. However, 14 respondents reported that they spend an imputed value of P50.00 to P87.00 on fish in a week. The majority of the fishermen (79 per cent) take coffee for breakfast. Eighty percent serve vegetables for lunch with the mean value spent on vegetables per week being P4.17. While dried fish is present on the table everyday, 58 percent of the respondents also have meat in their diet. Thirty-three percent consume at least one kilo of meat per week. Moreover, of the 100 household interviewed, 41 said that they also take snacks.

Ninety-four fishermen mentioned that flu/fever and colds are the most common ailments in the barangay. A high incidence of these ailments can be expected among fishermen and seashore dwellers. Thirty eight households also report the incidence of gastro-diarrhea especially among children. However, although flu/fever and colds are common, only 52 household members got sick during the past year. Of these, 24 needed medical treatment, but only ten (mostly children) were brought to the doctor for consultation and treatment. Self-medication and treatment by an herbolario are common practices among fishermen.

Fishing As A Primary Occupation

Ninety-eight percent of the fishermen are engaged in full-time fishing activities. Fishermen in Bago Aplaya have devoted a mean of 16.3 years in fishing. The number of years the fishermen have been fishing ranges from four to sixteen years. Sixty-five percent of the respondents are the only fishermen in the household. Twenty-eight percent have one other household member who goes off-shore fishing with him. Twelve percent of the households spend three hours a day fishing. The rest spend ten to twelve hours daily fishing. Fishermen go out fishing three to seven days a week. Thirty-one percent fish seven days a week; twenty-five percent fish six days a week, while the remaining twenty-one percent fish five days a week. Four percent fish three days a week, while nineteen percent go out fishing four days a week. The remaining days are spent mending nets, resting, or working in secondary occupations.

Knowledge of Fishing Technology

Fishermen learned fishing through experience, from friends, parents/ relatives, and others. Thirty-eight percent of the fishermen learned fishing through experience. They also learned the craft by going out fishing either as a crew or as a companion. About 34 percent learned fishing from parents and relatives, while 24 percent learned it from their friends.

Fishermen were also asked if they had opportunities to attend seminars or trainings which teach them new methods of fishing. Sixty-one percent said “no.” Seventy-three percent of those who said “yes” were unable to use the knowledge learned from the BFAR seminar. One reason given for not using the new knowledge is that some of the methods taught required too much capital.

As to fishing gear used, thirty-five percent of the respondents use the big net while twenty-eight percent use the small net. Sixteen percent use the single hook, and twenty-one percent use the multiple hook. A boat owner is one who owns a motorized or non-motorized boat. A boat renter is one who operates independently of the boat owners. He just pays a certain amount to the boat owner, and this is either a fixed rate or a percentage of the net income. A hired crew member is one who works with a boat owner or a boat renter. For his services, he is paid either a fixed rate or a percentage of the net income.

Seventy-four percent of the fishermen studied are boat owners: 60 percent fully paid for their boats, while fourteen percent are still amortizing. Twenty-six percent have no boat; they are either boat renters or crew members. Among the nine renters and seventeen hired crew members, ten revealed a cash-sharing arrangement while nine receive their share in kind. The rest receive their shares in both cash and kind. The mean sharing percentage is 37.6. Only nine revealed some other benefits given.

Production

Fifty percent of the fishermen report that they have four peak months and these are the months of March, April, May, and June. The lean months are August, September, October. The respondents catch an average of 121.5 kilos of fish a month. This has a total value of P616.65 during peak months. During this season, fish caught are sold at an average of P5.00 per kilo. The mean catch on lean month is 45 kilos per month, with a mean value of P289.34. The price averages P6.40 per kilo.

The fishermen’s expenses for a fishing trip cover costs for fuel, food, and ice. Fishermen spend an amount of P5.00 on food and P3.00 on ice per fishing trip. When asked if credit is available for fishing activities, forty-nine fishermen said yes; thirty-eight said no. Fourteen fishermen do not know if there is any source of available credit. Four sources of credit were identified. These are the government, banks, private individuals, and relatives. Twenty-six fishermen chose private individuals as their main source of credit. Only five identified the government.

Marketing Activities

The fishermen said that the fish they catch are both for consumption and for sale: 10 percent for consumption, and 90 percent for sale. Usually, either husband or wife or both are responsible for selling the catch at the market, either in the barangay or the poblacion. It is worth noting that 31 percent of the catch is sold at the fish landing. Fifty-six percent of the fishermen sell their catch to middlemen, 22 percent to the final seller, while the rest sell directly to the consumer. The nearest market is approximately 17 minutes away from the fish landing. Eighty fishermen states that their biggest sale was P299.90, while their smallest was P58.00 for a fishing trip. The largest volume of fish sold was 50 kilos while the smallest volume was 4 kilos.

Membership In Organizations

Fifty-three percent of the fishermen are not members of any organization. Of these, only one is willing to join a social, or religious organization. Of the 41 percent who are members of an organization, twenty-two perceive themselves as active members. Nine say they are slightly active. Only three consider themselves very active. Twenty-seven of the members said they have received benefits from the organization. The benefits are either financial, social or in terms of facilities. Eleven members indicated not having received any benefits. When asked about the problems and constraints in the organization, 80 fishermen gave “don’t know” and “no” replies.

Most of the fishermen (65 percent) are aware of government projects undertaken in the community such as the Kilusang Kabuhayan at Kaunlaran (KKK) and the Biyayang Dagat Programs. However, only three so far have benefited from the KKK, while 77 have not. As for Biyayang Dagat, only five fishermen have received grants. The other government projects like DBP loan, infrastructure, water system, electricity, and others are not known to the majority of the respondents.

Fishermen’s opinions regarding government programs are varied. Although 39 fishermen were undecided, 32 agreed that for the most part, government programs serve the interest of organized groups such as business or labor and are not very concerned about the needs of people like the fishermen. An equal percentage (42 percent each) of the respondents either disagreed or were undecided that these days the government has no right to undertake.

Needs, Aspirations, And Perceptions

Majority of the fishermen perceiver their life as “happy” or “just happy.” This feeling is consistent with their opinion on their organizational participation, presence of government projects, private agencies, and their family’s ability to satisfy wants and needs. Fifty-six fishermen say that the government cannot do anything.

Eighty-seven fishermen were able to identify the step in a ten rung ladder where they feel they stand at present and five years ago. Thirteen do not know or gave no reply. When they were asked where they think they will be on the ladder five years from now, only 47 gave their answer. A question on needs and perceptions asked the fishermen the degree of importance they place on a comfortable life, a sense of accomplishment, family security, self-respect, social recognition, and salvation. All the above were considered very important, but salvation came out as the most important with family security coming second. comfortable life came out as a poor third.

Forty-eight fishermen desire that their children finish college and land a stable job. Eleven wish them to have a happy married life. Eight wish them to help in fishing. Sixty-eight percent of the fishermen considered their meal intake enough for the family while about 32 percent considered it not enough. Seventy-five percent of the fishermen also believed that their houses are large enough for the family. The rest (18 percent) said that it is enough. Fishermen’s perception of poverty revealed that almost half of them (48 percent) perceive themselves on the poverty line, while 44 percent perceive themselves below the line. Only 5 percent feel they are above the poverty line.

The Water-Energy Nexus: Exploring Options for Davao’s Future

Population growth and economic development have pushed the demand for all forms of resources especially water energy (Scott et al. 2011; Voinov and Cardwell 2009). The interlink between water and energy needs to be conscientiously looked into as it needed to process and generate energy (Rio Carillo and Frei 2009) while energy is a requirement to extract, treat, and distribute water (Siddiqi and Anadon 2011).

Davao City is purportedly the second largest city in the world, and is situated at the southeastern part of Mindanao, Philippines. There are eight overlapping watersheds flowing into the city and the gulf of Davao (Hearne et al. 2008). Its population in the year 2000 registered at 1,147,116 and is growing at a rate of 2.41 percent annually (National Statistics Coordinating Board [NSCB] 2009a). With the increasing population, more houses, commercial and industrial buildings have been built. Hence, the demand for water and energy has also accelerated.

The watershed of Tamugan River, found to have the highest quality of water (Class AA), is viewed as a potential source to address this increasing demand. The said river, however, has become a source of conflict as to whether it should be used to generate energy or used as a water source. Two organizations, namely Hedcor, Inc., a private developer of run-of-river hydropower plants, and the Davao City Water District (DCWD), a semi-government water utility company, are engaged in this tug-of-war. The former plans to install a set of hydropower plants at the Tamugan River while the latter also intends to use the same river as a source of water for distribution to the people of Davao City. Until 2009, DCWD has ownership rights over the area, but thereafter questions as to who has the right to use the river remains unsettled.

The study was conducted to determine the state of water and power and their interlink in Davao City. Three statistical models, namely linear, exponential, and cubic were employed to predict future water and energy demands. Data published by the Department of Energy (DOE) and DCWD were used in developing the models of these demands. Data obtained from the Davao City government, NSCB, and the National Grid Corporation of the Philippines (NGCP), previously named as Transmission Corporation of the Philippines (TRANSCO), were also used in the analyses.

Framework

Generally, water and energy are interdependent on each other. Water is needed to process and produce energy while energy is required to extract and dispose water. Both resources are crucial to the population and economic growth.

Water extracted from the Dumoy water wells through the use of multiple pumps are directly fed by the DCWD to the residential, commercial and industrial buildings, and other agricultural and manufacturing establishments in the Davao City area. Meanwhile, the NGCP is responsible for feeding the energy produced by the power plants installed at various locations in Mindanao to specific areas. In Davao City, the Davao Light and Power Company (DLPC) distributes electricity to the end users, such as the DCWD which uses the energy in extracting water.

With population growth and improved economic mobility, the supply of water and power is potentially imperiled and could be surpassed by demand. Tamugan River is viewed as. a potent source for either water supply (through DCWD) or power generation (via Hedcor, Inc.) or both, providing an option to address the impending water and energy crises. See Figure 1 for the framework used in the study.

**SEE PDF FILE FOR FIGURE 1: Water-energy nexus framework. **

On the one hand, Hedcor, Inc. is the largest private developer of run-of-river hydropower plants in the Philippines. It owns and operates fifteen hydropower facilities in Benguet and Davao, with a total capacity of 38.22 MW. Presently, it is working on the 42.50 MW hydropower plant at Sibulan, Davao del Sur. It has developed and constructed twelve mini-hydropower plants within a span often years. To increase its hydropower portfolio, Hedcor, Inc. is proposing to develop a 27.5 MW hydropower system at the Tamugan and Panigan rivers. One the other hand, DCWD is a semi-government company that distributes potable water to the people of Davao City for drinking and other purposes. DCWD operates water pumps at the Dumoy area to extract water through its water wells. From 1977 to 1992, forty three water wells were drilled and thirty of these were free-flowing (Lotti 1982). About 90 percent of water distributed by DCWD comes from groundwater sources or the Dumoy aquifer. To increase water production, DCWD plans to use both the Tamugan and Lipadas rivers for water distribution (see Appendix 1). In May of 1997, the National Water Resource Board (NWRB) granted DCWD permit to use water from Tamugan River with the diversion point at Upper Baguio, in Baguio District.

Methodology

The data on water profile and relevant parameters provided by DCWD, data on the state of energy in Mindanao obtained from the DOE and TRANSCO, and the proposal of Hedcor, Inc. to install hydropower plants at Tamugan River were used in the analyses. These data were respectively presented during a roundtable discussion at the Ateneo de Davao University (ADDU) in 2009. Three statistical models namely, linear, exponential, and cubic were used to predict which best fits future water and energy demands.

The linear model can be described by the equation of a straight line y = mx + b. Where y (vertical axis) here is the dependent variable representing MW (megawatt) for power and MLD (million liters per day) for water; the m refers to the slope of the line (0° to 360°); the x (horizontal axis) which represents the year; and, b (the y-intercept) is the initial y-value (in MW or MLD) of the model. If the R2 of the linear model for the actual data set is about 0.90 to 0.99, the modelled data set resembles the actual data set. Meanwhile, the exponential model is defined by the curve function (concave up) y = abr. Here y and x represents the vertical (MW or MLD) and horizontal axes (year), respectively. The a here should be greater than 0 (a > 0) and b can be of any value. Again the higher the value of R2, the higher the reliability of the modelled data set. Finally, the cubic model is a polynomial model with a degree 3 which can be defined by a function y = ax3 + bx2 + cx + d. Again the y and the x values are the vertical (MW or MLD) and horizontal (year) values. Note, however, that the highest degree of the first term is 3 (ax3). This would mean that the data set is expected to curve up and to curve down once for all the data in a set. Similar with the linear and the exponential models, the ideal value for R2 is 1.00 to suitably represent the actual data set.

** SEE PDF FILE FOR FIGURE 2: Three statistical models namely, a) linear, b) exponential, and c) cubic. **

Results and Discussion

Water is a critical natural resource, and its existence depends largely on how it is being used and how the watershed surrounding it is being protected. With non-existing or limited government policies, and weak law enforcement in managing and protecting the watershed, water quality and quantity may be imperiled (Scott et al. 2011). In Mindanao, water is also being used for power generation. There are other water sources outside Davao City, but the interest to set up both water plants and power plants are centered in the Tamugan River. To understand the water-energy nexus situation in Davao City, the succeeding sections present the facts on water, power generation, the use of Tamugan River, and the identified points of conflict between Hedcor, Inc. and DCWD.

Water

Davao is one of the most progressive cities in the Philippines. In 2000, it registered a population of 1,147,116. Population is growing at a soaring rate of 2.41 percent annually (NSCB 2009a). However, as reported by NSCB (2009b), economic mobility in Davao region slowed down in 2009. With the growing population and rapid establishment of residential, commerical and industrial infrastructures, Davao City is confronted with a substantial demand for resources, especially water and energy. It is considered by the NWRB (1998) as one of the nine water-critical urbanized areas in the Philippines with exhaustive consumption of water (see Table 1). Davao City’s exploitable groundwater is 84 million cubic per meter (MC) per year; water demand by 2025 is projected to reach 153 MCM per year as compared to 50 MCM per year in 1995.

** SEE PDF FILE FOR TABLE I. Water demand and groundwater potential in selected nine major urban areas  **

The Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR) of Region XI and the World Bank (WB) commissioned Asia-Geodyne Corporation to conduct a study to determine the residual volume of groundwater in the Talomo-Lipadas watershed (DCWD 2009). The result of the study showed that the demand for water will most likely surpass supply starting 2011 onwards (see Table 2). Aside from the increasing demand, DCWD (2009) claimed that nine of the water wells in barangay Dumoy already experienced a 3.5-meter drop. This would entail significant reduction in the production of water from the nine water wells. This is a condition that is quite common in China where the water table in some areas was reduced by about 30-35 meters in just thirty years (Voinov and Cardwell 2009). At a decreased water table, saltwater intrusion may happen and may affect the fresh water aquifers, thus affecting the overall quality of water supply (Palanca-Tan and Bautista 2009). In the case of Davao City, the situation may lead us to believe that there is a high possibility of saltwater intrusion into the Dumoy water wells in the coming years.

** SEE PDF FILE FOR TABLE 2. Projected residual volume of groundwater in the Talomo-Lipadas watershed  **

To determine the production of water in the future, with reference to the Asia-Geodyne Corporation data, three statistical models were used to forecast future demands, namely a) linear, b) exponential and c) cubic models. For a highly reliable projection, the coefficient determinant or the R2 should have a value of 1.00 or 100 percent. Based on the three selected models, the linear model gave an R2 of 98.72 percent, the exponential model showed an R2 of 98.11 percent, and the cubic model provided an R2 of 98.88 percent. From these data, it can be inferred that the most suitable model is the cubic wherein the water demand for 2013 will reach 299.15 MLD. If supply stays at 280.50 MLD, it is possible that water supply will not be enough to supply the demand on or before 2013 (see Table 3). This information indicates that the problem of water supply may happen soon. However, the data shown do not consider additional supply of water derived from other pumps or sources, the impending dropping down or drying up of the water wells due to watershed denudation, over-extraction of water, and the impact of climate change.

SEE PDF FILE FOR TABLE 3. Projected water-supply demand in MLD**

With this foreseen demand for water in the coming years, the DCWD, which was granted permit by NWRB in 1997 to use the Tamugan River, decided to make use of the river for extracting surface water for distribution. The plan can potentially save costs associated with power, since there is no need to install huge water pumps. Water can be allowed to freely flow down to the consumers. However, NWRB sets limits on the use of water to be extracted by DCWD. The latter can only use 4.678 cms (cubic meters per second) during the wet season, and 3.440 cms during the dry season (DCWD  2009). With this permissible level of extraction, DCWD can extract up to a maximum of 404.18 MLD during the wet season, and 297.22 MLD during the dry season. Adding to this extractable water to the current maximum capacity of DCWD at 280.5 MLD, it is possible to extract a total of 684.68 MLD during the wet season and 577.72 MLD during the dry season. Without considering the impact of climate change, watershed denudation, and water wells fatigue, this production is adequate to supply Davao City the needed water even beyond 2020.

Power

The distribution of power in Mindanao is done at a larger scale wherein all power plants are interconnected via transmission lines. These interconnected sources and distribution is known as grid. The NGCP is responsible for managing the transmission of energy from the generating plants. The power grid in Mindanao is subdivided into six districts, namely: Northeastern Mindanao Area (NEMA), Lanao, North Central Mindanao Area (NCMA), Northwestern Mindanao Area (NWMA), Southeastern Mindanao Area (SEMA), and Southwestern Mindanao Area (SWMA). Davao City belongs to the Southeastern Mindanao Area. Distribution of power in the city is accomplished through the DLPC.

The Mindanao power grid is being supplied by hydropower plants (53.55 percent), oil-based power plants (28.44 percent), coal thermal power plants (11.99 percent), geothermal power plants (5.96 percent), and solar power plants (0.06 percent) located in the Mindanao area (TRANSCO 2008). The interconnection of these power plants is being handled and monitored by NGCP. Of the power generated, approximately 75 percent is generated from Northern Mindanao and only about 25 percent is produced in Southern Mindanao and Western Mindanao (see Table 4). All power produced are distributed to three areas, of which Southern Mindanao consumes the most. As shown in Table 4, Southern Mindanao needs 236 MW more than what it is currently generating at 373 MW in order to meet its demand. Moreover, transmitting power from Northern Mindanao to Southern Mindanao entails cost due to transmission losses and installation costs of transmission systems.

** SEE PDF FILE FOR TABLE 4. Capacity in Northern, Southern and Western Mindanao **

The DOE in 2009 projected that the peak demand for power will exceed the installed capacity starting the year 2014 (see Table 5). Nonetheless, if the reserved margin would be included in the peak demand, or that the required capacity is used as the basis for projection, then the required capacity has already exceeded installed capacity since 2010. Reserved margin is the required capacity to be maintained to ensure continuous supply of power in case one of the plants breaks up at any given time, ensuring power systems availability. As shown in Table 5, a 21 percent reserved margin was used by the DOE. In the first quarter of 2010, Mindanao experienced an energy crisis (Senate of the Philippines 2010). Hydropower plants, both at the Lanao and Pulangi areas, generated outputs of less than 50 percent of their expected capacities. As a result, power curtailment was implemented.

** SEE PDF FILE FOR TABLE 5. Mindanao power supply outlook in MW (2008-2017)  **

On the basis of the data published by the DoE, three statistical models were used to predict energy demand. All statistical models showed high level of determination: The linear model produced a coefficient determination (R2) of 99.33 percent, the exponential model 99.91 percent, and the cubic model 1.00 or 100.00 percent. Using the cubic model, it was found that the demand for power in 2014 would reach 1688 MW which is about the same as the installed capacity of 1682 MW. The projection shows that starting 2014 or even before 2014, that is, presupposing that the power plants do not work on their designed capacity, it is highly probable the problem on energy may happen (see Table 6). This would further mean then that there is a need to install new energy capacities. Forecasted power here does not consider the reserved margin.

** SEE PDF FILE FOR TABLE 6. Mindanao power supply-demand in MW **

Among all the districts in Mindanao, SEMA, which also includes Tagum City and General Santos City, consumes more power than any other district (see Table 7). While no data on the distribution of power to Davao consumers are available to date, it is presumed that, due to the evident development of Davao City, its demand constitutes majority of the power consumption as reflected under SEMA. Distribution of power in the city is as follows:

Residential buildings (33.64 percent); commercial buildings (13.6 percent); industrial buildings (50.58 percent); and other purposes (2.17 percent). At present, more subdivisions and big establishments are being constructed in the city. As shown in Table 4, Davao City relied heavily on its source of power from Northern Mindanao. With the growth of other neighboring cities, the establishment of more companies, and the threat of climate change, Davao City’s development may be hampered by insufficient power to meet its present and future needs.

** SEE PDF  FILE FOR TABLE 7; Mindanao grid districts **

Tamugan River exploration and contesting parties

With the looming water and energy crisis, explorations had been done to locate a potent source of water that possesses acceptable water quality and sufficient water volume to meet Davao City’s future needs. High quality surface water is necessary for drinking purposes, while a large volume is relevant for power generation and other uses. Evaluated rivers include Lipadas, Talomo, Davao, Tagulaya, Sibulan, Tamugan and Panigan. Tamugan River, which was found to have the highest quality of water (Class AA) and lying within the jurisdiction of Davao City, was identified as the top choice. The water resource of the Tamugan River is viewed as a solution to issues related to water distribution and availability of power.

Figure 3 shows the proposed architecture of the hydropower plant of Hedcor, Inc. to be installed at the Tamugan and Panigan rivers (Hedcor, Inc. 2009). It can be noted that a diversion weir is installed at the Talomo River. Diverted water coming from Talomo will be used to supply the 7.5 MW Panigan hydropower plant. Water output from Panigan will be used as a supplementary water supply to the 20.0 MW Tamugan hydropower plant.

** SEE PDF FILE FOR FIGURE 3. Hedcor, Inc. proposed hydropower plant. **

According to the DCWD, the installation of the diversion weir at the Talomo River will potentially affect the lower part of the river. During the dry season, it is highly possible that the diversion weir will be closed to divert water to the Panigan hydropower plant. However, during the roundtable discussion at the ADDU in 2009, Hedcor, Inc. promised not to block the flow of water in the Talomo River in times of drought. Further, the Talomo River provides a significant contribution to the extraction of water at the Dumoy plants. As claimed by DCWD (2009), the Dumoy aquifer is composed of 40 percent rain water while 48 percent (80 percent of 60 percent) is derived from Talomo River (see Table 8). Hedcor, Inc. contested these data. Table 8 shows other points of disagreement between DCWD and Hedcor., Inc.

** SEE PDF FILE FOR TABLE 8. DCWD and Hedcor, Inc. data comparison **

Moreover, the management of DCWD declined more proposals from Hedcor, Inc. just so that the operation of the hydropower plant in Tamugan River can start. These include the proposal to use the waters of Tamugan and Panigan rivers to roll the turbines of the 27.5 MW hydropower plants (1 unit, 7.5 MW; 2 units, 10 MW). Hydropower plants are cascaded to optimize the harvesting of water. DCWD was offered to use the water as a commodity to be directly distributed to consumers for drinking and other purposes. However, based on the study by Lotti in 2000 and Hedcor, Inc. in 2007, if Hedcor will be allowed to use the water at Tamugan River, DCWD can make use of only 0.12 cms, that is, if DCWD will not use the Hedcor water outflow, while Talomo River will be left with only 0.21 cms if the weir will be closed (see Table 9). DCWD did not give in to Hedcor, Inc.

** SEE PDF FILE FOR Table 9. Water Flow at Tamugan and Talomo rivers **

Conclusion

The projection that the demand both for water and power will surpass the available supply in the nearest future is a challenge that confronts the entire island of Mindanao, particularly Davao City. One way to address this is to encourage people to seriously conserve the use of water and energy. Another is to develop and implement local and national policies to protect the watershed both for water and energy use. Establishing and maintaining an open communication and close coordination between concerned agencies—public and private—to discuss ways to achieve sustainable development for Davao City is also a positive step. In the case of the tug-of-war between the DCWD and Hedcor, Inc. on the question of who should operate and use the water resource of Tamugan River, the third solution is obviously absent. As a result, the city’s development is left hanging in a balance. Indeed, while water is a very important natural resource because it supports the lives of animals, plants, and human beings, and considering the fact that it is used to produce electricity, deciding on its proper purpose could prove to be a difficult and challenging task. And yet it is a concern that must be urgently addressed for the sake of the future of Davao City.

 

Exploring the Cultural Landscape and Ethnic Boundaries of IPs in Mindanao*

Introduction

There are around 3,254,549 IPs in Mindanao and Sulu (NSO 1990) constituting about 22.8% of the total population. Thus, almost a fourth of the island’s present population is made up of so called IPs who have retained vestiges of their non-western cultures, suffer a cultural lag and, since they are not assimilated, constitute part of today’s minoritized cultural communities. Their growing minoritization in Philippine society has necessitated the adaption of radical measures such as Ancestral Domain in recognition of their cultural distinctiveness. This paper explores the native meanings of their cultural landscape such as territorial boundaries, cultural areas and niches,etc.

The Agricultural Worldview and the Concept of Stewardship of the Earth

A people’s belief is colored by its perceptions of the origins of the world and in life these beliefs are affirmed and sustained by one’s experiences. An agricultural worldview is necessarily circumscribed by the cycles of sowing and harvest and around these two main activities agricultural societies have built their myths and legends about the origins of the world. The myths of the Tagakaulo and B’laan were woven around a handful of earth and even body dirt from the gods as important elements of creation. For the Bagobo, the pestle and mortar for pounding rice were instrumental in the recreation of an old and decrepit world into a new one where the first peoples of the world called mona began to have babies even though they were already very old. The Ata of Talaingod believe that Manama created all things in this world. The first man and woman were created from blades of grass, woven together until the human figure was formed. Manama made four couples who became the ancestors of the Ata and other neighboring tribes (Cole 1913). A present version states that the first to be created out of soil was the earth. What *as left over of this material was made into the first man and woman. The third to be created was the chicken (Gloria & Magpayo 1997). The Dulangan Manobo of Lebak, Sultan Kudarat say that Naniula, the supreme god created all things, including man. Their god made everything in the world in order for man to live. All other gods called effi (spirits) are conceived:as protecting certain places or things such as caves or the nonoc (balite tree). These are the native shrines guarded by different effi whose permission must be sought before any activity in their domains is undertaken. The Higaunon of Bukidnon believe that Magbabaya created the world for men .and animals then the god delegated Talabugta whose name means ” – of the earth” to provide for the various needs of man. The Mamanua of Surigao fear the all- powerful god who is also called Magbabaya among other lesser supernaturals. The Mamanua who were originally hunters and gatherers have a great fear of thunderstorms. One of the awesome powers of Magbabaya is to make thunder and lightning which are held to be punishment for various transgressions such as the violation of taboos, e.g. incest. According to the Mamanua myth, in the beginning there was only one kind of man. Then lightning struck the earth and men. Those who were scorched black became the Mamanua (Maceda, 1964). Their great fear of thunderstorms has given rise to many beliefs such as driving the point of the bolo into the ground to stop a thunderstorm. They observed a special ritual for a full moon. As the moon waxes, they reduce fires to a smaller blaze out of respect for the celestial body and its phenomenon.

It would seem that the creators of the above mentioned myths have shied away from the notion of man as the overlord of creation as evidenced by the primacy of the earth (In creation man was only created next to earth or nature). Although these myths say that nature was primarily made for the use of man, man himself does not own it and uses it only with the permission of the god who made it. Moreover, the creator-god is not alone in the disposition or over lordship of nature’s bounty. At the beginning of time, there were lesser gods who were delegated and given authority over the resources of the earth. Man, the user of these resources is obliged to secure permission from the particular spirit which “owns” and exercises guardianship over the resource. The stewardship of the land and other goods of the earth does not belong to man but to the spirits or diwata, a class of lesser supernaturals with which man has a more or less direct relationship mediated only by the performance of specific rituals to secure the diwata‘s consent and goodwill. Man has unlimited freedom to any of these resources provided he/she performs the necessary rituals and ceremonies. The principle of reciprocity permeates the worldview reflected in these myths. No user is allowed to help himself or herself to any of the earth’s resources without the corresponding obligations which at the very least is the acknowledgement of the guardianship of the diwata or spirit concerned. Hence, there is no absolute ownership of earthly goods. As such, no one may arrogate to himself or herself the earth’s resources or use them to exhaustion. The precept that these resources belong to the gods require man to use them with respect to the real owners thus proscribing wantonness and violence in their use.

Self and Group Identity

In this cosmological worldview, man is seen as a creature whose identity is earthbound. Group identity is even more geographic and locational in its etymology, e.g. the Subanon of the Zamboanga Peninsula, the Matigsalog of Davao City and Tagakaulo of Davao del Sur are riverine peoples as indicated by their common use of the root word for river, i.e. suba, salug and ulo (sa tubig or headwaters). The Maranao and some Maguindanao are lakeside dwellers, ranao and lanao being words for lake. The Tausug of the Sulu Archipelago live where the ocean current (su-ug) favors their economic and trading activities. Similarly, the Samal Laut and the Badjaos are popularly known as sea nomads who spend a great deal of time at sea which is their chief source of livelihood. Forest peoples such as the Manguangan and Dulangan Manobo whose names are derivations of the word for forest (gulanga or dulanga) will have to be distinguished from those who live at the edge of forests namely the Mandaya and Mansaka, the root word daya and saka meaning interiors and “to go up”, respectively.

On the other hand, the names Manobo and Bagobo came from the root word for man, ubo (Ibid). While myths contain a people’s view of the world, legends explain the origin of places, things or natural phenomena. The group identity of the Bagobo of Sibulan in Davao del Sur may be understood from a legend about the Bagobo’s origin from the mythical beings called mona, particularly from the first Bagobo couple named Tuglay and Tuglibong whose descendants were almost decimated by a long and severe drought. However, the last pair of children was saved by a mythical sustainer of life, the last stalk of sugarcane whose limitless juice revived the last pair who lived long enough to beget the present Bagobo of Sibulan.

Although the legend is localized, the etiology explains as well the origins of other peoples of Mindanao for the legend says that during the long drought, the children of Tuglay and Tuglibong left Sibulan in pairs, to live in other parts of Mindanao. Thus they begot the present descendants of the whole island. The legend is significant in that the explanation of the origin of the Bagobo is anthropomorphic. According to Spanish chronicles, the Bagobo of Sibulan were one of the few peoples in Mindanao who could trace their genealogy to eleven generations of forebears. The Bagobo are one of the few peoples whose group identity is not linked to a geographic feature in the environment even though Sibulan or Subu-wan is the name of the river where their historic settlement is located up to the present time. It may be that the Bagobo have some claims to a kind of cultural hegemony in southeast Mindanao. The Jangan and the Matigsalog of Davao City profess affinity with the Bagobo and would often answer to the same name.

The Manobo on the other hand, are the most dispersed people in Mindanao. They are most numerous in the two Agusan provinces and are found as well in the Misamis, Davao and Cotabato provinces. There are smaller groups who have distinguished themselves with a somewhat different identity, e.g. the Dulangan Manobo of Sultan Kudarat province, and the Arumanon and Kirentekan Manobo of Cotabato Province. The qualifying appellation indicates the place where they are found.

Culture Areas and Economic Niches

Geographers and culture specialists have paid particular attention to small differences in the environment such as seashore vs. inland, hills vs. floodplains, grasslands vs. forests, etc. that have great significance in identifying culture areas. Culture areas are generally carved out of a specific geographic space to serve as human habitation while the interplay between space and a human group produces a culture (Wagner and Miksell 1962). However, a culture area is more than just the geographic space because of the paramount role played by a human group whose interactions with the physical space produce the aggregate of human habits which is known as culture. Environmentalists believe that the human potential is to a large extent influenced, if not determined by the kind of environment which a human group uses for habitation.

Under such a framework, coastal peoples will be fishermen and boat-builders such as the Tausug of the Sulu Archipelago who are traditionally maritime and sea-going peoples. Upland inhabitants such as the Mandaya, Mansaka and Manobo are horticulturists, hunters and gatherers. They may be joined by the Manguangan and Dulangan Manobo and most probably the Jangan whose forested environs would predispose them to again, horticulture, hunting and gathering. Still some IPs live at the edge of forests rather than inside them.

The Higaunon whose name means “inhabitants of the thicket” may be cited as an example. The Higaunon cultivate and likewise exploit the forests for livelihood. The Subanon, Tagakaulo, Dibabawon and Matigsalog who are riverine dwellers would live close to the other groups who exploit the river and a similar environment and would thus exhibit many kindred traits with the peoples with whom they interact. Lakeside inhabitants such as the Maranao, Maguindanao and T’boli would have a tendency to be more culturally contained with a more pronounced cultural distinctiveness.

All these do not imply that a culture in order to be distinct must be absolutely unique or have a monopoly of certain cultural traits. In a much broader sense a culture area is not simply contained within the specific environment that a group inhabits. Many cultural traits are disposed to expansiveness and often exceed ethnic and geographic boundaries. The phenomenon of cultural borrowing and diffusion explains the wide distribution of traits just as similar environments could evolve the same cultural characteristics.

The presence of other cultures in the same culture area gives rise to a heightened cultural awareness which is aroused by contact with other cultural groups ( Weiss 1962). Ethnic boundaries persist despite the constant flow of peoples between them (Barth 1970). Weiss had said that the fixing of boundaries is based not only on objective overt differences but on a more subjective motive which underlies the feeling of ethnic distinctiveness. This is the instinct of self-preservation which brings us to the idea of economic niches.

For purposes of this paper, an economic niche is synonymous with culture area given an ecological and  environmental context. In a scenario of interacting cultural groups exploiting the same economic niche, e.g. kaingin (horticulture) in upland environments any of the following may occur (Ibid) :

1. They may occupy distinct niches in the environment and be in minimal competition over its resources. Interdependence will be greatly limited and articulated only through trade.

2. They may . monopolize separate territories .in which case competition over the same resource will be articulated in politics.

3. When two or more groups are in occupation of the same niche with time, one will tend to displace the other.

If an ethnographic map of Mindanao and Sulu were to be drawn we would see that all the above are observable at different times in the culture history of Mindanao. More than a hundred years ago, the description of the island would fit the first two scenarios while the present situation would be aptly represented by the third and last description. The present scenario would thus argue for the recognition of the indigenous rights of Ancestral Lands and Domain as a fundamental right based on prior occupancy. Considering that the displacement of the original inhabitants took place under duress by means of the superior and different culture of the successive occupants, a recognition of the indigenous rights of IPs has become incumbent on the mainstream society. Since the displacement of native peoples occurred simultaneously with the gradual demise of their customs and traditions, this recognition of native rights must of necessity recall and reinstate the autochthonous precepts and meanings of the old social order for only then can such rights be operationalized because they are couched in native meanings that are understood by IPs.

Ethnic and Territorial Boundaries

In a study of 10 indigenous communities around Mt. Apo, one of the important components of the political order was the question of Ancestral Domain in which the subject of territorial boundaries drew the most comments from the IPs. The Bagobo of Lumondao (Davao City) were incredulous and with considerable skepticism immediately declared that they did not believe that Ancestral Domain would be implemented. The T’boli of Lake Sebu were ignorant about it as were the Ata of Talaingod. The T’boli said that the only basis for making territorial claims among them was a certification from their barangay captain. The findings of the study showed that for most of the IPs, individual and family property rights conform to the present legal requirements of Torens title and are marked by the muhon (concrete marker) while political boundaries are those defined by political demarcations into regions, provinces, cities, municipalities and barangays rather than the culture area of the Manobo, Bagobo, B’laan, etc.

On the other hand, five groups of IPs had clear ideas about what constitute their respective ancestral domains. The Matigsalog of Davao City stated that their cultural and ancestral domain covers the territories around the Davao River and that any movement of peoples would require a redelineation of their ancestral domain. It may be that some Matigsalog are still practicing horticulture or kaingin which requires field rotation involving periodic movements of peoples. It was surmised that the statement described the ancient methods of extensive cultivation requiring new swidden fields at the end of one or two agricultural cycles. This ancient indigenous technology was associated with frequent movements of peoples in search of new and fertile clearings. The abandonment of old swidden fields allowed them to regenerate and climax once more into mature forests.

The Matigsalog’s claim to cultural homogeneity and identity is based on the traditional exploitation of the Davao river. Notwithstanding the presence of other groups such as the Dibabawon who exploit the upper (ibabaw) reaches of the river and despite the frequent movements of both peoples exploiting the same resource with the same technology, it is remarkable that each has maintained a separate group identity. This can only mean that each group has kept to its own culture area and economic niche. Culture contact is carried on in observance of ethnic boundaries and territorial limits. When ethnic boundaries are breached and territorial limits crossed over, this would mean that a radical change in the group’s social order has taken place to such an extent that a redelineation of the group’s ethnic boundaries would be required as the Matigsalog said.

The Jangan regard the whole district of Calinan as their ancestral domain. Up to the present, they constitute the biggest IPs in this District. Even as they conceded the loss of their lands- to Visayan and other Christian migrants the Jangan enumerated a list of cultural tests, e.g. having been born in the area, being able to speak the Jangan language and possession of the Jangari native attire, that would legitimize one’s claim to ancestral territorial rights in the area.

The Spanish writers of the 19th century perceived an affinity between the Jangan of Calinan and the Tagabawa of Davao del Sur and North Cotabato provinces. Both answer to the name Bagobo as already mentioned earlier in this paper. The apparent culture area would be the environs of Mt. Apo. Then as now, the Jangan are found north of the volcano while the Tagabawa inhabit the southern regions. Some Manobo groups are also found on the western flank which is the North Cotabato side. The economic niche is also historically horticulture which has survived at least for some Tagabawa and Manobo in spite of migrant inroads. The Jangan, being nearest to the urban centers of Davao City appeared to have adapted to a more modern economic niche – employment.

All three groups look to Mt. Apo as the historic and cultural roots of their respective group identities. The Bagobo mythical origin is steeped in folklore about their gods, Mandarangan and his consort, Darago who live on Mt. Apo and to whom human sacrifices were periodically offered by the Bagobo of ancient times. The antiquity of the Bagobo of Sibulan has already been mentioned. The river Sibulan derives its source from the lofty heights of Mt. Apo.

The Manobo regard the volcano as the “navel of the world” emphasizing the critical role of Mt. Apo in their birth and survival as a people. Although the Manobo are widely dispersed their cultural areas in the different parts of Mindanao are well-defined and historically established. More than a hundred years ago the Spaniards already noted that among the Manobo of Agusan, territorial boundaries were strictly observed. The Spanish missionaries in fact regarded the Manobo’s stubborn attachment to their settlement as the biggest obstacle to resettlement or reduccion. It required all the charisma of the missionary to persuade a Manobo to leave his home in the fastnesses of the forests and mountains. The tenacity with which they clung to their ancestral homes and lands was considered by the missionaries as proof that the Manobo believed and exercised rights of ownership over property. They marked out mountains, rivers, and wide spaces of land as their property to be used only by families and members of their tribes (Cartas de los Padres Misioneros de la Compania de Jesus de la Mission de Filipinas, 1897).

The present Manobo cited in the aforementioned study said that their burial grounds are considered as markers of their lands and territorial boundaries. The burial caves of the Dulangan Manobo at Salangsang, Lebak (Sultan Kudarat province) would then be an important landmark for delineating the territorial boundaries of the Dulangan Manobo.

Among the Higaunon, communal territorial boundaries were strictly observed to the extent that no Higaunon would pass the territory of a datu who was not his chief. It was customary to carry the quiap, a large spear encrusted with silver and whose lower end was made of metal. For a token fee, it was given to those who needed to travel through the lands of other chiefs who when shown the quiap immediately recognized it as belonging to another chief and therefore a peer. Hence, not only was safe conduct allowed to the travelers but some amenities had to be provided as well to him or her as custom’ dictated (Blair and Robertson, 1907).

The B’laan can identify certain streams , rivers, hilltops and other landmarks as territorial boundaries. They also named the plant called lagotonon as a boundary marker. In the study, the B ‘laan were one of those who were able to articulate their 138 perceptions of the government and its impact on IPs. The B ‘laan observed that the devolution of political power to local units resulted in a more effective control over the IPs social and political life. Reflecting on the overall impact of the modern Philippine government on native peoples, the B ‘laan said that due to population increases the natives’ territorial lands had to be re-apportioned among the present inhabitants who include non-native migrants. As a result, their lands became increasingly smaller while the contraction of IP territories in turn caused a diaspora of native peoples.

In the 19th century, the Spanish missionaries suggested that the original home of the B’laan was the region around Lake Buluan which they shared with the Maguindanao, a large Muslim group. Today, B’laan communities are found all over the provinces of Davao del Sur, South Cotabato and Sarangani. Over this extensive culture area they have been able to preserve their traditional economic niche of horticulture without surrendering or losing ethnic identity to other groups of IPs as well as migrant.

Among the Ata the antiquity of residence determine territorial claims. A three generation cycle was said to be sufficient to establish such an antiquity. In addition, the testimony of one’s relations, friends and acquaintances help establish the validity of the claims. The testimonies of their datus and elders also validate claims while planting fruits and bamboo trees help secure territorial boundaries.

The traditional culture area of the Ata was the Tuganay-Libuganon-Salug river complex in what is now the modern province of Davao. The vicissitudes of history have caused some changes in this ancient landscape for today the people known as Ata are mainly concentrated in the modern municipality of Talaingod. The present Ata is one of the most severely threatened by marginalization and minoritization. Over the last ten years, the Ata population has dwindled from 1.2% of the province’ population to 0.07% in 1990 (NSO 1980 and 1990).

Four other groups, namely, the Bagobo of Marilog, T’boli of Lake Sebu, Tagabawa of Makilala and the Tagakaulo of Sta. Maria failed to articulate their thoughts on Ancestral Domain. It must be pointed out that with the exception of the T’boli, the abovementioned groups, in particular the Bagobo, have a high incidence of intermarriage with Visayan and other Christian groups. The Bagobo had already expressed their doubt about the implementation of Ancestral Domain. At the-time of this study, the Bagobo of Lumondao was a severely threatened community. The peace and order situation was precarious while outbreaks of cholera and dysentery put grave strains on the community. It could be that their responses were colored by the circumstances they were experiencing at that time.

A surprisingly passive reaction on Ancestral Domain was that of the T’boli who had the most well-preserved traditions among the nine groups. They did not appear to be very communicative about Ancestral Domain, except to say that a certification from their barangay captain was sufficient to establish a land claim. From the observations made by this researcher, the T’boli seemed to know least about Ancestral Domain. Although a local radio station was making daily broadcast about Ancestral Domain just outside the municipal boundaries, within the barangay community at Lamdalag, the T’boli respondents did not appear to be aware of it. It may be mentioned in this connection that although the T’boli were governed by municipal leaders who were also T’ boli, at Lamdalag the barangay captain was a Visayan who has lived with them for a long time. During the barangay assembly for the introduction of this research project, the barangay leaders who were non-T’ boli spoke on behalf of the T’ boli respondents who remained passive throughout the entire assembly proceedings.

Undoubtedly, Ancestral Domain rights will be a major breakthrough towards stabilizing IP communities in Mindanao. It will ease the pains of acculturation and provide for a more orderly transition from marginalized communities to integrated cultural units within the national body polity. A stable cultural minority is an asset to the society as a whole and is to be preferred to marginalized groups with a dependent status.

Concluding Remarks

This brief paper has explored the native meanings of ethnic and territorial boundaries. As have been shown, the concept of territorial boundaries is intrinsic in each culture. The delineation of ethnic boundaries cannot be confined to geographic interpretations. It is necessary to look into the characteristics of the culture that give substance and meaning to ordinary terms. One must first consider the worldview which describes when world in native terms and categories. These terms and categories are native abstractions of reality and are often clothed in metaphorical terms although sometimes these may be expressed in anthropomorphic speech. It is instructive to consider the group identity or name which locates the particular group in a specific geographic context. In turn, an understanding of this geographic milieu will explain specific cultural traits that result from the interplay between the environmental space and the human group that inhabits it. This paper has shown that the different group identities of Ws in Mindanao indicate their respective culture areas and economic niches. Their myths, legends. and traditions demonstrate the antiquity of their bonds with the environment. Overall these, their view of the world defines fundamental precepts and principles such as the spirits’ stewardship of the earth. These fundamentals have served as their guidelines in appropriating and protecting their social space.

A Study of Goiter Incidence among Households in South Cotabato

The tropical regions of the Third World Countries, including the Philippines, claim most of the one billion people estimated to be exposed to the risk of goiter because of iodine deficiency. Excluding China, Asia has 400 million exposed to the risk of goiter, 80 million of which are actually suffering from the disease. “More than half of the population in severely goitotrous areas may have subclinical hypothyroidism, which itself can have adverse effects on the general health and productivity of the people” (Gilbert, World Health Forum, 1984).

In the hierarchy of acute and chronic diseases plaguing developing  countries, endemic goiter ranks low given its benign appearance. Also the full extent of its many complications, all of them deleterious to the well-being of the population, is by no means appreciated (Gilbert, World Health Forum, 1984).

The important role of iodine deficiency in the development of endemic goiter is well established, as are the dramatic effects of iodine supplementation on goiter prevalence rates and on endemic cretinism, which can be eliminated or at least reduced to a negligible level.

Cognizant of its role in promoting health among its people, the Philippine Government, through the Department of Health (DOH), launched its Fortification for Iodine Deficiency Elimination (FIDEL) Program to uphold the goal of Universal Salt Iodization as its commitment during the 1990 World Summit for Children. It is along this line that this survey was envisioned by the Provincial Health Office of South Cotabato to effectively prioritize areas where the initial launching of the program will be done.

Objectives of the Study

Generally, this study intends to establish the prevalence of goiter in South Cotabato. Specifically, it aims:

1. to present a profile of the respondents;

2. to determine the knowledge of the respondents on iodized salt;

3. to establish the prevalence of goiter among respondents; and

4. to describe the respondents health-seeking behavior to prevent occurrences of goiter.

Significance of the Study

This will serve as the basis for the Provincial Health Office of South Cotabato to identify endemic area where the initial launching of the Iodized Salt Program should be implemented.

Methodology

This is a descriptive study focusing on the prevalence of goiter in South Cotabato, including information on the respondents’ profile, knowledge on iodized salt, and health-seeking behavior relative to goiter treatment.

The study was conducted in 11 municipalities (e.g. Polomolok, Tupi, Malapatan, Tampakan, Tantangan, Sto. Nino, Banga, T’boli, Lake Sebu and Surallah) of South Cotabato.

The barangays under each municipality were classified into urban and rural, from which the survey sites were chosen. All the urban barangays were purposively chosen as survey sites while two rural barangays were chosen from each municipality based on the highest number of household population. A total of 800 respondent-households (i.e. 400 rural and 400 urban) were systematically chosen from each barangay.

The household heads served as the respondents of the study. A structured interview schedule, translated in the vernacular, was used in the data collection. Twenty-two barangay health workers (BHWs) were trained for the data  collection. They were supervised by a trained Field Supervisor for a period of 15 days.

Data processing was done manually while data analysis used simple descriptive statistics such as mean, frequency and percentage distribution.

The Research Findings

Incidence of Goiter Among The Respondents

Prevalence of goiter in this study is determined in two ways:

1. This was addressed by asking the trained BHWs  to secure the number of households in the survey sites with cases of goiter. These figures were then divided by the total number of households.

2. Based on the results, a total of 921 (3.3%) out of 27,544 households from the survey sites were reported by the field interviewers as having cases of goiter. The rural survey sites indicated a total of 626 households (68% of 921) with cases of goiter as compared to the 295 (32% of 921) urban households reported by the field interviewers. As a whole, the urban survey sites revealed a prevalence rate of 1.5 while, for the rural survey sites, the prevalence rate was computed at 7.7.

In the urban survey sites, on the one hand, the prevalence rate of goiter ranged from as low as 0.2 (Poblacion, Tampakan) to as high as 6.7 (Poblacion, T’boli). On the other hand, the rural survey sites’ prevalence of goiter ranged from 0.2 (Barangay Kablo, Tupi) to 39 (Barangay Tasiman, Lake Sebu). These figures generally revealed a relatively higher prevalence of goiter in the rural areas than in the urban areas.

The survey sites with prevalence rates equal to or greater than 10 include the following: Tasiman, Lake Sebu (39), Kematu, T’boli (37.2), Moloy, Surallah (21.90, Lampitak, Tampakan (19.2) and Lamfugon, Lake Sebu (16.9).

When the prevalence rate of goiter was computed among the respondents, the findings showed that the urban survey sites revealed a total of 76 households with cases of goiter compared to the 65 households in the rural survey sites.

Among the urban survey sites, except for Sto.Nino (3.2) and Banga: Reyes (6.3), the rest of the poblacion had prevalence rates equal to or higher than 10. Poblacion, Tangtangan revealed a prevalence rate of 40, followed by Tupi (37.1), and Surallah: Libertad (37). It is interesting to note that the field interviewers from T’boli were not able to interview any households with cases of goiter.

Among the urban survey sites, four barangays had less than 10 prevalence rate: Moloy, Surallah (9.1), Kablon, Tupi (3.2), Saravia, Koronadal (9.1), and San Jose, Banga (7.7). Canahay, Surallah pegged the highest prevalence rate (64.7) among the respondents, followed by Lamfugon, Lake Sebu (44.4). The other barangays with prevalence rates equal or higher than 10 were: Desawo, T’boli (23.1), Kematu, T’boli (23.1), Lapuz, Norala (11.1), New Cuyapo, Tantangan (25), Acmonan, Tupi (31), Assumption, Koronadal (26.7), Liwanay, Banga (28.2), Danlay, Tampakan (16.7), and Lampitak, Tampakan (26.7). It is interesting to note that none of the households interviewed in barangays Tasiman, Lake Sebu; San Vicente, Sto Niño; San Jose, Norala; and New Iloilo, Tantangan reported any cases of goiter.

A total of 161 cases of goiter were recorded from the 800 households covered by the survey. The urban areas recorded a total of 89 cases from 76 households (or an average of 1.2 cases per household). The rural areas, on the other hand, indicated a total of 72 cases from a total of 65 households (or an average of 1.1 cases per household).

Among the urban survey sites, Surallah and Liwana, Banga (11 cases each) revealed a relatively higher number of cases of goiter, with Kablon, Tupi the lowest (1 case only).

Health-Seeking Behavior Relative To Goiter Treatment

This section discusses the respondents’ health-seeking behavior relative to goiter treatment. Specifically, it deals with the following topics: number of respondents reporting any of their household members with signs and symptoms of goiter, usual action taken if any household members had signs and symptoms of goiter, medicine used for self-medications, consultation with public health center, and attitude towards public health services.

Only a few of the respondents (17.6% or 141 respondents) have household members with signs and symptoms of goiter. Around 19 percent (18.8%) were from the urban areas while 16.3 percent were from the rural areas. The figures, though appearing small, should cause concern on the part of the health officials. Health-wise, though it is not contagious, necessary attention should be given them. If left unattended, the number of individuals with goiter will most likely increase. This will greatly affect the good health of the individuals concerned.

A total of 161 individuals were reported with signs and symptoms of goiter. Of these 161 individuals, more than half (55.3% or 89 persons) were urban dwellers while 44.7 percent (or 72 persons) were rural dwellers.

Self-medication usually included iodized salt (23.8%) and eating seafoods/ seaweeds (20.6%). Others used wet hot towel, herbal medicine, ointment, iodine, Chinese medicine, Inderal, ginger and coconut oil. It is interesting  to note that 34.9 percent failed to indicate the medicine used when they self-medicate.

The urban-based respondents appeared to use more medicine during self-medication (9 types) than rural-based respondents (8 types).

More than half of the household members with signs ans symptoms of goiter (60.7%) consulted the public health center, while the rest (39.9%) claimed otherwise.

Those who did not consult the public health center, usually visited private doctors (58.2%) or barangay health workers (25.5%). Others consulted the traditional healers, their parents, private nurses/ midwives and their children.

The proximity of residence to the health center has been found by several studies to be a determinant of use of the services of the public health center. The farther the residence of the clients from the health center is, the lower the utilization of the service of the health center compared to those residing nearer the health center. In this study, the respondents’ residences were located at an average of 1273 meters away from the health center. The respondents from the rural areas were  1307 meters away from the health center while those residing in the urban areas indicated an average of 1239 meters away.

When asked about what they have been doing to prevent goiter in their households, the three most mentioned activities included use of iodized salt (43.4%), eating seafoods (28.1%), and eating seashells once a week (12.5%). Similar activities were cited by the urban and rural-based respondents.

Attitude refers to one’s disposition towards an object or a thing. In this study, attitude refers to the respondents’ views about the services of the public health center. This will serve as a gauge to establish the support that the clients tend to have about the services of the public health services.

Generally, the respondents had a favorable attitude towards the health services provided by the public health centers.

Two out of eight attitudinal statements were given by the respondents an unfavorable rating. These statements include “Patients usually go to the public health center because of free medicines” and “The  services from the public health center and private clinic are equally good.” These were given a rating of 3.14 and 2.87, respectively. These show that the respondents were discounting the concept presented in the statements,i.e the respondents disagreed that the clients go to the health center because of free medicines and that the services of the health center are the same quality as those with the private clinics. the urban respondents rated the statement: “The public health center is doing good in treating patients with goiter” as “very favorable” (1.53); the rest of the statements  were rated as  “favorable.” None of the statements were rated by the rural-based respondents as  ” very favorable.” Except for those rated as “unfavorable”, all the statements were rated as “favorable” by the rural based respondents.

Summary of Findings

The respondents were usually female (87.5%), average age of 37 years old, reached high school level of education (45.5%), were employed (94.4%) as farmers (40%), mostly without other sources of income (62.6%), earning an average of P2643 monthly- which is less than half of the poverty threshold of 5581.64 – and had an average of 5.6 household members.

A significant number of the respondents (88.9%) reported knowledge about iodized salt which was usually provided by the barangay health workers (67.5%), radio (62.6%) and midwives (45%). They learned that iodized salt prevents goiter (41.4%) and improves the memory of children (25.6%).

The signs and symptoms of goiter usually recognized by the recognized by the respondents were “enlargement of the neck” (54%) and “tightening of the neck” (16.3%).

Based on the total household population of the survey site, a prevalence rate of 3.3 percent was recorded. A total of 921 out of 27, 544 households from the survey sites were reported as having cases of goiter. The following barangays can be seen as endemic based on the established prevalence rates of 10 percent and over: Tasiman of Lake Sebu (39%), Kematu of T’boli (37.2%), Moloy of Surallah (21%), Lampitak of Tampakan (19.2%), and Lamfugon of Lake Sebu (16.9%).

Based on the number of respondents covered by the study, a prevalence rate of 17.6 was recorded by the 800 respondents. A total of 161 household members from 141 respondents were reported as having signs and symptoms of goiter. Urban areas reported a relatively high number of goiter cases (89 persons from 76 respondents) compared to their rural counterparts  (72 persons from 65 respondents).

The usual action taken by the household members with signs and symptoms of goiter was to self- medicate (31.1%) and consult the health center (26.1%). Self-medication usually included iodized salt (23.8%) and eating seafoods/ seaweeds (20.6%).  Hilots or traditional healers were likewise consulted. Those who do not consult the health center for signs and symptoms of goiter usually visited the private physicians (58.2%) and the barangay health workers (25.5%). The health centers were usually 1273 meters away from their residences.

The respondents used iodized salt (43.4%) and ate seafoods (28.1%) to prevent occurrence of goiter.

The public health services were favorably viewed by the respondents (2.21).

Recommendations

Based on the findings of the study, the following recommendations are proposed:

1. The respondents indicated a favorable attitude towards public health services. This should be sustained and developed further by soliciting all out support from the local officials, given the devolution program, to encourage health workers to go to the barangays by providing the necessary logistical support and the medicines needed by the citizens.

2. As a whole, the prevalence rate of goiter is 17.6 percent among the respondents: 19 percent for urban respondents and 16.3 percent for rural respondents. Health-wise, these figures seem to be alarming and merit the attention of the health authorities; unattended, the adverse effects of goiter to women and children will worsen. As much, the provincial, municipal and barangay level health workers can design indigenous ways of education programs that will prevent occurrence of goiter.

3. Most of the respondents with signs and symptoms of goiter tend to self-medicate. Self-medication exposed clients to unnecessary health risks (Hardon and van der Geest, 1987: 470). Thus, it is suggested that the provincial, municipal and barangay level health workers should determine how and what type of drugs should be made available to the clients. This should likewise encourage physicians to acquire a list of essential drugs to provide effective information. This should be translated tot he vernacular for clients to understand better the effects of their self-medication. This underlies the crucial role of primary health care programmes and consumer groups in the improvement of drug distribution and use. Grass-roots education and explain the hazards of present practices.

4. Those who claimed they did not consult the public health center for signs and symptoms of goiter, usually consulted private physicians and barangay health workers. Barangay health workers are volunteer workers assisting in making “health for all in the year 2000” happen. Their information in diagnosing illnesses is usually based on their experiences. In this regard, a training on diagnosing illnesses, including goiter, should be provided to them. This will not only enhance their knowledge on basic health care but likewise contribute to the prevention of illness in far flung barangays.

5. The usual action taken for signs and symptoms of goiter include both the professional health workers and traditional health workers (i.e. hilots). This shows the tendency of the clients to marry modern and traditional medicine. The use of traditional medicine reveals the level of trust the clients had with the century-old health practices. Thus, the provincial, municipal and barangay level health workers are encouraged to merge the modern and traditional medicine in their delivery of basic health-care services to the grassroots people.

6. The study focused primarily on establishing the number of cases of goiter in the survey sites. However, Dr. Christine Gielbert recognized that the prevalence of goiter can be due to various factors such as dietary intake, water and environmental goitrogens (Gielbert, 1984: 171). It is therefore recommended that the provincial health office of South Cotabato should organize an interdisciplinary research on the factors affecting the prevalence of goiter so that specific cases can be established. This will help the health authorities to outline programmes that will address the causes of goiter.

Sexual Harassment on Campus: Perceptions and Experiences of Students in Selected Schools in Visayas and Mindanao

Introduction

The unnamed should not be taken for the non-existent Siege (1991)

A wolf whistle. A leer . A disconcerting nearness. A seemingly innocent touch on the breast. An invitation for a date from a professor whose subject the coed is in danger of flunking ,worse, an out right proposition for sex from said mentor and the implicit option: Kautro or kuarto?

The term ‘sexual harassment’ has recently emerged to describe a range of unpleasant experience long persisting but without  a name. Women have been molded in a culture of silence where open discussions of sexual harassment is deemed embarrassing and could even raise speculation on one’s integrity and womanhood. Sexual harassment is tied up with lack of awareness of their right and on womens innate nature as “secret sufferers”, “muzzled moaners”, often afraid to speak out (Luciano, 1994).

But the issue cannot be hushed for so long . The women’s movement has urged that this seemingly personal experience of almost every woman needs to be made public so that the politics context and implications can be better understood and more effectively confronted. Discussions on the issue in the mass media revealed how real and pervasive the problem is. First, in the Anita Hill case in the United State and in the local scene, the controversial “kissing Lolo” case at the Commission on Election and, in the academe, the much-talked about cases of Professors Salvador Carlos and Juan Tapales at the state university, U.P. in Diliman.

The Women Studies Association of the Philippines, an association with membership of over 100 schools all over the country, has embarked on a  project entitled “Participatory Research on Sexual Harassment and School-based Feminist Counseling in Selected Schools in Visayas and Mindanao: as part of its efforts towards a gender-fair education in general. Specifically this study which is a major components of the project aims to conduct a systematic investigation on women’s perceptions and experience towards clarifying WSAP’s specific recommendation on the issue.

This is a one-year collaborative project of selected schools affiliated with WSAP Visayas and Mindanao. Overall, the project aims to mobilize the capability of women’s studies programs in their respective member schools.

Essentially, this project involves three major components:

a) WSAP network assemblies and fora to clarify the project at the start and to share findings and recommendations at the end of the project.

b) Participatory action research for a deeper understanding of sexual harassment and other emerging gender issues in the campuses; and

c) Feminist counseling training and services to woman students, faculty and personnel  as an initial support service.

Background of the study

Women’s Studies in the Philippines has grown from a core of nine schools in Metro Manila in 1987 to more than 100 schools all over the country in 1995. Gender sensitivity training (GST), teachers training on integrating gender perspective in curriculum, and module development of materials for teaching gender in eight disciplinal areas of the curriculum have been most helpful project undertaken with DIWATA’s support.

Despite these efforts, most women’s studies advocates and practitioners are a minority, and sometimes a marginalized sector in their respective schools with little or no institutional support. Majority need strengthening and support in terms of being further equipped with feminist perspectives, skills and support services to respond to the gender needs and issues unfolding before them.

In the region, the effort at gender sensitization among the teachers and students uncover deeper gender problems and issue affecting teaching and learning. These include issues of sexual  harassment , teen-age pregnancy among students and other various aspects of gender and sexuality issues especially among female students, faculty and staff in their personal and family relationship, as well as in their work relationship with each other. These issues need urgent response and support from the womens studies programs of these schools.

Sexual harassment is a vaguely defined and understood gender issue, more so as a form of violence against women. Its non-recognition as a violation of women’s rights can be attributed to the lack of gender awareness and sensitivity among most Filipino women, even among the schooled Patriarchal Filipino culture blurs women’s perception of the practices of sexual harassment.

The lack of clear definition and public policies on sexual harassment is indicative of the grave lack of understanding and action on this issue. There is therefore a need for a systematic investigation on women’s perceptions and experiences on sexual harassment towards clarifying WSAP’s specific recommendations on the issue. Initial research efforts have been undertaken by the University of the Philippines in Quezon City. A regional view is important in having a more representative picture of the problem.

While this research was being undertaken, support services had to be simultaneously organized. There have been reported school-based cases of sexual harassment and gender-based issues among students and faculty requiring feminist counseling intervention and related services. Such support services are important components of a gender-responsive women’s studies programs.

Objectives of the Study

This study aimed to probe deeper into the issue of sexual harassment in the campus both as a concept and a reality and recommend ways of addressing the issue. Thus, in general, it investigated the perceptions and experiences of sexual harassment and other gender issues affecting students in selected Visayas and Mindanao schools for a more representative view of the issue and to evolve a more comprehensive response to it. Specifically, it sought to attain the following objectives:

1. To surface the incidence and forms of sexual harassment experienced by students in selected Visayas and Mindanao schools.
2. To elicit suggestions to guide formulations of policy recommendations and corrective mechanisms to address the problem of sexual harassment in the academe.

Scope and Limitations

Five schools in the tertiary levels in Visayas and Mindanao participated in the study. These WSAP member-schools are UP-Visayas in Iloilo, West Visayas State University (WVSU) and Siliman University, Dumaguete City in the Visayas and Ateneo de Davao and Western Mindanao State University (WMSU) in Zamboanga City for Mindanao. UP Visayas, WVSU and WMSU are state run educational institutions while Siliman University and Ateneo de Davao are private secular schools.

The study was conducted from August 1994 to July 1995.

Research Methodology

This research consciously employed feminist participatory research method. The nature of the problem lent itself more appropriately to qualitative method which requires probing discussions of experiences, of feelings and thoughts. Sexual harassment is an issue not openly discussed in public. Most often, victims are reluctant to reveal their ordeal, nor name their harassers so a study on this subject matter need to be preceded by preparatory activities. More than just a study to gather empirical data on the issue of sexual harassment in the campus, this research sought to foster awareness and raise consciousness of the members of the academic community regarding this problem. Thus,several parallel activities were undertaken prior and after actual data gathering by survey.

At the UP-Visayas, two fora were held, one in UP-Miag-ao and another in UP-Iloilo Campus in November 29, 1994. These were co-sponsored by the UPV Women’s Desk and the Scintilla Juris Fraternity, a student organization. Classroom orientations on the subject were conducted at the Siliman University. Twenty classes were covered.

At the WVSU, a forum was held on the subject supplemented by discussion groups and classroom discussions.

A forum entitled “Speak Out, Speak Up” was sponsored by the Communication Arts students of Ateneo de Davao. Likewise, a symposium on Sexual Harassment was sponsored by the sociology class. In both fora, students from other colleges/department attended.

At the WMSU meanwhile, four fora were held in February, 1995. With the joint sponsorship of WSAP Mindanao and the Office of Student Affairs, the fora drew in a total of 445 participants from six colleges of WMSU.

Posters on sexual harassment were posted all over the campus of said schools during the period of study to help raise awareness of the issue and to elicit interest on the public fora being held.

More in-depth discussions and exchange of ideas were made possible with the conduct of focused group discussion (FGDs) in all the aforementioned pilot schools.

Several students who experienced sexual harassment narrated their ordeal and sought counseling. Some of these critical incidents are appended in the study as illustrative examples although for reasons of ethics and confidentiality, their names and those of harassers have been disguised.

Researchers made use of a survey questionnaire patterned after the Diliman Study on Sexual Harassment, 1994 and used with the permission from Prof. Rosalinda Pineda Ofreneo to solicit the information required for the study. Minor changes have been made by the researchers to suit the particular needs/circumstances of their respective schools.

Purposive sampling was used in all researches conducted in participating schools. The usual procedure followed was after the forum, students were invited to participate in the survey and only those who volunteered to answer were included. Participants to the FGD were taken from those who responded positively to the question as their willingness to join such discussion.

While only students were taken as respondents in the survey, the FGDs conducted drew more representative samples from the academic community and were composed of students, faculty members (both males and females) and administrators.

Research Findings

Ginhimuslan!

Natsansingan!

By whatever term it is called, sexual harassment is very much evident or a reality in many women’s lives. A number of women have complained of disconcerting experiences which affront their dignity as a person. Until recently. such experiences are not discussed at all or if ever, only talked about in hushed whispers. Victims dare not speak about it in bewilderment, much less complain or name their attackers.

As defined, “unwanted sexual advances, requests for sexual favors, and other verbal, non-verbal or physical conduct of sexual nature constitute harassment when (1) submission to such conduct is made either explicitly or implicitly a term or condition of an individual’s employment or academic advancement; (2) submission or rejection of such conduct by an individual is used as a basis for employment or academic decisions; (3) conduct interferes with individual work or academic performance or creates an intimidating, hostile or offensive environment. (U.P. Diliman Questionnaire on Sexual Harassment, 1994).

Any sexual behavior or act that is unwanted or uncalled for, short of grave physical assault such as rape is sexual harassment. It makes the victim feel “uncomfortable, embarrassed, compromised or ill at ease.” Most of the time, the harasser is a male or a group of males, or in the workplace, somebody in a position of authority, or in the school campus, usually a professor or a fellow student. (UCWS Primer on Sexual Harassment, 1994).

As classified, there are two broad types and forms of sexual harassment. These are:

a. Sexual coercion – an act which has direct consequence to the workers’ employment status, of gain or loss of job benefits, as when a supervisor using his power  over matters such as salary promotion, training and promotion itself attempts to cause a subordinate to grant sexual favors.

b. Sexual annoyance – an act which has no direct relation to job benefits or harm but creates a hostile, intimidating and bothersome work environment.

(Bureau of Women and Young Workers Flyer, 1992)

In the academe, sexual, coercion is directly related to granting or withholding of academic action (e.g. passing grades, scholarship) in exchange for sexual favors, usually by a professor or teacher to a student.

Sexual annoyance meanwhile does not involve such a quid pro quo situation but nevertheless makes the academe an unhealthy climate for educational pursuit. Vexations made by students against fellow students is an example of sexual annoyance.

This issue of sexual harassment is basically about power relations and not about sex. It is, in a strict sense, a form of misuse of power or authority over another, using sexuality as a means to achieve it.

Sexual harassment is the abuse of the social and economic power that hold over women. “When men use their power to treat women sexually in a non-sexual context, they interfere with women’s right to work, to learn, to walk on the street without fear and to be treated as equal and respected participants in public life. Like other kinds of women abuse, sexual harassment both reflects and reinforce women’s unequal position in our society. (University of Toronto, 1993).

Analyses of incidents of sexual harassment indicate that it is one way by which the harasser shows his power or dominance over the harassed person. Because of the manner by which society defines the role of the women and men, the majority of the victims are women while the majority of the harassers are men. Boys are trained to be strong, to initiate action, to be aggressive, dominating and controlling relationships. On the other hand, girls are taught to be obedient, docile and attentive to the needs of men. Society expects them to continue this passive attitude and dependent stance up to adulthood.

A teacher-student relationship has essentially all the trappings of power or authority relations. Thus, female students fall prey to the sexual harassment committed by the male professors who use their position of authority to force students to submit to these advances and to stay quiet for fear of repercussions in their academic standing. This abuse of power structure can range from seemingly innocent brushing of bodies, to sexually suggestive remarks, to blatant negotiations for sexual favors in exchange for grades or promotion.

Victims of sexual harassment, who are mostly women, are most often hesitant to pursue any action against the harasser. Shame, guilt or fear of losing job, or not getting a promotion or in the case of students, failing a course, are basically clear indications of power play or imbalance in the power structure.

This reluctance or refusal to confront the sexual harassment incident has grave psychological and socio-economic costs. Victims are often swamped with feelings of shame, anger and humiliation. Many feel afraid, helpless and alone, even guilty as they struggle to be from the unpleasant experience. Among students there could be a loss of self-confidence. Their intellectual development can be badly affected as they suffer from confusion, doubts and distrust in the teacher concerned. (UCWS Primer)

Since most schools do not have clear policies on sexual harassment, many victims are in the dark on how best to bring up the issue. Some manage to move to another institution while others keep quiet. This does not at all solve the problem and even encourages the perpetrators to continue their behavior.

Incidence of Harassment

Knowing the nature of phenomenon, it is difficult to ascertain the extent and degree of sexual harassment incidents even in the campuses under study.

However, figures cited are indicative of the gravity of the problem. Of the 574 students in the five schools who responded to the survey, 317 or 55.23% professed to have experienced sexual harassment on campus. As explained in the methodology, the study utilized purposive sampling. Only students who participated in the fora held and who were willing to respond to the questionnaire were sampled. Understandably, most of the respondents have “a story to tell.” However, this does not alter the fact established that the danger of sexual harassment lurks in school campuses and that this has been experienced by many students in varying forms and guises as will be discussed in the following pages.

Range of Experiences

The most common forms of sexual harassment experienced by the students in the order reported are:

1. Leering, peeping, whistling, following or making sexually suggestive gestures
2. Unwanted physical contact (e.g. unnecessary touching, patting, pinching, squeezing, grabbing, placing hand or arm over one’s shoulder, brushing against one’s body)
3. Suggestive remarks, innuendos or lewd comments and jokes, graphic commentaries on one’s body
4. Offensive flirtations
5. Display of pornographic pictures

Not as prevalent but cited just the same are the following forms of harassment list in descending order of incidence reported.
1. Unwelcome sexual advances (kissing, embracing, touching private parts, invading one’s “space” by leering over or cornering …)
2. Propositions or pressures for sexual activity, usually accompanied by a promise or threat
3. Continued suggestions for social activity outside the school after it has been made clear such suggestions are unwelcome
4. Display of private parts (exhibitionism)
5. Outright sexual assault, molestation, rape

These situations not only happen between men as harassers and women, mostly, but also men as victims, whether between peer groups or between persons of authority and persons, especially women, in lower position of authority.

Unlike an ordinary stare, there are malicious stare (panulok nga may malisya) which makes the object of staring feel uncomfortable or uneasy (panulok nga nagalapos o ,inaubahan ang babaye), or which threatens to strike a person down like a snake (daw matukob nga panulok). Some male students however in one FGD complained, “ta mira lang gane“, perplexed that just a look could cause discomfiture. In graphic Chavacano, a female respondent complained of boys who stare hard at her, ” daw pwede ya makaprinyada“, (as if enough to make one pregnant).

Verbal remarks with sexual innuendos: Students report these situations to happen even inside the classrooms, between students and teachers, in informal bantering as well as academic discussions. The sexual innuendo is described as ‘palabtik nga may malisya‘ or ‘hutik nga may malisya‘ or simply kabastusan. Vulgar tirades are usually directed at the students. Reported were such verbal repartees as:

A point blank question of “Are you still a virgin?” asked by a male teacher to a coed.

Non-sensical questions asked by a male teacher in his social science class, “Is there politics in the vagina?”; “What is the relation of penis to power?”

Items in a history exam: “Did Spanish colonization permit masturbation and communal bathing practices?”

Remarks after hearing an unsatisfactory recitation of a male student; “If you are not good inside, you must be good outside in other things” (sexual connotation).

“How long do you come up?” Asked the male teacher to a male freshman. The student replied ” Twenty minutes from the dorm to the CAS building”. Teacher’s retort, “Gago! How long do you ejaculate?”

Male teacher to coed: “Kanami magdala sang bayo; kanami sang buli“. (You carry your dress well; you have nice buttocks).

A male teacher assigned his male students to individually report to class the measurement of their penis.

Some faculty members force their students to utter words on sex even if they are not comfortable saying them. Some teachers discuss sex even if it is not within the context of subject matter.

In humanities classes, art works displaying female nudes are exhibited and discussed. Male classmates give unpleasant remarks on female anatomy and jeer at their female classmates during these sessions.

In a swimming class, a male P.E. teacher embarrasses a flat-chested female student in bathing suit with a remark: “How come your front looks like an ironing board?”

On the first meeting of a class, a male professor was introducing his subject, presenting expectations and class requirement. To illustrate a point, he asked a student, “Do you know what masturbation is? Can you show it to the class?”

The word ,coined from “chance” describes a range of behavior more vexing than “making a pass”. It includes apparently innocent brushes or touch through the objects of such action could feel an unmistakable sexual overtone.

Examples are:

In a P.E. swimming class, the male instructor touches students in unlikely parts such as the buttocks.

A male teacher in a computer class forcibly kissed female students and touched their private parts while ‘looking over’ their computer work.

Freshmen students are made to line up in the nude during their physical examination.

A male faculty member “read” a female student’s palm and coaxed her, “Say I love you kon kabalo ka man mag love sang pareho mo.; Hambala bi…” (Say I love you if you really know how to love others. Try saying it). When the student obeyed saying, “Sir, I love you”, he tried to kiss her.

A female security guard posted at the university entrance gate touches female students’ private parts in the guise of frisking. She does this selectively to pretty students.

Profile of Harassers

Based on the survey, majority of harassers are related to the victims either as classmates, schoolmates, friends boyfriends, board mates or suitors/date. A significant number of reported cases fall in the category of sexual annoyance such as:

A group of male students make catcalls or wolf whistles and publicly rate each passing coed with such remarks as: “Wow legs! Pare, boobs! Ay pangit!

Intentional pushing/shoving to touch breast, legs or buttocks of female classmates.

Passing around nude pictures as in ‘Playboy’ magazine.

Gays are often subject of ridiculing remarks and obscene jeers.

Female students changing to P.E. uniform are the subject of “pamboboso” or peeping.

Interestingly, male students profess uncertainty and confusion on the issue of sexual harassment. Among questions/remarks expressed during the forum and FGDs were:

We live in a democratic country. Whistling is just a way of expressing our admiration for girls. Don’t they like to be appreciated?

Sometimes, girls just pretend that they do not like to be looked at, or touched, or kissed. Actually, they like it, “hele-hele bago quirre!”

The definition of sexual harassment is not clear. How do we validate a girl’s allegation that she has been harassed? She may complain of sexual harassment when actually, she was just tapped on the shoulder and she did not like it. She may think it is malicious but the doer of the act has no such intention . So, this is my question :” How can a boy know that he has committed sexual harassment ?”

The above comments and questions express the male students apparent bewilderment on the issue of sexual harassment. Assuming their genuine befuddlement, there is a clear need to focus on gender relations among classmates/schoolmates. Male students disclaim that they do not have the intention to harass their schoolmates in doing such acts as whistling or telling green jokes but were quite so used to doing it not thinking of consequent hurt or vexations on the part of the victims . Cases which involve both students, persons of seemingly similar status illustrate how gender  itself plays a power element in peer relationship. Male teachers oppress their female colleagues on the basis of the latter’s looks and on the account of their being female.

The study also unearthed a number of cases wherein the identified harassers are the boyfriend/dates of the victims, like facing forcing their girlfriends/dates to yield  to kisses, embraces, or submit to such acts as necking, petting and even intercourse.

Of course, there were reported cases of sexual harassment – both sexual coercion and annoyance -perpetuated mostly by male faculty with such acts ranging from relatively mild sexist jokes in the classroom to outright sexual proposition or assault.

Shielded by their anonymity in answering the questionnaire, a number of students reported of cases of sexual harassment by teachers. But generally , students are hesitant in sharing their experience and in naming their harassers. During the fora, they are keen to inquire on the “guarantees” they will get against retaliatory action by their harassers should they decide to come out and file a complaint after the forum, a few dared to identify their harassers confidentially with the schools guidance counsellor.

The study conducted in five pilot schools indicated the identified male faculty harassers seems to be just a handful but their behavior affects a significant number of students Their presence disturb the learning environment in the campus and cause untold difficulties for many people. Some drop out or change classes after experiencing  harassment but generally, students suffer in silence or just avoid the teachers presence or circumstances where they would be alone with said teachers.

The Victims

The victims of harassment are mostly female students though there are reported cases of young male undergraduate students victimized by gay teachers. Several female faculty members likewise experienced harassment from their male colleagues.

One incident with a female university faculty as harasser was mentioned. This was the case of a single, middle-aged female teachers who was reported to harass a male college freshman with effeminate ways, perhaps a case of homophobia expressed through hostile behavior towards a gay student.

The incident happened at a forum where the professor served as one of the resource persons. She delved into homosexuality which was completely out of topic in the discussion. She approached a male student sitting infront and asked him to say something on the microphone. But the boy just bowed his head and kept quiet. To the persistent coaxing of the teacher, the boy asked, “Ma’am, what will I say?” She laughed and sashaying in front of the audience remarked, “See, that’s how these homosexuals are!”

Among colleagues of similar status, acts of harassment often take the disguise of jokes or “witty” remarks. Others complained of patronizing or condescending comments. Some illustrative examples are :

Over lunch, a male faculty member commented to a female colleague who was recently appointed to a high position: “Perhaps, you were chosen because you have nice legs!”

A recently widowed female faculty member came up to the faculty room nicely dressed, coiffed and made-up. A male colleague cattily remarked, “Uy, nagpapaganda ang biyuda. Available na uli!

Often, objects of such insensitive remarks and merciless remarks and teasing are unmarried female faculty members or graduate students labelled sexistly as “spinsters”, or even nuns or lay persons with religious vows. One reported repartee went this way:

In a graduate class the male faculty member was discussing the term “atrophy”. After defining the term, he illustrated that parts of the body may atrophy after a long period of disuse. Then, turning’ to a nun, he asked, “What part of your body has atrophied?”

Circumstances: Places and Witnesses

Consistent with the most frequent types of sexual harassment experienced {i.e (1) leering, peeping, whistling… (2) unwanted physical contacts (3) suggestive remarks (4) offensive flirtations and (5) display of pornographic pictures}, most reported incidents occurred in the presence of schoolmates or friends. The more vicious forms of vexations understandably occur when no other person was present, except the victim and the harasser.

Indicative of the total lack of understanding and appreciation of the gravity of the offense is the fact that such incidences happen everywhere in campus in full view of other people, specially in public places as enclosed courts, classrooms, social halls, in corridors or covered walks, in the schools’ parking lots and in other places where outside school activities are held. These places have been identified in the five schools surveyed to be places where various forms of sexual harassment occur.

The covered court for instance, where school activities are usually held provide venue and opportunity for “chancing” or apparently unintentional body contacts. The crowd and the dim lights during such activities provide anonymity and convenience for harassers.

Among reported cases of sexual harassment perpetrated by male faculty members, the more serious offenses of unwelcome sexual advances , offensive flirtations and propositions or pressure for sexual activity occur in the faculty lounge, consultation rooms and other relatively isolated or private rooms.

In one FGD held, it was revealed that sexual harassment can and do occur in the consultation room which is a big area with half-length cubicles where only heads and feet of persons inside may be seen. In faculty rooms, meanwhile, normally off-limits to students, coeds who are allowed inside may be subjected to sexual harassment in the form of sexual innuendos or outright propositions when they inquire about their grades or report for an assignment.

In one school, a female student who requested for a make-up exam as she failed to get the mid-term was told to get such exam at 5:00 in the morning in the faculty room. Though perplexed by this schedule, she nevertheless complied. While taking the test, she felt the hands of her teacher holding her hand, ostensibly guiding her in writing the answer. Then, he started embracing her. The girl shouted for help. Luckily, a security guard was nearby.

The Victims’ Feelings and Reactions

Queried about how they felt at the same time of harassment, most reported mixed feelings of frustration, anger, fear and shame dominated by a sense of helplessness. Other reported feelings are coldness and rigidity, “dirtied/ violated”, and “slightly uncomfortable”. Not a few however remarked that they did not feel anything or “thought it was normal”. In a few cases, several respondents (3 females and 12 males) said they actually enjoyed the experience. On the extreme, some expressed revenge in mind.

Most common reaction to harassment at the time of occurrence is “doing nothing” or “walking away”. There were isolated incidents of several victims resisting “with physical force” as in WMSU where one wrote the response “I punched him in the eye”. Other reported reactions are “looking with tiger eyes” and “laughed along with them.”

Still, majority of the victims did not have the courage to tell the harasser to stop, much more retaliate with physical force implying  that there is a need for students to be more aware of their rights and assert that such rights be respected.

Effects on Victims

It is apparent that the immediate psycho-social costs are the humiliation, the loss of self-esteem and confusion on the part of the victims. The academic performance of those who experienced harassment specially from their teachers is most often, adversely affected.

In Siliman University, to illustrate, the following effects on victims are reported: psychological impact like stress, frustration, strong feeling for revenge, physical ailments such as stomach aches, headaches, nausea, involuntary muscular spasm, insomnia and hypertension and psychological depression as despair. Clearly, the tolls of harassment are not only psychological but physical, economic too, as some students drop out the course/s or quit studying altogether or
transfer to other schools to avoid harassment.

Most respondents who have suffered from various forms of sexual harassment believe that the lack of information/ knowledge/ consciousness of sexual harassment on campus and the lack of clear policies/rules/ procedures on the matter, the influence of alcohol and drugs and unequal gender relation in that order are the factors largely relevant to being sexually harassed.

Other reasons cited in descending order are: the harasser’s position in power and authority over the victim, opportunities provided by time, place and isolation and “uncontrolled urges”. Likewise cited are societal values, prevailing attitude of males towards female and “our (females). acceptance that such acts are just natural/ normal, palibhasa lalaki.

Power relations as a factor in sexual harassment is clearer to the victims than to the harasser. Female students are aware that it is their position of weakness, their inability to fight back or simple refusal to take retaliatory action due to shame or guilt, that encourage the harasser to persist in his behavior. In one FGD, the girls said that it is “makaulaw” (shameful) to complain and thus, call attention to the incidence.

In the FGDs conducted, other factors cited related to being, sexually harassed are “physical appearance/ wearing of sexy or provocative clothes” and “coming home late at night”. Male FGD participants rationalized that wearing sexy clothes and coming home late at night are “come hither” actions.

Societal values, were likewise cited as contributory to sexual harassment incidences. As explained in one FGD, the prevailing culture of machismo and the differing socialization process for boys and girls shape the roles assigned to them. The cultivation of a macho image- a dominant, aggressive and powerful behavior for the males and the “feminine ideal” of being beautiful, submissive, pliant and weak- the “brave knight out to save a damsel in distress”- is continuously being fostered by the media.

Victims of harassment either keep quiet about the incidence or confide mostly to a friend. Very rarely do they report to their teacher, the administrators, or even their parents. In Siliman, only 3.3% of the cases were reported to authorities while at the WMSU, it was noted that none of the respondents who experienced harassment reported to the school counsellor or the Office of the Dean of Student Affairs which has jurisdiction over problems on student discipline.

In the critical incident report cited in this study (The case of Susan), it was the father of the victim who reported the incident to the DSA. In two cases, complaint was made directly to the police.

The victims who confided to a friend/friends said they did so to help others become aware of this problem, warn them to be more cautious and likewise, to “ease the shame and pain”. They find it more comfortable to share with peers, rather than with their parents. More often, such sharings of confidences yield commonality of experience. At times, the identified harasser is likewise the same person who menaced the friend to whom the victim is confiding!

Teachers are not considered worthy confidants in sexual harassment cases. In a cited case, one who reported an incidence to the teacher was just advised to avoid the classmate pestering her.

Aside from confiding to peers, majority choose not to complain, lest of all, officially to school authorities. The victims did not report for the following reasons: avoidance of scandal, too much hassle, lack of set of procedures for handling such cases, shame/embarrassment, fear of reprisal/ not being believed and even pity/concern for the harasser whose career may be ruined. A few remarked “its not serious enough”. One said, “I did not know I was already being harassed”.

In general, the respondents who experienced harassment are still able to contain their feelings about their experiences and accept them as part of life. Some do not even see themselves as victims. Still some realize belatedly that indeed, they have been unduly taken advantage of.

Knowledge of other Victims of Sexual Harassment

In the Siliman study, 50.8% of the respondents averred that they know of schoolmates who have been victims of sexual harassment in campus. At the WMSU, 23.5% of the respondents claimed that they know of others who have been harassed in campus. Compared to forms of harassment personally experienced by the respondents, the reported cases heard or they personally know about are more serious -physical, rather than verbal or visual, unwanted physical contacts, unwelcome sexual advances, proposition or pressures for sexual activity, display of private part (exhibitionism), even outright sexual assaults, molestations and rape. Such allegations must be probed deeper as the study may not have sufficiently uncovered the seriousness of the situation. In this regard however, researchers express this reservation: The traditional scholar may insist on empirical proofs, on figures and statistics, even statistical tests to substantiate assertions made in this research. However, how can the intensity of a phenomenon like sexual harassment in campus, long ignored and swept in the rugs though acknowledged to exist, be described or measured? One or one hundred is immaterial. One student harassed is one too many.

As in those cases directly experienced, cases which respondents only heard or have personal knowledge of having female students as victims and are largely unreported to authorities.

Whether sexual harassment is considered a problem in their school

To this question, Siliman respondents were unanimous (100%) in the affirmative answer. At WMSU, plurality (40.5%) considered it so while 32.7% said no or “not yet”; 25.5% are undecided. While no such direct question was asked of respondents in other schools under the study, it can be gleaned from the discussion that sexual harassment in campus needs to be addressed with more concrete actions and definitive policies.

Most answer given to this question in the questionnaire as well as in FGDs were the actions recommended by the panelist or resource persons in the fora held: “tell harasser directly that you do not like what he/she is doing; seek advice, counselling and support and report the incident and file a complaint with proper authorities.”

Sexual Harassment Experienced Outside the Campus

While the research focused on sexual harassment on campus, efforts were likewise made to gather data on such vexations outside the school. Violence is endemic in the life of the woman. Woman’s life is always accompanied by some forms of violence, physical, sexual, or mental and verbal abuse, sexual harassment, wife battering and rape (Luciano, 1994). This observation is validated in the data gathered in the five schools under study.

To the question, of “have you been sexually harassed outside the school?”, 30.7% of 140 respondents in WMSU answered affirmatively; majority in WVSU and 46.4% at the Ateneo de Davao likewise responded “yes” to the question. While no figures are cited at the Ateneo de Davao and UP-V studies, it can be gleaned from discussions that sexual harassment outside the school are very evident.

The streets, jeepneys, movie houses, boarding houses, discos,beach resorts and other public places are not safe for women where they are subjected to such indignities as leering, wolf whistling, being touched at breast, legs and buttocks and become objects of voyeurs and exhibitionists.

What is disturbing are some reports of serious cases of molestations such as “being molested by stepfather”, “boyfriend persisted in petting despite my objections”, “co-boarder propositioned for sex” and “doctor conducted internal genital examination without gloves”.

These incidents mirror the gender imbalance and persecution suffered by women in larger society. The school should address these issues not only those cases happening in school. Victims of sexual harassment inside or outside the campus must be helped.

In all the pilot schools studied, researchers claimed that existing administrative mechanisms or bodies, policies, rules and regulations do not adequately address the problem of sexual harassment. This is apparent from the response given that the leading factor perceived to be related to the incidents is lack of clear policies, rules or procedures on the matter.

Illustrative of the schools’ response to sexual harassment cases are the following critical incident reports:

The Case of Susan

(Account of this incidence is based on the interview with the father of Susan who is a faculty member of school X. To protect the identity of some persons, assumed names. have been used in the narration.)

Susan, a student of the College of Education usually takes her lunch with her father in the latter’s room. On that particular day in October 1994 at about 12:00 noon, she was walking with a friend to join her father for lunch when she passed by a group of male students. One of these students called out to her “Hoy, pangit! Pangit!” while the others laughed. Susan confronted the group and said, “Why, did I ever say that I’m pretty?” But as she turned to walk away, the same student again shouted at her “Pangit!” Angered,

Susan again confronted the group focusing on the boy who persisted in taunting her. But as she was protesting his catcalls, he slapped her hard on the face. This was in full view of many students.

Crying, Susan ran to her father’s room and reported what happened. Her father Prof. Veracruz, wasted no time. He hurriedly went to the Security Unit and asked the security guards to accost the student who slapped her daughter.

Two security guards accompanied him. On their way, they were met by the same male student who appeared unrepentant, even arrogant. To Prof. Veracruz’ surprise, the two security guards did not make any attempt to get the boy but just talked with him. After a brief exchange of words, the boy walked away but even left some threatening words.

Prof. Veracruz then brought Susan to the University’s Medical Officer. By this time, her cheeks had swollen and turned reddish. After explaining what happened, Prof. Veracruz requested Dr. Pablo to issue a medical certificate. However, the Doctor refused saying the girl should be brought to the medico-legal officer. No amount of explanation from Prof. Veracruz could make Dr. Pablo change his mind.

After taking their delayed lunch, Prof. Veracruz brought Susan to another doctor. But at 3:00 PM, the swelling in her cheeks has subsided and except for a slight reddening, no trace of injury was noted in her medical certificate. Prof. Veracruz then filed a complaint to the Police Station. Upon inquiry, it was found out that the harasser was a student from Jolo, who was a returning student after having stopped for two years from the College of Nursing.

In the school, the case of Susan was brought before the Dean of Student Affairs.The Dean, Mr. Rivera called on the students involved in the case and their parents, the Deans of the College of Education and Nursing and the witnesses.

The harasser was accompanied by his aunt. Prof. Veracruz noted how the OIC of the College of Nursing tried to shift the blame on his daughter. “Kasi siguro mataray ka, e napahiya si X“.

After several hearings, the boy was meted one week suspension. Prof. Veracruz protested this citing that in the University Student Handbook, among the offenses punishable by one-year suspension is “4. Lifting a hand on a fellow student or hitting him with anything that hurts.” He filed a request to the University President to reconsider the decision. In the meantime, the criminal case of slander by deed was filed by a Fiscal.

As the accused refused to answer the summons nor appear at the preliminary hearings, a warrant of arrest was issued to him.

Susan Veracruz’ case remains unresolved to date. The boy did not enroll in the second semester of 1994-95. But as gathered, even before the slapping incident, the boy’s performance in class had been very poor and his dropping out could not solely be attributed to the incident.

The Case of the “Chancing” Computer Teacher

This is a case of sexual harassment filed by a female undergraduate student (Student A) against a male teacher (Mr. X) in the College of Management.

A is a student who had to work on some course paper she needed to submit that day. Mr. X, a computer teacher, offered in a fatherly tone to assist her. When they were in a computer room, Mr. X locked the room, and opened the locker by the door to block people entering. The conversation ran this way.

Mr. X: “B…, kiss ko.” (I’ll get my kiss.)
Student A: “Indi ko, sir! Indi ko sir!” (No sir! No sir)
Mr. X: “Ngaa Indi ka haw? Baho ako haw sigarilyo?”
(Why don’t you like it? Do I smell of cigarette?)
He then kissed her on the mouth . . . Somebody knocked.
Mr. X: “Sige na lang, stay as sweet as you are to your boyfriend.”

Student A told her boyfriend, a co-student, who encouraged her to file a complaint with the school authorities. They eventually told classmates who gave them moral support. In response, the College Student Council pushed for the ouster of the harassing faculty from the school.

Some faculty members helped student A when she reported the incident. During the faculty deliberation, some faculty members were surprised at the complaint considering that the harasser, a male colleague, seems an unlikely harasser. He seems to be very pleasant and friendly person, solicitous to assist others and conscientious with his work. They expressed disbelief that this harassment act happened. It seemed unlikely because he seems happily married, has two teen-age daughters also enrolled in the university high school department, and is himself, a high school Parents-Teachers Association officer.

Further investigation was done on the erring faculty. Three more female students came forward with same complaint against Mr. X. He either made gestures of trying to kiss the students and touched their breasts from their back when they were working on the computer in his class. He also asked them to come to his house to check papers. It was further found out that he was dismissed from his former school of employment for similar offense. However, there was no formal complaint on his previous offenses hence these were not known to the university until this reported incident.

The case was hushed up although rumors circulated. The college faculty did not want a scandal in their college. They also considered the possible effects on the harasser’s daughters who are also high school students in the same campus. Instead of filing administrative charges, they simply reprimanded him and did not renew his employment contract.

Members of the university Women’s Desk reached out to the student and offered their support. The student informed the Women’s Desk members that her father wanted her to graduate first before they file charges against the suspect. Besides, the faculty member concerned had already been dismissed and they felt that the dismissal was enough sanction on the faculty member. The Women’s Desk did not act any further on the case except note it down for documentation purposes.

The Case of Professor Chick Boy

Cristina (not her real name) is a senior college student, about 5’2 in height, and approximately 102 lbs. in weight. Fair complexioned and with charming facial features, Cristina is a typical, soft spoken college student.

During the first semester of school year 1992-93, Cristina took a Philosophy course under Professor X. Although Cristina attended her class regularly, her performance was below average. Towards the end of the semester, Professor X, who is male and married, announced to the class about the possibility of increasing low marks by submitting extra requirements.

All the while, Cristina knew as well as her other classmates, about the characteristics of this professor, his antics and techniques, that earned him the title of “Chick Boy.

After a class meeting, Prof. X told Cristina to stay behind which she did. According to Cristina, she then started to be anxious, she anticipated something may happen to her.

The Professor informed her of her poor marks and encouraged her to improve her grade. She was instructed to go to his office after class hours to get the assignment, but was asked not to bring a companion. Knowing the “chick boy” background of the professor , Cristina brought her boyfriend to accompany her. However, the professor did not give the assignment but instead told her to come at another time. In the next class meeting, the professor confronted Cristina by saying, “Why did you bring somebody with you?” Cristina’s fear became more defined when he set another appointment with her. This time, the professor made it clear that she was not to bring a companion.

Cristina must be in dire need of that grade to risk herself. However, this time, she surreptitiously brought along a female friend. Cristina asked her friend to wait for her outside the professor’s office – some five to six meters away from the door.

The professor asked her to come in, ordered her to sit down and locked his office door. Professor X didn’t go back to his chair, (behind the desk) but instead sat infront her “Are you prepared to take the exams?” He extended his right hand towards the pocket of her shirt and said “What’s inside your pocket?” But his hand was directed towards her breasts. She then started to tremble. “Are you nervous?”, he continued to ask, but this time he gave her a “pinch in the cheek”. So Cristina gave an alibi, “Yes sir, I have a cold and I’m not yet ready.”

He must have noticed that Cristina was really scared. He asked her to come back for the exam after several days and led her towards the door. There, lie touched Cristina’s face and embraced her.

“I pushed him back,” Cristina said, “opened the door and left the room.” Hurriedly, she ran towards her companion and walked out of the building, crying. Her friend asked her some questions but she didn’t answer her immediately. She vowed never to go back to that office, resigned to receive whatever grade she may obtain from Professor X.

Cristina shared this incident with her other close friends. Like many other students, she didn’t report the incident to the University authorities. However, the Department Chair learned of it later and encouraged her to make a complaint with the College Dean against Prof. X’s abusive conduct, explaining that she should do it for the sake of other “would be victims.”

The Dean of the College of Arts and Sciences created a fact-finding committee. After a series of investigations, the Committee found that there was an abusive conduct on the part of the professor, that the incident really happened, and that the mere denial of the professor in the light of the student’s affidavit cannot be accepted. The Committee recommended that the professor resign as Department Head and be suspended for one year from the university . The University administration affirmed the Committee’s recommendations.

The next school year, Cristina is enjoying her internship program while professor X is “on leave.”

Implications of Study Findings

1. Sexual harassment is very much evident and a reality in the academe, affecting mostly female students though female faculty members and male students are not exempt.
2. A significant number of reported form of sexual harassment in campus fall in the category of sexual annoyance and are relatively “milder” like “leering, peeping, whistling”, “unwanted physical contact” and suggestive remarks, innuendos or lewd comments and jokes, graphic commentaries on one’s body.

This finding implies that power relationships do not strictly come into consideration in these cases, students being at par with other students. There is a need to focus on gender relations between the sexes. That several students reported that incidences like “whistling, leering, sexist jokes,” are “normal” and that they just felt slightly uncomfortable , even “laughed with them” or have accepted these as a way of life imply that they have not yet been sensitized to gender issues and in a way participated in their own victimization.

3. The more offensive and vicious forms of sexual harassment specially those falling under the category of sexual coercion are relatively less prevalent but are nevertheless reported to occur with some disturbing regularity. More cases under this type are reported as “heard” or not personally experienced by the respondents themselves.

4. Sexual harassment takes a great psycho-social toll on the victims; manifestations include psychological impact like stress, anxiety, fear, anger and depression and physical ailments such as stomach aches, headaches, nausea and spasm. This implies a need for proper management of victims. Counselling and other support system to victims of sexual harassment inside or outside the campus should be accessible.

5. It is very rare that students who experienced sexual harassment report the case or incidence to authorities like the classroom adviser or counsellor. Victims prefer to confide to their friends or peer groups. This implies that guidance counsellors should strengthen peer counselling program and provide peer counselling training to include skills in advising friends who are victims of sexual harassment.

6. The study established that existing policies, rules and regulations governing student discipline do not adequately address the problem of sexual harassment in campus and that there is inadequate/ineffective mechanisms to prevent said acts and penalize offenders. This situation is deemed a significant factor to continuing incidence of sexual harassment in campus.

7. Aside from lack of policies, structures and mechanisms in schools to address sexual harassment, other factors and circumstances related to the occurrence of sexual harassment are identified as gender relations, lack of information or knowledge on the matter, attitude of males towards females, the females’ passivity and tolerance of such acts and opportunities provided by time and place. Thus, while policies, structures and mechanisms are needed, it is more important that societal attitudes and perceptions regarding gender roles and relations be overhauled.

8. Consistent with the nature of the offense, less vicious SH cases especially those that fall under the case of sexual annoyance occur everywhere in campus: in the classrooms, in corridors, covered courts, parking lots or entrance gate in full view of other people.

Sexual coercion ranging from offensive flirtation to molestations happen in more private and secluded outright This implies the need for a study of physical rooms  arrangements and structures like faculty lounge or counselling rooms that may provide opportunity for attackers to harass their victims.

Recommendations
In the rank order of frequency of citation, respondents in the five schools under study recommended the following actions to address the problem of sexual harassment in campus:

1. Formulate university policies, guidelines, to penalize or punish the harasser
2. Formulation of code of ethics that will govern the behavior of faculty toward students and student toward each other
3. Conduct information dissemination activities, seminars, fora and discussion
4. Encourage victims to report such incidents
5. Include gender sensitivity education in curriculum
6. Provide counselling services to student victims (to include victims of SH outside campus)
7. Encourage students to train in self-defense
8. Setting up of a hot line or desk/center where victims can go or seek assistance without being identified

The FGD yielded wider and more imaginative courses of action against sexual harassment such as:

1. On the sectoral level, student government and other student organizations should spearhead a campaign against sexual harassment. Strong student vigilance must be encouraged.
2. On the institutional level, a body such as a committee or desk specifically to handle SH cases should be established. It should be clad with sufficient authority to hear and decide such cases.
3. On the national level, values must be strengthened through societal institutions like the school and media. DECS should institutionalize gender sensitivity trainings for faculty members and administrators. GST should also be offered to other government officials and employees.

Concluding Statements

Many events have occurred during the period that this research was being undertaken. Among the positive results of media publicity on the issue are Civil Service Commission memorandum Circular No. 19 s. of 1994 dated May 31, 1994 providing for a Policy on Sexual Harassment in the Workplace, and Republic Act No. 7877 approved February 14, 1995 entitled An Act Declaring Sexual Harassment Unlawful in the Employment, Education or Training Environment, and for other Purposes. In the University of the Philippines, this led to the formulation of a policy and implementation guidelines on Sexual Harassment by the University Center for Women’s Studies and the eventual adoption of a Policy on Sexual Harassment. Formulation of such policy was attended by varied reactions and much debate reflective of the lack of common understanding on sexual harassment and the inadequate policy and support services in the University to address the problem.

Prior to this research, hard data is virtually non-existent to detail the extent and magnitude of the problem but society, specially the academe, cannot just be oblivious to the issue. Thus, the research has been most timely. The project was conceived before the issue of sexual harassment erupted and its implementation coincided with the peak media publicity of sexual harassment cases in various campuses in the Philippines, the most notorious cases of which are those of UP Diliman’s. Public awareness on the issue was heightened,. hence this facilitated eliciting the positive response from administrators of WSAP member-schools.

Making public the issue has catalyzed public awareness, and policy sensitivity to this problem. The legislations and administrative issuances on the matter have made the personal experience of countless women a political issue.

A lot more need to be done. Despite RA 7877 and the schools’ policy pronouncements, effective implementation cannot instantly come about without vigilance and organized action.

Gender sensitivity trainings with administrators, faculty and students should be promoted so that non-sexist and gender-fair learning and work environment is sustained. The issue of sexual harassment has to be fully understood, not just as isolated acts of ‘individuals but as something endemic in a patriarchal culture. Aside from efforts from the academe, the influence of the family, religion, mass media, business and other social institutions should also be targetted for advocacy and transformation.

Ang Klarong Sabong: Etika, Estetika, ug Epistemolohiya sa Sabong

Daghan tingaling mouyon, ilabi na human sa pagsusi ug pamalandong, nga kon mangita kita og institusyon dinhi sa Pilipinas nga malahutayon o adunay kinaugalingong kahan-ay usa na niana ang sabong. Ang sabong adunay kaugalingong kinaiya ug nagapadayon ang klarong dagan bisag walay suporta sa gobyerno, pagwali sa simbahan, pag-organisa sa mga non-government organization, pagpinansiya sa mga langyawang nasud, o pagtudlo sa mga eskwelahan. Ang katingalahan lang kay nganong nakaikyas kini sa mga matukiong mata sa mga tighunahuna sa nasud. Nagtuo kami nga sa hisgotanang etika, estetika ug epistemolohiya, ang sabong makahatag og dako ug bilihong kahayag bahin sa atong pagkatawo ug pagkapilipino.

Kining mosunod nga paningkamot usa ka kontribusyon sa nagasugod na nga panghatag og atensyon sa kultura isip tubod sa mga labas nga panghunahuna nga makapabaskog sa atong pagpilosopiya, ilabi na dinhi sa Mindanao. Nagsugod kini sa among klase sa Methods of Research sa kursong MA Philosophy. Sa among pagpangita og lainlaing lakang sa tininuod nga pamilosopiya sa atong kahimtang, nagtuo kami nga ang pilosopiya dili lang maggikan sa mga teksto. Ang pilosopiya posibleng motumaw dili pinaagi lang sa paghimo og teksto gikan sa teksto, kondili pagdokumento ug pamalangdong usab sa kasinatian sama sa ginapaningkamutan na sa sikolohiyang Pilipino (cf. Obusan ug Enriquez 1994; Pe-Pua 1982).

Dili pud ni kinahanglan maggikan lang sa usa ka indibidwal nga pilosopo nga naghinuktok sulod sa usa ka kuwarto o duol sa kalayo, kondili sa mismong pakiglambigit sa nagkalainlaing pakigbisog sa katilingban mismo sa institusyong akademiko (cf. Alejo 1990, 2002). Posible pud ang pagtinabangay sa parnilosopiya, sama sa pahina sa pagtanom og mais o pagbalhin sa balay. Ug dakong ikatabang ang paggamit sa kaugalingong pinulongan sama sa nasugdan na sa pipila ka mga pilosopo sa Pilipinas (Ferriols). Sa ingon niining panghunahuna, among namatikdan nga ang sabong usa ka bahandianong kinaadman sa mga yanong Pilipinong pilosopo ug nga kini naa ra man diay sa atong palibot. Gamay pa lang ang nagsulat bahin sa sabong sulod sa akademikong diskurso (e.g Bragando 2002; Guggenheim ND; cf. Geertz 1978). Nagtuo kami nga mas mapalambo ang pilosopiya pinaagi sa kultura, ug sa mga obserbasyon sa antropolohiya ug etnograpiya.

Sa una pa lamang, gusto na namong ipaklaro nga kining papel-pamalandong dill kompleto nga etnograpiya sa sabong. Sa among pilosopikong pagtuki, nagpokus kami sa usa ka konsepto nga kanunay motunaw sa hisgotanang sabong. Kini mao ang “klaro.” Sa among papel, magsugod kami sa pagpaambit sa kahulogan sa klaro. Ipakita dayon namo nga kini makahatag og dug-ang kahayag sa pagtuki sa etika, estetika ug epistemolohiya sa “klarong sabong.”

Ang Klaro nga Sabong

Kanunay namo madunggan ang pulong nga `klaro’ sa among pagsuruy-suroy sa sabongan ug sa pakig-istorya sa mga sabongero ug sa nagkalainlaing tawo sa palibot sa sabongan. Mao nang amo karong ipunting ang klaro sa sabong Magsugod kita sa paggamit sa klaro sa ordinar yong hisgotanan.

Ang “klaro” Sa Ordinaryong Pinulongan

Ang pulong “klaro” usa ka termino nga sagad natong madunggan, ug gamiton sa inadlaw-adlaw nato nga panlihuk-lihok.

1. Kon dili tin-aw ang atong panan-aw sa atong pagbangon sayo sa buntag, manghilam-os dayon ta aron moklaro ang atong panan-aw.

2. Kon mangutana kita sa atong kapikas o sa kusinera: “Unsay imong giluto?”unya hinay ang iyang tubag, moingon ta: “Klaroha kay wala ko kadungog!”

3. Sa pag-adto nato sa trabahoan, unya mahimamat nato ang dugay na nga higala, mangumusta dayon kita sa iyaha. kasagaran nga madungog nato nga tubag: “Maayo man, pero wala pa lagi klaro.” 0 dili ba hinuon, “Ania, wala pa gihapoy klaro.”

4. Kon pagtudlo ang atong trabaho, mangutana kita sa atong estudyante kon kumusta ang gihatag nga assignment. Ang kasagaran nilang tubag: “Nahuman man sir or ma’am, pero walay klaro. Lisud man kaayo.”

5. Ang pinakapait kon motubag sila: “Wala man kay klaro sir or ma’am, uy: Lisud man kaayo!”

6. Kon naa ta sa opisina rnagtrabaho, sultian ta sa atonglabaw, “Aduna kitay transaksyon sunod semana. Martha kuno kon dill ba kita lugi niana.”

7. Ug kon mangutana ta sa mga mag-uuma kon kumusta ang ilang ani, ang sagad ta nga madunggan: “Walay klaro. Wala man guy klaro ang p an ahon .”

8. Kon mangutana ta sa mga mananagat kon daghan ba ang ilang kuha, ang atong madungog: “Walay klaro. Gamay ra kaayol”

9. Mahitungod sa politika, mao usab kini ang sagad natong mabati: “Wala gyuy klaro kining atong panggobyemo karon. Bisan kinsay molingkod walay kalainan.”

10. Kon atong pangutan-on ang sabongero: “Unsa man, Bay, gwapo ba kanang imong manok?” Ang kasagaran nilang tubag: “Oo, klaro gyud kaayong modaug ni, ba. Kuyaw ni og klase!” Sa mga pananglitan nga naipadayag sa unahan, atong makita kon unsa kagamit o kaimportante ang pulong nga klaro. Atong nakita nga bisag kinsa o unsang klase sa tawo nagagamit niining maong pulong.

Ang Tulo Ka Kinaiya Sa Klaro

Dinhi atong masuta nga ang pulong klaro diay, usa ka pulong nga nagahulagway ug nagabutyag og usa ka panlantaw. Kining paghulagway mahimong negatibo (walay klarong negosyo, klaro nga patay na!, ug ubang susamang mga pulong) o positibo (klaro gyud nga siya…, Klaro naman na kaayo, ug ubang susamang pulong).

Positibo man o negatibo ang paggamit sa maong pulong, atong makita nga ang nagagamit niini anaa sa posisyon sa kasiguroan, kasiguroan nga mora bag miagi na siyag proseso sa pagmatuod sa usa ka kamatuoran (klaro na! Wala guy klaro!). Kining posisyon sa kasiguroan iyang gibase sa unsay iyang nakita, nadungog, ug nabati. Apan sa laing bahin, kon anaa usab kita sa kahimtang sa pagduhaduha ug pagkalibog, o kaha naa tay nasayran apan kombinsido kita nga aduna pay kulang niini, dill ba mogamit usab kita sa pulong nga klaro? (Klaro na ba na?, Pagklaro dihal, ug ubang susamang paggamit sa pulong). Sa maong kondisyon, mangayo ta og dugang nga pagpasabot tungod kay nagduhaduha pa ta sa atong nasayran. Dinhi atong makita nga ang paggamit diay sa pulong klaro adunay tulo ka mga kinaiya nga angay bantayan ug mahibaloan: ang negatibo nga klaro, ang positibo nga klaro, ug ang pagduhaduha nga klaro.

Ang Klarong Sabong

Sa sabong, adunay daghang mga butang nga gikinihanglan natong bantayan ug mahibalo-an kon gusto natong masayod kon klaro ba ang usa ka sabong.

Una sa tanan, importante ug gikinahanglan gayud nga sa sabong anaay tawo o mga tawo nga nagkasinabot nga magpasiugda og usa ka sabong. Kining mga tawhana nga nagkasinabot mao ang atong gitawag og tigdumala.

Mg tigdumala gikinahanglan nga adunay tingog, respetado, ug nailhan na sa kadaghanan sa mga sabongero, mapuntos o makumon-tawo man nga sabongero, aron ang mga patakaran nga ilang ipasunod sulod ug gawas sa sabongan respetoan ug sundon gayud sa mga sabongero.

Ang pinakimportante nga trabaho sa tigdumala mao ang pagpanday og mga patakaran sa sabongan. Kining mga patakaran kinahanglang uyonan sa mga sabongero kay kon dill, mogawas nga mingaw ang usa ka sabongan.

Apil sa trabaho sa tigdumala mao ang pagpangita og permanenteng iugar (sabongan) aron ang mga sabongero motultol na lang didto, ang pagpangayo og permiso sa gobyemo; ug ang pagdestino og mga tawo nga motabang pagpadagan sa sabongan.

Daghang tawo ang kinahanglan axon molihok ang sabongan. Naay mga tawong mohimog propaganda sama sa pag-anunsiyo sa usa ka umaabot nga sabong. Naay tawong ipabantay sa pultahan sa sabongan aron mokontrol sa mga sabongero nga mosulod ug mogawas, ug usab aron mokolekta sa pulta o pinto (kasagaran babaye tungod kay mas respetado sa mga sabongero). Naay moorganisa og mga kristo aron maoy motabang sa pagpahiluna sa mga pusta ilabi na sa mga puntos. Naay mga tawo sa montonan nga maoy modawat sa kwarta nga ideposito sa tag-iya sa manok sa dill pa ang akto sa sabong. Naay kuyme aron maoy modesisyon ug mohukom sa magsabong nga manok. Naay mamaligya sulod sa sabongan aron dili na magsige og gawas-sulod ang mga sabongero. Naay mga tawo nga, motan-aw ug momintanar sa kahapsay sulod sa sabongan.

Kining mga tawo nga girugyanan og nakalainlaing buluhaton sa tigdumala kinahanglan nga kinasingkasing nga mohimo sa ilang tahas. Sama pananglitan sa kuyme. ng kuyme kinahanglan nga listo, abtik, ug may baroganan sa paghirnog desisyon kay anaa diha nakasentro ang tanang mata sa mga sabongero.

Dinhi atong makita nga ang klaro nga sabong diay nagadepende o nagabase sa nagadurnala sa sabongan. Ang tigdumala kinahanglan nga maoy motan-aw sa kinatibuk-ang dagan sa sabong, apan kini wala magpasabot nga ang tigdumala maoy magbuot sa mga ginagmay nga masabotan o nasabotan na sa mga sabongero sama pananglit sa ilang sugal (aduna bay partida o wala).

Ang tigdumala motan-aw apan dill magbuot-buot sa mga kasabotan nga makab-ot sa mga sabongero basta ang maong kasabotan dili layo o dili sukwahi sa kinatibuk-ang patakaran sa sabongan.

Sa sabong, basta diay naay mga sinaligan nga tawo nga moatiman sa nagkalainlaing buluhatonon, ang sabong nga pagahimuon nianang sabongana, klaro.

Apan igo na ba kini? Dili. Aron matawag gayud nga klaro ang usa ka sabong, gikinihanglan nga ang nagsabong nga manok sulod sa ruweda klaro usab. Mamahimo lamang nga klaro ang manok nga nagsabong sa ruweda kon ang matag manok adunay usa o duha ka taxi sa till depende sa nakasabotan sa mga tag-iya. Kining taxi maoy mopiho nga ang usa ka manok modaug ug ang usa mapildi, gawas kon tabla ang sabong.

Ang pagkaklaro sa tigdumala ug ang pagkaklaro sa manok dill pa gihapon igo nga basehan nga klaro na ang usa ka sabong kon ang mga sabongero dili o walay klaro.

Ang Klarong Sabongan

Kining bahin rnaghisgot sa mismong sabongan, labi na sa kin,* ug kahan-ay niini. Magsugod kita sa among nasinati sa gawas sa sabongan ug isunod nato ang sulod sa sabongan. Gikan sa kasinatan namo sa sabongan, atong susilion kon unsa ang among ipasabot sa sabongan, segun sa among panlantaw.

Sa Gawas sa Sabongan

Domingo ang kasagarang adlaw sa sabong. Aduna puy mga sabong nga mahitabo sa bisan unsang adlaw, labi na kon adunay pista. Apan ang among ipakita diri mao ang sabongan sa adlaw nga Domingo. Usa makasulod sa sabongan, ang tanang mga sabongero kinahanglang mobayad og pulta sa kontador aron paagion sila sa puwerta. Ug kami ningbayad usab aron makasulod. Among namatiktan, sama sa namatikdan ni Rizal (Kapitolo 34 sa Noli Me Tangere), nga mga babaye ang mga purtera (ang tig-bantay sa puwerta, pultahan o geyt). Amo silang gipangutana nganong dili man mga lalaki ang nagbantay? Nganong babaye man nga dali lang man unta sila daugdaugon sa mga lalaki? Apan baliktad ang among nakuhang tubag gikan sa mga purtera. Ingon nila, ang sabong dula sa mga maayong laki ug supak sa pagkamaayonglaki angmosukol sa mga babaye. Mao na nga babaye ang mga purtera aron walay away nga mahitabo. Aduna man guy tawo nga dili mobayad og pulta ug magpasumangil nga siya nakabayad na pero hinggawas tang kadyot. Sa ingon niining kahimtang, ang babaye lang ang makasita niining lakiha nga walay mahitabong gubot. Kon lalaki ang naa sa pultahan ug sitahon niya ang usa ka lalaking nagpasumangil, kini mosangpot sa away tungod kay maigo kuno ang lakinhong garbo sa gisita. Dako kining isyu kay ang sabong giisip nga dula sa maayong laki.

Sa sulod sa kompawnd sa sabongan, makita nato ang mga nagkadaiyang manok nga giparisparis. Anaa pud ang mga nagkalainlaing paninda, mga babaye o tsiks nga namiga o nagalingaw sa mga aficionado, mga tigulan& bata, ug bisan unsang tawhana gikan sa bisan unsang hut-ong, trabaho o dapit. Diri makita nato ang mga bata nga ginadala sa ilang mga amahan. Kining mga bata ginatudloan sa ilang mga amahan sa mga pamaagi sa sabong aron maoy mosunod sa ilang mga amahang sabongero.

Diri pud madunggan nato ang mga singgit ug saba sa sulod, nga makaingon ka nga basin naay kagubot didto. Madunggan nato ang singgit nga dili masabtan kay moipon na kini sa ubang singgit. Grabe ang kagubot sa sulod, sobra pa sa palengke ang kasaba.

Adunay duha ka agianan alang sa mga yanong tawo aron makasulod sa sabongan mismo. Ang usa ka agianan paingon sa kinatas-ang dapit sa sabungan ug kinalay-an sa ruweda. Ang ikaduhang pultahan paingon sa ubos nga dapit sa mga puntos kon diin ang mga sabongero sa sulod mahimong makakita pag-ayo sa mga magsampok nga manok. Dili tanan makasulod diri gawas na lang kon mobayad sa tigbantay sa pultahan sama sa kantidad sa pagsulod sa kompawnd. Ang mga mananari ug uban pang mga dagkong tawo adunay laing agianan pasulod.

Usa mahimo ang sabong sulod sa arena, naay pagparis sa manok nga himuon sa mga sabongero sa luna nga gitawag ug paris-paris. Sa mga dinagkong sabong, gamiton usab ang kulongan sa manok kon ang tag-iya dayo. (Tan-awa ang Pigura 1.)

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Sa Sulod sa Sabongan

Dihang atua mi sa gawas sa sabongan, makasulti mi nga gubot sa sulod. Karon nga ania na mi sa sulod, amo ba gihapong maingon nga gubot gyud diri sa sulod? Dili ba kaha nga lain lang ang kalibotan diri sa sulod? Nga lahi ang kahan-ay dinhi sa among nahibal-ang kahan-ay?

Sa pagsulod namo sa sabongan ang kasaba sa mga singgit ug ang mga nagwara-warang mga kamot maoy mitagbo kanamo. Taodtaod sa among paglingkod uban sa mga sabongerong nakapalibot kanamo, hinayhinay mi nga napahibagay sa kalikopan. Nalingaw mi sa among nakita ug hinayhinay usab namong nakita ang kahan-ay.

Ang Gambalay sa Sabongan ug ang mga Sabongero

Ang sabongan adunay pipila ka bahin, apan upat lang ang among hisgotan dinhi. Kini mao ang ruweda, ang dapit sa mga dagkong tawo kon VIP, ang duol nga dapit (puntos), ug ang layong dapit. (Tan-awa ang Pigura 2.)

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Ang ruweda. Kini ang sentro sa sabongan thin mahitabo ang panagsampok sa mga manok. Diri pud ang puwesto sa masyador o ang tawong tigpahibalo sa dagan sa sabong sulod sa ruweda ug ang tig-angay sa mga pusta. Naa pud diri ang kuyme o ang tawong mohukom kon kinsang manok ang midaog Diri sa ruweda maggikan ang mga pagbating makapadasig, makapalingaw, makapasalig, makapabuhi, makapalagsik, makapahuyang, makapaluya, makapahapay ug uban pang bation sa sabongan. Kining ruweda ang naghatag og kinabuhi sa sabongan. Ang tanan nga anaa sa sabongan adunay panaghiusa ug kini ang pagtutok sa ruweda. Ang tanang kalihokan sa gawas sa ruweda nahisubay sa mg-a panghitabo sulod sa ruweda. .

Ang dapit sa mga dagkong tawo kon VIP. Din nato makit-an ang mga dato, artista, opisyal sa gobyerno, ug politiko sama sa mga mayor, gobernador, kongresrnan ug senador. Kining dapita lahi og disenyo sa uban kay pinturado kini sugod sa kinaubsan hangtud sa kinatas-an. Aduna kiniy maayong lingkoranan, luag ang espasyo, ug busa hayahay kaayo ang mga tawong nakalingkod diri. Labaw sa tanan, kining dapita dali lang mailhan kay espesyal ang porma niini alang kuno sa mga espesyal nga tawo, ug pila lang pud ka tawo ang mahimong makalingkod dinhi. Diri pud mahitabo ang mga dinagkong pusta nga moabot og pila ka libo o bisan milyon. Ginaingon nga kining dapita nagsalamin sa hataas nga hut-ong sa atong katilingban.

Ang duol nga dapit (dapit sa mga puntos). Kini gitawag namong duol tungod kay nahiduol kini sa sentro. Makita pag-ayo sa mga sabongero diri ang pagsampok sa mga manok sa ruweda. Pipila lang pud ka mga tawo ang mahimong makalingkod diri, dili tungod kay pipila lang ang lingkoranan kondili, adunay pay dugang nga bayad ang pagsulod sama sa kantidad sa pagsulod sa kompawnd sa sabongan. Diri mahitabo ang kasagarang pusta nga dili moubos og pila ka gatos o kapin libo. Ginaingon nga kining dapita nagsalamin sa hatungang hut-ong sa atong katilingban.

Ang layo nga dapit. Kini gitawag namong layo tungod kay layo na kini sa ruweda. Ang tanan mahimong makasulod dinhi tungod kay apil na sa pulta ang pagsulod nganhi. Kining dapita ang adunay kinadaghanang malingkuran, katuluhon o kaupaton ang kapasidad sa duol nga dapit. Diri mahitabo ang mga ginagmay nga pusta nga mokantidad sa kinaubsan diyes pesos ngadto sa kapin gatos. Naa say pipila nga makapusta og dinagko tungod kay nakadaog sila sa usa ka higayon. Ginaingon nga kining dapita nagsalamin sa ubos nga hut-ong sa atong katilingban.

Kining mga bahin o dapit sa sabongan aduna puy mg-a utlanan, ug ang usa ka tawo dili mahimong motabok ngadto sa pikas, gawas lang kon moagi siya sa pultahan gikan sa gawas. Apan ang pusta mahimong molapuslapos sa bisan asang dapit. Sa laing pagkaistorya, mahimong makigpusta ang mga tawo sa layo nga dapit batok sa mg-a tawo sa duol nga dapit, ug ang mga tawo sa duol o layo nga dapit mahimong makigpusta batok sa dapit sa mg-a dagkong tawo.

Ang kahan-ay sulod sa sabongan nakabase sa kinaiyanhong gambalay sa sabongan. Nasayod kita nga ang sabongan adunay sentro, ang ruweda, ug ang tanang sabongero nakapalibot niini. Kining sentro sa pormang ruweda nagpasabot og usa ka panaghiusa sa mga nakapalibot niini.

Adunay mga lainlaing dapit sa sulod sa sabongan apan dili kini hingpit nga lahi sa usag-usa. Usa lang ang ginatagaan og tutok sa tanan, ang ruweda. Bisag asa maglingkod ang sabongero, dili kini babag aron mopusta kutob sa iyang gusto. Dili tungod kay anaa ang usa sa layong dapit ubos na siya nga klaseng sabongero. Ang dapit nga atong nahisgotan nag-tudlo Lang kon asa nahimutang ang sabongero, ug dili kon unsa ang kutob sa iyang pusta, tungod kay ang pusta mahimong motabok bisan asang dapit sa sabongan. Dali lang ang pagpadagan sa pusta kay ang garnblay sa sabongan adunay sentro diin nakapalibot ang tanan.

Ang mag Negosyador

Sa sabongan aduna kitay makita nga duha ka klaseng negosyador sa pusta. Sila mao ang masyador ug ang kristo. Sila ang mga bida sa sabongan kay ilang ginahan-ay ang mga nagkadaiyang interes sa mga sabingero sa ilang pusta.

Ang masyador mao ang sabongero nga nagaangay o nagapatas sa sentrong pustaanay. Kining sentrong pustaanay mao ang pustaanay sa duha ka tag-iya sa manok. Ang pusta dili patas kon labaw ang pusta sa usa (lyamado) batok sa pikas (dehado). Sa maong kahimtang, anf masyador mangagda sa uban pang mga sabongero sa gwas sa ruweda aron modugang og pusta sa dehado aron mopatas ang pusta sa masigkapikas. Pananglit kon P3,000 ang pusta sa usa ka tag-iya sa manok, unya P2,000 lang ang pusta sa lain pan tag-iya sa manok. Mangita karon og dugang P1,000 nga pusta ang masyador gikan sa ubang sabongero aron mopatas ang pustaanay. Tungod kay ang masyador nahimutang sa sentro, nalangkoban sa iyang pakignegosasyon ang nakapalibot sa ruweda ug iyang ginadawat ang pusta sa bisan asang dapit. Diri makaingon kita nga dili lalim ang trabaho sa masyador labi na ang pagkuwenta sa pusta ug pagtimaan sa mga sabongero nga hingpusta ug ang ilang nagkadaiyang pusta.

Ang negosasyon sa masyador sentralisado kay ang tanang mamustaay adunay direktang kalambigitan sa sentro. Diri makita nato ang paghugpong sa mga sabongero diha sa sentro. Kini ang unang atimanon nga pusta usa pa ang ubang pusta.

Mogamit ang masyador og mikropono aron ipahibalo sa tanan kon unsa na ang dagan sa sabong. Ang masyador ang gadala sa simbolo sa pagdumala diha sa sabongan. Siya ang magpahibalo kon ang manok ba sa mayroon o sa wala, ang maghusay sa dili patas nga pusta, ang magdeklara nga puwede na ang iya-iyang pamusta, ang magpahinumdom sa mga sabongero sa gawas sa ruweda aron walay away ug gubpt. Sa laing pagkaistorya, ang masyador ang ginaila nga representante sa tigdumala sa sabongan, ug tigsentro sa mga butang nga angay isentro.

Ang ikaduha nga negosyador mao ang kristo. Ang kristo mao ang negosyador para sa iyang kaugalingong interes ug wala nay labot ang sentro sa iya. Ginatawag siya nga kristo kay sige siya magdupa sama kang Hesukristo sa krus. Ang pagdupa sa kristo isip simbolo sa kaugalingong pakignegosasyon nagapasabot og pipila ka butang segun sa among pagsabot. Kini nagapakita nga bukas ang iyang kaugalingon ug adunay maayong kabubut-on sa ubang kristo. Andam usab siya modawat ug mogakos sa ubang kristo, ug sa posibiliadad sa kapildihan. Ug gusto siya mokab-ot sa kamot sa uban o motunol sa iyang kamot ngadto sa uban nga layo kaniya.

Kini nga postura usa ka importanteng simbolo sa kristo tungod kay kini nagapasabot nga matinud-anon siya sa iyang pakiglambigit sa uban, dala ang iyang kaugalingong interes, nanghinaot siya nga maayo usab ang buot sa uban kay siya adunay maayong buot- kini ang pagpakita nga siya matinud-anon. Sa iyang pagdupa, nagapangita siya og kristo nga mahimong kaparis sa iyang interes ug kining pagparis usa ka pamaagi nga mahatagan og kahan-ay ang ilang magkakontra nga interes. Tungod kay magsumpaki ang ilang interes, nagkahiusa sila segun sa lakinhong katahoran nga ilang barogan ang ilang kahiusahan. Matinud-anon ang kristo sa pagpresenta sa iyang kaugalingon ug ang pagdawat niya sa lain pang kristo. Walay hinungdan nga dili nila tumanon ang ilang nahiusahan kay kon unsa siya kamatinud-anon mao usab ang pikas parte.

Dinha sa kristo makita nato nga ang mga sabongero adunay mga nagkadaiyang interes. Tungod niini dili nila kapugngan ang ilang mga kaugalingon nga mag alingasa, nga moresulta sa grabeng singgit ug saba. Kini mahitabo sa sinugdanan tungod kay ang matag kristo nangita pa og paris unsa siya mahimutang. Mahimo natong tawgon kini nga pakighiusa ug pakighusay sa mga magkasumpaki.

Ang paghugpong sa mga kristo mahimo natong itandi sa usa ka jigsaw puzzle. Ang kahusay sa tanan mao ang pagtibuok sa usa ka porma pinaagi sa pagpahiluna sa matag piyesa sa ensaktong lugar. Ang kristo mura pud og piyesa nga nanginahanglan og kaubang piyesa aron sila matibuok. Tungod kay daghan ang mga kristo, ang pahugpong sa matag usa kanila mao ang gipangitang kahapsay ug kahan-ay sulod sa sabongan.

Ang kalihokan sa mga kristo nagapasabot nga kninaiya sa tawo ang makigrelasyon sa ubang tawo sa iyang kaugalingong negosasyon o transaksyon. Dili tanan ibutang sa sentro o dili tanan dumalaon sa sentro. Sa sabongan walay hingpit nga pagdumala sa sentro kay ang mga sabongero adunay kadasig sa pagpadayag sa ilang kaugalingong interes. Ang kadasig sa pagpadayag mahimo lang mahitabo kon tugtan ang tanan nga mopusta nga walay magbuot sa kalihokan niini.

Busa, ang duha ka negosyador adunay kalainan sa ilang mga katungdaan. Ang masyador adunay kalambigitan sa negosasyong pampubliko diin ang tanan nakasentro kaniya. Samtang ang kristo adunay kalambigitan dili lang sa negosasyong pampubliko kondili sa  negosasyong pangpribado usab. Diri nato makita nga adunay duha ka pakigrelasyon sa ubang tawo: ang pakigrelasyon sa sentro ug ang pakigrelasyon sa usag-usa. Niining pakigrelasyon adunay sistema aron mahapsay ang dagan sa tanan.

Ang Kahimtang sa Sulod

Ang sabong magsugod sa pagpahibalo sa masyador kon unsang manok ang mayroon o wala. Ang “mayroon” nagarepresenta sa manok nga lyamado o adunay gamay nga lamang sa katakos ug kantidad sa pusta. Ang “wala” nagarepresenta sa manok nga dehado o baliktad sa pikas. Diri makit-an pud kon unsang manok ang adunay maayong barog segun sa atong kaugalingong pangilatis. Ang manok patusikan sa laing manok aron mapaisog kini isip pagpangandam sa sampok. Miyentras ginabuhat kini, ang masyador nagaplastar sa kantidad sa pusta segun sa nahiuyonan, ug diha-diha iya kining patason o angayon. Ang masyador mangita og dugang nga pusta aron itugbang sa taas nga pusta sa lyamado. Kini buhaton pinaagi sa pakignegosyasyon tali sa masyador ug mga kristo.

Pagkahuman nga mapatas ang pusta, mosinyas ang masyador nga puwede na ang mga iya-iyang pustaanay. Kiaro diri sa sulod sa sabongan ang pagkabahin sa tulo ka hut-ong apan dili kini babag sa mga sabongero sa ubos nga hut-ong sa pagpusta batok sa mga sabongero sa taas nga hut-ong. Makit-an nato nga bisag ang mga tawo sa ubos nga hut-ong layo sa sentro, sama sa ginaingon nga ang mga kabus layo sa serbisyo sa gobyerno, mahimo gihapong mobatok ang ubos nga hut-ong sa taas nga hut-ong. Kon ang sabongero sa taas nga hut-ong gustong mopusta og dos mil, apan dili kaya tugbangon sa sabongero sa ubos nga hut-ong kay usa ka gatos lang ang iyang kaya, maghugpong ang mga sabongero sa ubos nga hut-ong. Kon adunay baynte ka mga sabongero nga mopusta og tagsa ka gatos, mahimo nang suklan ang dos mil nga pusta sa sabongero sa taas nga hut-ong. Ang pustaanay walay utlanan. Mahimong makipagpusta si bisan kinsa kang bisan kinsa, sa bisan asang dapit, sa bisan unsang kantidad.

Human niining mga negosasyon, madunggan na nato ang mga singgit o kasaba sa mga kristo diha sa sulod ug gawas sa sabongan. Hinay pirmero ang kasaba, unya mokusog, unya mohinay na usab, dayong mohilom. Diha-diha magsugod na ang pagsampok sa mga manok.

Samtang magsarnpok ang mga manok, wala kaayoy madunggan nga saba kay ang tanan nakatutok sa ruweda. Pero kon ang sampokay dugay mahuman, o ang resulta bali sa gidahom nga mahitabo— dili mayroon ang midaog kondili ang wala, mosangpot kini og mga gamayng kasaba, kantiyaw ug mga singgit. Pildi ang manok kon kini mamatay o dili na mosukol. Kon walay klarong manok ang modaog (tungod kay ang duha luya na kaayo ug dili na mosampok), ang mohukom kon kinsay daog mao ang sentensyador o kuyme.

Human sa paghukom, mosunod dayon ang pagbinayranay. Ang hingpusta sa napilding manok mobayad ngadto sa hingpusta sa hingdaog nga manok segim sa ilang nasabotang kantidad. Din nato makita ang mga nagkadaiyang hitsura sa mga sabongero. Adunay nalipay kay hingdaog, adunay nagmug-ot kay napildi.

Sa wala pa namo sudla ang sabongan, kami nakaingon nga gubot ug samok kaayo sa sulod tungod sa grabeng saba nga madunggan namo sa gawas. Apan sa among pagsulod, aduna miy nakit-an nga lahing klase nga kahan-ay gikan sa gambalay niini ug sa sistema sa pagpatuman sa klarong sabongan. Ang pagpatuman sa gusto sa matag usa dili mahimong isentro o dumalaon. Ang kasaba sa sulod sa sabongan nga madunggan sa gawas mao ang singgit sa kaugalingong interes isip pagpadayag sa usa ka kaugalingon. Kining pagpadayag sa kaugalingon dili kanunay magpaubos sa lagda o pagdumala sa sentro. Busa human maplastar sa sentro ang nakasentrong pusta, tugtan na ang mga pribadong pustaanay. Ang sabongan usa ka kahimtang diin ang kinaiyanhong gambalay adunay sentro nga molihok alang sa pagsinabtanay ug panaghiusa sa tanan bisag ang matag usa adunay kaugalingong interes. Dili babag ang kaugalingong interes sa pagsinabtanay ug paghiusahay sa mga tawo. Mao kini ang buot ipasabot sa sabongan alang kanamo.

Ang Klarong Sabongero

Sa amo pang gihunahuna ang pamilosopiya bahin sa sabong, nasibot kaayo kami kay wala mi alamag sa sabong. Gamay lang ang among nasabtan bahin niini. Ug kay limitado lamang ang among kahibalo, pursigido na hinuon mi sa pagpadayon sa paningkamot nga makasabot kon unsa gayud ang klarong sabong.

Ang unang bahin niining paningkamot mao ang pakiglambigit sa mga sabongero. Naa na diha ang pag-adto sa sabongan ug pakigkukabildo sa mga batikang sabongero. Lainlaing kasinatian ang among nabati sa sabongan; lain-lain usab nga panlantaw ang among naaninaw. Nasinati namo sa sabongan ang nagkadaiyang pagbati: nalipay ang midaog, naglagot ang napildi, giganahan ang mga dagkog pusta. Naa puy naglamig katulog taliwala sa kasaba ug kapintas nga nahitabo. Kon atong istoryahan ang mga babayeng nanagbantay sa ganghaan, moingon pud sila nga nagkadaiya ang batasan sa mga sabongero. Naay badlongon, sipat, bungog, apan naa puy buotan.

Magsugod to sa mga pangutana bahin sa buotang sabongero. Kinsa man ang maayo o buotang sabongero? Unsa ang mga kinaiya aron mamahimo siyang klarong sabongero? Kining mga pangutana pagsulay lamang sa pagsabot nga naay kinaadman bahin sa pamatasan diha sa sabong.

Wala nay Laing makatubag sa pangutanang kinsa ang maayong sabongero kondili ang sabongero mismo. Misulay mi og istoiya sa pipila kanila ug nagkadaiya ang ilang tubag sa pangutana. Apan mahulog ang mga tubag sa usa ra ka terminolohiya — “klaro.” Buot ipasabot, ang maayong sabongero, klarong tawo. Sama ra kon kita mosulti bahin sa maayong sabongero, moingon ta “Klaro siya nga sabongero.” 0 kon naay dili maayong sabongero, moingon ta: “Walay klaro na nga sabongero.”

Timailhan sa Klarong Sabongero

Tungod kay daghan ang konsepto sa klarong sabongero, atong hisgotan ang mga timailhan niini. Ang unang timailhan sa maayong sabongero mao ang iyang pusta. Pirming ingnon nga ang sabongerong dagkog pusta mao ang maayo, ug kadtong mopusta og ginagmay lamang, ingnon nga walay klaro! Kon atong susihon, kining unang timailhan naggikan sa panlantaw sa kahusay. Kamatikdan nga kasagaran sa dagkong sabong, kon dinagko ang pusta, naay kahusay. Ang kahusay dinhi nagalarawan sa klarong pinustahay ug panagsabot. Moingon kita nga naay klarong pagsinabtanay tali sa duha ka partido. Kini gurnikan kay dinagkong kantidad sa kwarta ang giistoryahan. Apan dili kini nagpasabot nga ang mga sabongero nga ginagmay lamang ang ipusta, wala na silay klaro. Atong ipaldaro nga naa sa maayong pagsinabtanay ang kahulogan sa maayong sabongerol Kon maayo kang kasabot, klaro kang sabongero.

Sa dugang nga pagpalalom, ang kahusay nga resulta sa klaro nga pagsinabtanay sa matag transaksyon, nagpaila sa pagbatok sa maayong sabongero sa bisag unsang kagubot. Kini tungod kay siguradong gubot ang resulta sa dili klarong transaksyon. Atong hunahunaon nga dili kapugngan ang kainit sa ulo labi na kon ang tawo kanunay mapildi sa pusta, o mapakyas sa gisaligang manok, o mailad sa isigkasabongero, o madiskontento sa desisyon sa masyador ug tikasan sa gilabanang manok. Ang kainit sa ulo bation sa daghang sabongero diha sa bulangan. Apan taliwala niini, kahusay gihapon ang sulod sa hunahuna sa maayong sabongero. Kon giunsa niya pagpugong ang kainit sa iyang ulo aron masinati gihapon ang kahusay ug malikayan ang kagubot sa bulangan, ang maayong sabongero na ang nahibalo!

Ang ikaduhang timailhan sa maayong sabongero mao ang palakat o lihok. Tungod kay ang sabong usa ka dula, kinahanglan nga ang sabongero naay mga maayong kalaki aron pirming modaog. Kadtong mga sabongero nga mogawas sa bulangan nga malipayon kav dako ang daog giila nga klarong sabongero. Tinuod nga dill lalim ang mamahimong maayong sabongero kon ang basehan mao ang pagdaog. Magsugod kini sa pag-atiman sa mga manok. Naay matukibon nga paagi sa pagbuhi sa manok nga gihatag kanato sa walay hunong nga pagtuon sa siyensya. Hatagan ta og kalidad nga pagkaon, bitamina, ug igsaktong pag-alima ang manok. Magtuon sab ta sa giingon nga mga anting-anting o dagon sa manok, apil ang pagpangita sa mga senyales sa modaogay nga manok. Kining tanan kabahin lamang sa pag-atiman sa igtatari.

Moila usab kita sa mga sabongero nga walay dalangmanok. Moadto lamang sila sa sabongan aron mopusta. Sa atong pagtanaw sa maayong sabongero pinaagi sa iyang daog, angay usab natong mahibal-an ang ilang paagi sa pagpili sa klarong manok. Sa pagkatinuod, mubo lang ang panahon sa pagpili og manok nga pustahan. Kon dili kaila ang tag-iya, wala nay lain pang paagi sa pagpili sa manok kondili ang hitsura lang ug lihok sa manok. Hunahunaa nga ang pusta linibo! Nn sa klarong sabongero ang kahanas sa pagpili sa modaogay nga manok.

Ang ikatulong timailhan sa maayong sabongero mao ang pagkahayahay sa iyang kinabuhi. Unang makit-an ang hayahay nga sabongero diha mismo sa bulangan. Kon atong tan-awon, naay mga pagbahin sa bulangan. Kining mga pagbahin nagpaila sa kahimtang sa kinabuhi sa mga tawo dinhi. Ang mga adunahan, nga mahimong ilhon sa ilang pustura ug kadako sa ilang pusta, naa sa usa ka lugar. Naay lugar para sa mga dili kaayo adunahan. Naa puy lugar para sa mga pinaka adunahan. Gilahi ang ilang lingkoranan ug mas duol sila sa nagsampokay nga manok.

Klaro sa usa ka sabongero kon kinsa ang maayo o dili maayong sabongero. Apan ang atong pagsabot sa sabong dili mohunong sa pag-ila kon kinsa ang maayong sabongero, kondili magpadayon kita sa pagpangutana: Angay bang ilhon ang maayong sabongero isip maayong tawo?

Para sa usa ka sabongero, maayong tawo ang buotang sabongero. Ilado siya sa bulangan tungod sa iyang pagkamaayo. Apan mao pud ba kini ang panlantaw sa dili sabongero, ilabi na kadtong kontra sa sabong? Bisan pa og klaro na sa sabong kon kinsa ang maayong tawo, dili kini garantiya nga siya ilhon gihapon nga maayong tawo gawas sa bulangan.

Ang mga dili tigsabong tingali mohukom dayon nga daotan ang sabong. Pagkaingon pa lang nga kini sugal ug patay, imoral na dayon ang mosulod sa ilang hunahuna. Apan dili maayo kining paghusga kon wala kitay kasinatian sa sabong. Mao nga ang unang metodolohiya nga atong gamiton mao ang paglikay sa paghusga sa dili pa ta kahibalo sa talagsaong dula nga giila sa mga maayong laki- ang sabong. Ang atong tumong mao ang pag-ila ug paghusga sa sabong gikan sa panlantaw sa nakasabot.

Ang paglikay sa paghusga dihadiha makatabang og dako sa pagsabot sa sabong isip usa ka simpleng dula. Kon atong wad-on sa makadiyot ang atong paghusga sa sabong, atong maaninaw nga ang sabong naay kaugalingong kalibotan.

Nasulti na kaganina nga naay kahan-ay sa lugar mismo sa sabongan. Kiaro ang gikahimutangan sa tanang butang ug maayo ang pagkaplastar sa mga luna. Sayon ra kining ilhon pinaagi sa dagan sa dula. Ang mga sabongero dili lamang naninguha sa ilang nagkadaiyang interes, kondili sa maayong dagan sa dula usab. Ang tanang butang ug pamaagi, gikan sa tigbantay sa ganghaan hangtod sa tigdumala sa sulod sa ruweda, moresulta sa han-ay nga dagan sa dula. Tungod kay atong gipangahas ang pagsabot sa pagkatao sa sabongero, ato na karong ikompara ang rnga elernento nga makadugang paghingpit sa kalibotan sa sabong ug sa katilingban. Mao kini ang ikaduhang metodolohiya nga buot natong gamiton.

Ang Sabongero ug ang Sosyedad

Usa nato ikompara ang duha ka kalibotan, angay natong hinumdoman nga ang mga sabongero naggikan usab sa sosyedad (Geertz 1973). Gikan kang halangdong representante, mayor, negosyante, polis, pari, doktor, maestro, security guard, drayber, trabahante hangtod sa istambay, tigulang o bats, mamahimong interesado sa sabong.

Sa adlaw sa sabong, hinayhinay na silang moadto sa bulangan aron mosugal. Nagkadaiya ang ilang papel sa bulangan: naay tigbantay, kristo, doktor sa manok, masyador, tindera, kahera, tigdumala, ug uban pa. Silang tanan kabahin sa kahan-ay sa dagan sa sabong. Nindot kaayong makita ug mabati ang nagkadaiyang lihok nga angay sa ilang papel. Naay kahan-ay ang kasaba sa sininggitay kon sila makigpusta sa ubang sabongero, sama sa kahan-ay sa kahilom sa pagsampok na sa mga manok. Sa kanunay ilang gipaningkamotan nga makab-ot ang kalinaw ug kahusay.

Human sa sabong, ang tanang sabongero mobalik ra usab sa ilang tagsatagsa ka pamilya dala ang matinud-anong pagbati sa kalipay o kahigwaos. Ug magsugod na usab sila sa ilang normal nga kinabuhi dala ang pangandoy nga makaapil pag-usab sa sunod nga sabong.

Kini nagpaila nga bisan pa nga naay kaugalingong kalibotan ang sabong, ang mga tigsabong miyembro gihapon sa katilingban ug naay dakong bahin sa dagan niini. Dili sila angay baliwalaon tungod kay dili mahimong ibaliwala ang ilang kontribusyon sa katilingban. Duyog niining huna-huna, mahimo na natong ikompara ang duha ka kalibotan.

Una natong tan-awon ang hulagway. Atong balikon ang pipila ka punto nga atong gibutyag kaganina: ang mga sabongero gikan sa nagkadaiyang propesyon; naa silay tagsatagsa ka papel sa sabongan; naay mga tigdumala anon mapatuman ang kahan-ay sa dagan sa dula; ang ruweda mao ang sentro sa sabongan; naay ginagrnay nga transaksyon tab sa tagsatagsa ka sabongero ug naa usay transaksyon nga nakasentro sa ruweda.

Atong makita ang kalambigitan sa sabong ug sosyedad. Pareho silang adunay mg-a tawong gikan sa lainlaing propesyon. Ang tagsatagsa kanila adunay bahin sa katilingban. Naay sentro nga panggobyernong nagdumala sa pagpatuman sa malinawong dagan sa katilingban. Apan dili tanang transaksyon mahimong mapatuman sa ginagmay nga panagsabot. Kasagaran naay sentralisadong ahensya sa gobyemo anon rnoatiman niining mga transaksyon sa katilingban. Kon dili kini sentralisado, posibleng mahimong gubot ang dagan sa sistema.

Ang tanang tawo sa bulangan sabongero. Naa sila diha anon magsabong Busa naay klarong dagan sa dula tungod kay dihang lugara ug kanang panahona, usa ra ang dagan sa ilang pangutok: ang han-ay nga dula sa sabong. Kon naay panagbingkil, ang sentro maoy manguna sa pagsulbad niini. Alegre hunahunaon kay walay sinulat nga balaod nga gipugos nga ipatuman sa mga sabongero. Walay diksyunaryo nga nagpatas sa ilang mga lingguahe o sinyales, ug walay matukibong pagtuon sa mga utokan mahitungod sa sabong. Apan sa dugay nga panahon, nagpabiling klaro ang dagan sa sabong.

Mahimo ba natong ingnon nga ang sabong hulagway sa katilingban? Sa mga punto nga atong gihisgotan mahimo natong ikompara ang sabong ug katilingban. Nagbangi ba ang realidad sa sabong ug realidad sa katilingban? Sa katapusan, basin atong masakpan nga ang sosyedad usa diay ka sabong.

Mga Apan sa Sabong

Dili kita magpaka-aron-ingnon nga wala kita masayod sa mga apan sa sabong ug ang epekto niini sa pamilya, pakigrelasyon sa uban, ug sa kinatibuk-ang dagan sa sosyedad. Kini nga panlantaw naggikan sa panlantaw sa nakasabot sa sabong. Iota nahibalo nga ang tinud-anay nga pagpilosopiya dili molimod sa ubang kahibalo anon mapaabot ang gustong ipaabot, kondili ang pagpalambo sa tanang mga kahibalo.

Dinhi sa ikaduhang bahin sa atong pagpilosopiya, atong paminawon ang mga rason sa mga tawong mosulti nga walay maayo sa sabong ug nga ang tanang sabongero walay klaro. Tulo sa daghang rason ang atong hisgotan.

Ang sabong klaro nga sugal. Sa sugal gihimong transaksyon ang kwarta, butan& binuhing mananap, hasty ang balay ug yuta. Niining sugala tub ang daog, pildi, ug tabla. Maayo kon modaog. Mahimong hayahay ang imong kinabuhi. Mahimo kang dato, ug mahimong ikapasigarbo ang imong mga kabtangan. Apan ang posibilidad nga modaog sarna kadako sa posibilidad nga mapildi. Mahurot ang kwarta ug kabtangan, mahimo usab nga malubong sa utang. Dugang pa niana ang walay klarong makaon, dili makaiskwela ang anak, away sa asawa, ug kainit sa ulo.

Ang sabong away sa manok. Ang manok nga gialima sa dugay nga panahon, gigastohan og dako, gipangga ug giamoma – usahay labaw pa sa pag-amoma sa asawa. Apan sa kalit lang, diha sa away, kini magkadugo ug mamatay. Nagpasabot kini nga ang sabong klaro nga panamastamas ug pamintas sa manok. Daghang hilisgotan ang kinahanglan tubagon kon nganong patyon ang manok sa lingaw-lingaw.

Ang sabong usa ka pagsimang. Imbis nga ang tawo mahimong kritikal sa mga panghitabo sa sosyedad, ang sabongero nabuta sa lingaw sa sabong Wala nay interes moapil sa katilingbang pagbag-o tungod kay nalingaw naman sa sabong! Giingon pa nga ang sabongan, uban sa mga sabongero, usa ka laing kalibotan. Kompbto ang kinabuhing sabongero kon makaadto lang sa sabongan bisag kausa sa usa ka semana. Apan sa tinuod usa lang ang atong kalibotan.

Kinahanglan tang mabuhi kauban ang tanan. Pero dili kini ang kasinatian sa usa ka sabongero. IvIalipayon siyang lingawon ang iyang kaugalingon didto sa sabongan dala ang paglimot sa panginahanglan sa kaugalingong asawa ug mga anak. Mao kini nga ang sabong “klaro” nga pagsimang sa atong pagmatngon.

Dali rang ingnon nga kining atong gisulti mao ang pagkontra sa sabong. Apan atong ipaklaro nga kini mga panlantaw lamang. Lahi ang mga panlantaw sa mga sabongero; sama ra usab kalahi sa panlantaw sa dili sabongero. Ang pagpilosopiya mao ang pagtapok sa nagkadaiyang panlantaw aron mahimo kining mapuslanon sa atong pagtuon ug pagtuki sa realidad sa katilingban.

Sa nobela ni Jose Rizal, gisaway niya ang sabong isip “usa sa mga bisyo sa katawhan, sobra pa kakaylap kaysa opyo sa mga Insik.” Klaro nga aduna poy dugang nga kinahanglan makat-onan si Rizal.

Social Justice and Mining

Introduction

No one really talked much about mining when I was going to school. It was one of those activities engaged in by a relatively small number of people and its effects were not well understood. Things have. changed. While no one will contest that in the modern world we need the products of mining for such things as mobile phones, computers, skyscrapers and the like, there are concerns about the cost of mining on the environment. The desire has been to understand what “responsible mining” is. Even as some Philippine activists’ positions have been characterized as “anti-mining,” the thrust is less to ban mining activities absolutely from the country, but to hold it in abeyance until a broader consensus is achieved as to what responsible mining policy might be, and until the country clearly has the structures and competent personnel to enforce responsible mining.

Because of the various interests involved, finding consensus on responsible mining is elusive. I believe that the more Philippine citizens and their friends participate in a competent discussion on mining and its effect, the better. Why? On the one hand, the Philippine Constitution declares that minerals belong to the State. This means that originally they do not belong to owners of land titles, nor are they the preserve of private interest groups, whether these are foreign capitalists or indigenous peoples (IPs). They belong to. the State —to the Filipino people. Thus, the public policy that governs the use of minerals, including Executive Order (EO) 79 as well as Republic Act (RA) 7942 or the Philippine Mining Act of 1995, is the concern of all who are its, owners.

The Call of the Common Good

There is another, arguably even more fundamental reason why people should participate in this discussion. This is a principle espoused by the social doctrine of the Catholic Church. It teaches that there is a social mortgage on private property. While the church has consistently recognized the validity of private property in the human being’s fulfillment of personal and family needs, private property is encumbered by a “social mortgage” and must contribute to the common good (Laborem exercens, no. 14). Short of this the legitimacy of private property is lost: “The right to private property is subordinated to the right to common use, to the fact that goods are means for everyone” (Laborem exercens, no. 14). This is a powerful doctrine inviting reflection on the manner in which property in society in general is handled. It is embedded in a principle called the “universal destination of all created goods” (Sollicitudo rei socialis, no. 42)—the doctrine that all goods created by God are for the good of all. Where the constitution states that minerals belong to all, and the church teaches that even minerals are numbered among created goods with a “universal destination”—the good of all, the search for a rational policy on mining cannot exclude “the good of all,” that is, the common good. In fact, the Philippine Constitution’s acclaimed “centerpiece,” its Article XIII on Social Justice, states: “The Congress shall give highest priority to the enactment of measures that protect and enhance the right of all the people to human dignity, reduce social, economic and political inequalities, and remove cultural inequalities by equitably diffusing wealth and political power for the common good” (Sec. 1). This is an ongoing mandate. It enacts laws in pursuit of the common good. It repeals, amends, and perpetually improves laws toward the greater pursuit of the common good. This greater pursuit of the common good is the pursuit of social justice.

No laws are perfect. Agreements and activities undertaken under laws are often imperfect and harmful to the common good, even if they are legal. The pursuit of social justice warrants the repeal and ongoing reform of laws, just as the pursuit of social justice warrants the cancellation of agreements that militate against the common good. If a law were to be enacted that would cause harm to all women and children in a male chauvinistic society, it is ultimately in pursuit of social justice (and not just political advantage) that such law should be repealed. If a contract would deprive large numbers of babies from necessary nourishment, it is in pursuit of social justice that such contract should be repealed. Social justice provides the ultimate rationality for a law, or the compelling warrant for its repeal. Commutative justice, which compels the fulfillment of contracts, and distributive justice, which distributes benefits and burdens in the maintenance of society, find their legitimacy in social justice and are subordinated to it. When they harm social justice, in social justice they are to be overcome.

Law, Rationality, and Social Justice

The rationality of laws must be anchored in social justice. If a law is not socially just, activities and agreements under that law become socially unjust, and so can never be legitimated simply because they comply with the law. What is legal is not necessarily socially just, and therefore not necessarily moral. Human beings who take responsibility for society must be sensitive to this. Existing laws may advance the common good, or advance the common good merely partially, or may militate against the common good. Who makes this call? It is the people, yourselves and myself, weighing the various forces and constraints which affect us in our current society, asserting a certain shared wisdom achieved by and for whole of society in history, who make this call.

For instance, if a law were to give a group of people a monopoly over fresh air in exchange for large taxes paid to the state, but this law were to deprive poor people of the air they need to breath, no matter how legitimately enacted, the people could declare this law socially unjust and act toward its repeal. Until it is repealed, in social justice, they could act to undermine it. Of course, enforcers of the law could defend the unjust law. But because it is defended does not mean it is just, and the stuff of heroism and martyrdom is when people undermine existing social structures in the pursuit of social justice.

Where our intention is to search for what responsible mining especially in the light of perceived sins against social justice of the laws currently governing mining policy, it is thoroughly unsatisfying if it is argued that “responsible mining is achieved when the current laws governing mining are complied with.” Where especially RA 7942, first, notoriously allows a fiscal regime which does not give the Filipino people, who are the owners of the minerals, a fair share of the product and, second, fails today to effectively protect the environment, especially in the light of expected climate change impacts, a claim “to responsible mining” because of compliance to this law dodges the issues raised in social justice.

This is what I tried to point out in an earlier article. If responsible mining is to be based on a certain rationality, what is “rational” for the investor is quite irrational for the environmentalist; what is “rational” for the B’laans or the T’boli peoples is irrational for the military; what is “rational” and necessary for the government is “irrational” for the free private sectors. In the end, rationality must be decided on by the autonomous people in a given historical moment defining what is socially just.

Mining under RA 7942

In a powerpoint presentation entitled “To mine or not to mine: The case of the Tampakan copper gold project: Mindanao, Philippines” presented by Dr. Esteban C. Godilano of the University of the Philippines (UP), with contributions by Atty. Christian Monsod (referred to hereafter as: G.M.), they speak of four conditions for allowing mining in the Philippines. I believe it is their position on what “responsible mining” is. These conditions are:

a. “the environmental, economic and social costs are accounted for in evaluating mining projects;
b. “the country gets a full and fair share of the values of extracted resources;
c. “the institutional capabilities of the government to evaluate and regulate mining activities are put in place; and
d. “since mining uses up non-renewable natural capital, the money from mining are specifically used to create new capital such as more developed human resources and infrastructure, particularly in the rural areas” (G.M., Slide 22).

Where under RA 7942 and EO 270-A, providing for the aggressive development of Philippine mining, we still do not have the tools and disciplines to account for the full costs of mining projects, where we admit the people are not getting their full and fair share of mineral products, where the institutional capabilities of government to evaluate and regulate mining activities are not in place, where we have not devised a scheme to exploit the benefits of extracting these non-renewable resources in new capital and infrastructure projects, we have warrant for stating that mining continues to be irresponsible and socially unjust.

This brings me to a key problem with E0 79. Where the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of the Philippines (CBCP) in “A Statement of Concern on the Mining Act of 1995” in 1998 called for the repeal of RA 7942, the EO continues to lean on it for its effectivity. Of course, the Executive can only rely on existing law for any EO. But the EO seems to show no sensitivity for the ills wrought by RA 7942 as pointed out by the bishops. “The adverse social impact on the affected communities, especially on our indigenous brothers and sisters, far outweighs the gains promised by large-scale mining operations. Our people living in the mountains and along the affected shorelines can no longer avail of the bounty of nature. Rice fields are devastated and bays rich with seafoods become health hazards.” The bishops’ call was reiterated in 2006: “We reaffirm our stand for the repeal of the Mining Act of 1995. We believe that the mining act destroys life. The right to life is inseparable from their right to sources of food and livelihood. Allowing the interests of big mining corporations to prevail over people’s right to these sources amounts to violating their right to life.”

EO 79 on Mining: A Mixed Bag

Leaning on RA 7942, EO 79 is a mixed bag.

Environmental consciousness and concern today is a powerful force. EO 79, reiterating the constitutional right of the Filipino to a balanced and healthy ecology, certainly asserts the need to protect the environment. This is demonstrated in the “areas closed to mining applications” of Section 1.

Beyond those already articulated in Section 19 of RA 7942 and in the National Integrated Protected Area System (NIPAS) or RA 7586, it also includes:

a. Prime agricultural lands, in addition to lands covered by RA No. 6657, or the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Law of 1988, as amended, including plantations and areas devoted to valuable crops, and strategic agriculture and fisheries development zones and fish refuge and sanctuaries declared as such by the Secretary of the Department of Agriculture (DA);

b. Tourism development areas, as identified in the National Tourism Development Plan; and

c. Other critical areas, island ecosystems, and impact areas of mining as determined by current and existing mapping technologies, that the Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR) may hereafter identify pursuant to existing laws, rules and regulations, such as but not limited to, the NIPAS Act.

But the EO also states:

Mining contracts, agreements and concessions approved before the effectivity of the Order shall continue to be valid, binding, and enforceable so long as they strictly comply with existing laws, rules and regulations and the terms and conditions of the grant thereof. For this purpose, review and monitoring of such compliance shall be undertaken periodically.

For the People, “Zero to Nil”

Section 4 of EO 79, however, makes the grant of now mineral agreements contingent on new legislation “rationalizing existing revenue sharing schemes and mechanisms.”

The existing revenue regime is irrational or socially unjust. This is because with RA 7942, foreign mining investments with 100 percent foreign equity were not possible, overtaking the previous policy of sixty percent Filipino and only forty percent foreign equity. The RA 7942 further limited the government share from Mineral Production Sharing Agreements (MPSA) to two percent: “The total government share in a mineral production sharing agreement shall be excise tax of mineral products as provided in RA No. 7729” (RA 7729, Sec. 80), while the state is the owner of the product. The excise tax however is not a share in the product itself. The state gets, as Justice Carpio puts it, “Zero to Nil” of the product.

On the other hand, through the Foreign Technical Assistance Agreement (FTAA), the state enters into an agreement with a mining firm as a “contractor.” The state’s share again consists in taxes, fees and duties, which are not a direct share in the product. It gets an additional share “only if the contractor’s net income after tax amounts to more than forty percent share of gross output.” Historically, however, this is a practical impossibility. Again, therefore, in the FTAA the state’s share in the product is “Zero to Nil.”

Challenging the Validity of Existing Contracts

If the state so clearly sees that this is socially unjust, why would it not in its EO 79 more aggressively challenge the validity of existing contracts based on RA 7942 in the name of social justice? If the provisions of the law themselves are socially unjust, are not the contracts closed under these conditions voidable? Where there is so much poverty in the Philippines, should we allow these contracts to continue to rob the Filipino people of their patrimony? Through these contracts under RA 7942 the state is practically giving away the people’s mineral for free! Lamentably, EO 79 declares the contracts valid without having first worked out a program so that extracted minerals, which are non-renewable, can better contribute to the development of human capital and infrastructure that would uplift our poor rather than the profit margins of foreign investors and wealthy capitalists (cf G.M.).

More Rational Environmental Regime Required

Furthermore, where the ED calls on congress to enact a more rational fiscal regime, why does it not also call on congress to legislate a more rational regime of environmental protection? What protects the people from repetitions of the Marcopper Mining disaster of 1996, which Marcopper walked away from with practical impunity? Open-pit mining is no longer allowed in developed countries like the US and Canada. Why does the EO remain neutral to the law that allows it for our fragile island ecosystem, oblivious to the country’s vulnerability to acid mine drainage through open-pit mining? Why does it seem even to support open-pit mining by its Section 12, where it challenges the local ordinances prohibiting open-pit mining in their jurisdiction? Secretary Ramon Paje of DENR actually stated that the apparent conflict between the ordinance of South Cotabato prohibiting open-pit mining and the national law RA 7942 was to be addressed by this provision. Does the national law RA 7942 which favors foreign miners outweigh the national law RA 7160 and Administrative Order 270 which is the Local Government Code (LGC) and its Implementing Rules and Regulations (IRR)? These mandate the local government units (LGUs) to enact measures that protect the local environment. So what does the EO intend when it says: “LGUs shall confine themselves only to the imposition of reasonable limitations on mining activities conducted within their respective territorial jurisdictions that are consistent with national laws and regulations” (RD 79, Sec. 12)? Is environmental protection not “reasonable”? Is it asking the Department of Interior and Local Government (DILG) to militate against the enforcement of the LGC?

These questions are raised parallel to the laudable declaration by the EO that existing contracts are valid conditionally, only “so long as they strictly comply with existing law, rules, and regulations and the terms and conditions of the grant thereof.” This means that their validity is assailable when they violate existing laws, for example, through the devastation of old growth forests, the manipulation of the Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC), and the like. The call for the review of existing contracts from this vantage point is therefore happy news. The review however should not be periodic, but ongoing.

Bring “Work in Progress” Forward in Social Justice

EO 79 is a mixed bag. It recognizes the imperative to protect the environment. But it is weak in its reliance on RA 7942. It has not brought about a consensus on “responsible mining.”

On the other hand, Atty. Christian Monsod has described it as “a work in progress.” This should be progress in and for social justice rather than just for the private benefit of the mining investors. While the administration continues to rely on RA 7942 for now, it should work proactively for better mining legislation not just for an improved fiscal regime but for improved environment protection. Considering the limited capacity of the government to oversee and evaluate the mining activities throughout the country, the Mining Industry Coordinating Council (MICC) referred to in EO 79, Section 9, needs the active participation of climate change specialists, environmental scientists and anthropologists, as well as representatives from religion and civil society for the oversight of mining projects that are open and not violently hostile to the scrutiny of the public. In the end, together, in a convergence of conscience, we must take responsibility for mining policy that is not just legal but socially just. After all, the minerals belong to all. On all minerals, there is a social mortgage.